Category: Thursday

  • National Youth Service Corps posting

    On Friday July 11, the directorate of the NYSC took a page in The Nation to warn the public about fake medical reports by corps members seeking concessional deployment and relocation. This advertisement is definitely in order but I take an objection to a part of it, warning parents and guidance to accept wherever their children are posted to in the national interest and in the spirit of the decree setting up the NYSC after the Nigerian Civil War.

    Most parents and potential corps members know about the spirit of promoting national unity which inspired General Yakubu Gowon’s regime to set up the National Youth Service Corps. Nobody can dispute the need and the necessity for national unity but unity is for the living and not the dead. The memory of the 15 youth corps members who were killed in Bauchi and six earlier ones who were killed in Jos should still be fresh in our minds and if not fresh in our minds but certainly in the minds of the parents of the dead.

    Another period of posting is on us and this should be the time to engage in a rational discussion on posting of youth corps members. The idea is that corps members should not serve in their own states or states where they were born. Sometimes this has been stretched to include corps member’ cultural areas or zones. Whatever the criteria are, the most fundamental and guiding principle is not to put our children in harm’s way.

    I currently teach in a private university and I know how much parents spend to educate and maintain their children and I also know how much effort teachers in this private university invest in teaching their students which is not like what goes on in public schools where students and staff maintain adversarial relationships which is neither conducive to teaching, impartation of knowledge and learning. This is to say as a citizen, a father and a grandfather, I have vested interest in the survival of young people generally because a country without young people has no future. I also have vested interest in the survival of my current students because of the in loco parentis relations which have existed between me and them over the years.

    I am for national unity and I believe all reasonable Nigerians are for the same. I am also a realist and it is a fact that some parts of our country are unfortunately distressed and consequently unsafe for all citizens including youth corps members. We all know that Boko Haram has declared war on Nigeria and is killing in the process, just anybody it can find without provocation irrespective of religion, region and tribe. All those who can escape from them have relocated to safer parts of the country and those who cannot escape have taken to self-help of arming themselves.

    Surely we do not expect parents to buy guns for their children who are going on National Youth Service. The point I am laboriously making is that no country has the right to send the children of citizens in the name of National Youth Service to places where the probability of being killed is very high. If we all agree to this argument and we all also desire that the youth service should continue, then as rational human beings we should for the time being stop posting people to states where the security of the corps members cannot be guaranteed.

    These states unfortunately would include all the states in the north-east of our dear country including Borno, Yobe, Bauchi, Adamawa, Gombe and Taraba. For the time being also, no corps member should be posted to Benue and Plateau states which are currently facing the onslaught of so-called herdsmen or possibly Boko Haram disguised as Fulani herdsmen. There have of course been terrorist incidents in places like Kano, Sokoto, Katsina and Kaduna but these are few and far between so while holding our breath as parents, we can accept posting to these areas. I would have added to this list of unsafe places, Rivers and Bayelsa but thank God the incidence of kidnapping in the two states seems to have abated.

    What is left of Nigeria where youth corps members can be deployed is still sufficiently large and culturally diversified that the purpose of youth service can continue to be maintained. But for goodness sake, do not let anybody be posted to the states that are unsafe and be told to first report there before asking for relocation. No parent should be made to go through that ordeal. My advice to any such parent would be to sue the federal government and ask for huge cost. Our constitution makes the right to life and liberty our fundamental right. It is about time that these fundamental human rights are made actionable in the courts of law and somebody should blaze the trail and get judgement in this regard. As citizens, most Nigerians do not ask for much from their government.

    Nowadays unlike in my own time, right from kindergarten, primary schools, secondary schools and universities, some parents pay through their noses to educate their children. Even children who go through public schools including public universities are also educated at high and expensive costs to their parents. We are told Nigeria is a rich country but can we in all honesty say that the average individual benefits from this common wealth where wealth is not common? One of the fundamental functions of government is personal and collective security; our government that has failed in this regard has no right to call on parents and guardians to volunteer their graduate children for slaughter in the name of national unity.

    When peace would have returned to this country which we all pray for, then I will be ready to send my grandchildren to Maiduguri and Jos voluntarily without being forced to do so for the sake of national unity. After all I, as a young person went to Jos and Maiduguri to perform Yeoman assignment in helping to build the universities in the two towns. I must say I thoroughly enjoyed my stay there. But that was another time and age when things were normal in our country. If this appeal fails, then the staff of the NYSC secretariat must show leadership by first sending their own children into harm’s way.

    It is no use for the secretariat staff sitting in their air conditioned offices in Abuja, drinking tea and eating cakes while sending the children of the poor people to Maiduguri and asking them to report first before seeking redeployment. This is patently unfair and it is this unfairness and injustice which are eroding peoples’ love for their country.

     

  • The burden of a nation

    TERROR. This six-letter word has unfortunately become the face of Nigeria. Hardly a day passes that hoodlums do not strike, especially in the north and whenever they do they leave death, destruction, sorrow, tears and blood. In the past five years, we have known no rest from these terrorists who appear not ready to stop their dastardly acts.

    To many Nigerians, the face of this terror is Boko Haram. They may be right because the Islamic sect seems to have declared war on the country, with the way it has been killing and maiming people in the Northeastern  states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe.  The Northwestern states of Kaduna and Kano have also  joined the league of states under terror attacks.

    Could it be Boko Haram that is operating in these two leading  Northwestern states? Or could it be the handiwork of another group, which is banking on the public blaming it all on  Boko Haram? The public should not be blamed if it fingers Boko Haram for  attacks in Kaduna and Kano in the last few days  because they carry the sect’s  imprimatur.

    Until the sect claims responsibility for these attacks, the citizenry should give it the benefit of doubt. Many will not want to hear that – give Boko Haram benefit of doubt when it is known for such attacks!  This actually is the  problem. Some people somewhere may be using these attacks as a ploy to destabilise the country, knowing that the incidents may not be traced to them since there is a  fall guy – Boko Haram – to always carry the can.

    Yes, Boko Haram is evil, but let us look beyond the sect in unmasking the perpetrators of the Kaduna and Kano attacks. If we do not do this, I am afraid, we may never win the war against terror. Boko Haram, we all know, but what about the other faceless  groups that are  wreaking havoc on the country, using the dreaded Islamic sect as cover?

    Indeed, we are lucky as  President Goodluck Jonathan said on Sunday  that former Head of State Gen Muhammadu Buhari was not killed during last Wednesday’s attack on his convoy in Kaduna. If Buhari had been killed as the President noted, the nation would have been in turmoil. Buhari narrowly escaped death, but over 100 others were not so lucky. Must we continue to lose our compatriots this way? Week in, week out, we lose hundreds of people to these recurring  terror attacks.

    The worst part of it is that there is no sign of respite. It means that we will continue to be at these hoodlums’  mercy  for as long as they wish. Can our country afford that? Of course, we cannot, but what can the people do in the face of the  seeming helplessness of the  security agencies. The other day, the Chief of Army Staff, Lt Kenneth Minimah, said soldiers are handicapped in the war against terror because they were not trained for such. What this means is that we are in  for a long haul with these perpetrators of evil.

    Boko Haram, we know, but who are the others making life uneasy  for Nigerians? It is only when we are able to identify the others, that is assuming Boko Haram is not the sole evil doer, that we will be able to stop these terror agents, who struck in Kano barely 24 hours after the Kaduna incident.  For now, we do not know where they will strike next. Kano, however,  seems to be their main target. They have hit the North’s commercial nerve centre thrice in the last five days.

    To add to  the series of bloodbath, Boko Haram came on the scene last weekend, rampaging through Kano, Adamawa and  Cameroon, where the sect kidnapped the country’s vice Prime Minister’s wife and killed three persons. In three villages in Adamawa, they killed 30 persons and abducted a village head. A family comprising the father, his son, daughter-in-law and maid were killed by a bomb thrown at a church congregation. All these happened during  the celebration of the Sallah festival to mark the end of Ramadan.

    As if this is not enough, the nation is being buffeted on other fronts by Ebola and a  gale of impeachments. In Nasarawa State, Governor Tanko Al-Makura is battling to save his job. The House of Assembly is determined to impeach him  just as the lawmakers in Adamawa did to Governor Muritala  Nyako a few days ago. Al-Makura and Nyako are members of the All Pogressives Congress (APC), which is determined to wrest power from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in 2015. PDP is not ready to let go of  power just  like that and it is  determined to use everything in its arsenal to crush the leading opposition party.

    There are also speculations that the Houses of Assembly in Edo, Rivers and Oyo may move against Governors Adams Oshiomhole, Rotimi Amaechi and Abiola Ajimobi. Ask the lawmakers why they are making such move and you are likely to get  the mantra  ”gross misconduct”. Under the Constitution, the lawmakers are empowered to impeach a governor for gross misconduct, but it does not define what amounts to  gross misconduct. So, Houses of Assembly have been hiding under this indefinable phrase to cause all sorts of legislative mumbo-jumbo in order  to impeach a governor whose face  they do not like.

    The Constitution demands that details of the gross misconduct must be specified but in most cases what the lawmakers itemise are laughable, but they usually have their way because they have the number or, at times, the backing of  the central authority. This week, Al-Makura is expected to appear before the panel raised by the Chief Judge, Justice Suleiman Dikko, to probe the allegations of ”gross misconduct” against him. Many will be shocked if the panel absolves him of the lawmakers’ allegations. These panels are a smokescreen for lawmakers to do whatever they want with an ‘uncooperative’  governor.

    Like play, like play, Ebola has sneaked into the country through a Liberian,  Patrick Sawyer, who  died  of the disease last Friday,  about five days after his arrival in the country for an Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) event  in Calabar, Cross River State. Since Ebola  is said to be highly contagious, the fear is do we have what it takes to contain the deadly disease?  We have heard the authorities speak on efforts so far made to check the spread of the disease.

    We commend their efforts, but they need to do more in order not to endanger the lives of millions of Nigerians. Are they sure that one of  those that the late Sawyer came in contact with has not escaped, carrying the deadly virus without him or her unwittingly? Whenever I see those treating Ebola patients in their coveralls, I get a chill down my spine. Is that how bad Ebola is, I ask subconsciously, while praying that it does not get here.

    Now that it is here, how do we fight  it beyond the personal hygiene of washing our hands with soap and water? This is the question we must  address our minds to before the disease spreads like wildfire.

  • PDP’s desperation to control our tomorrow

    What can be described as President Jonathan’s Freudian slip occurred during the breaking of Ramadan fast with senators and members of the diplomatic corps at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, last Thursday when without necessarily claiming to be a mind reader said to his visitors: “one thing that is dear to your hearts is what the elections in this country will look like next year; it will be very peaceful in nature, that it will even surprise the whole world”. That was all  sceptics needed to confirm their fears that nothing else matter in Abuja besides obsession with 2015 election  All pretence to governance and other government projects  including the inconclusive N8 billion Confab that many had thought was designed to address most of the problems bedevilling the nation before the election were but a ruse to divert attention.

    But if you asked me, I would say the concern of many Nigerians who today entertain fear about their future and those of their children is not 2015; that their concern and indeed the worries of the international community today are the over 200 impressionable school girls marooned in Sambisa forest 100 days after their abduction from their school dormitories. It is about sense of guilt, daily anguish and nightmares which all Nigerians who have daughters share with the parents of the abducted girls. It is about  finding solution to daily harvests of deaths in north eastern states of Nigeria and in particular the Chibok district where rampage and  killing accompanied with destruction take place unchallenged nearly on daily basis.  It is about monumental corruption in government. It is about the missing $20 billion as alleged by Lamido Sanusi the former CBN governor, or the over $10 billion yet to be accounted for as admitted by government through the minister of finance. It is about our army of unemployed university graduates roaming the streets. It is about the outcome of the Confab Nigerians had hoped would chart a better future for them and their children.

    If Nigerians have a choice between addressing their current worries and 2015, they will probably wish 2015 away. Many now believe the scheming for 2015 by those who have indicated they will win “whether the people voted for them or not” (apology to Chief Remi Fani-Kayode for this infamous threat made and actualized in the first republic) is not about them. Many leading lights of PDP have continued to boast the party would rule for the next 60 years and that it would do anything to ensure power doesn’t slip off their hands. Only few days back, while the president was admitting that Muhammadu Buhari has a massive following in the country, an admission that should ordinarily pose a threat to those who have faith in democracy as a game of numbers, Olisa Metuh the PDP national publicity secretary also issued a statement dismissing Buhari and his massive support as posing no threat to PDP. “He lost three times to our great party in the past presidential election and will lose the fourth time if he emerges the candidate of the APC”.

    Tarry a while before questioning the basis of this overconfidence. To Metuh’s boast, add that of Tony Anenih, the celebrated PDP Mr. Fixer who recently arrogantly reassured his PDP members by declaring “when it is time for election, PDP will do what it knows how to do-win”. Add that to the president’s “it will be very peaceful in nature, it will even surprise the whole world”; then you can start to interrogate if indeed these men are talking about democracy and election as games of numbers.

    And more. When you now imagined this feeling of ‘force majeure’ or we have won even before candidates are known is  coming from a party that has an unenviable record of having many of its past chairmen, and elected governors either in jail, in court, or on the run from justice, on charges of corruption; whose flag bearer’s record in office has been less than  impressive whether in fighting corruption, arresting infrastructural decay or ensuring security of life and property, and who was recently described by New York Times editorial as “Mr. Jonathan, who leads a corrupt government that has little credibility and whose deeply troubled government cannot protect its people, attract investment, lead the country to its full potential and cannot contain a virulent insurgency” – a damning verdict that instead of being contested, led the government to hire a Washington based Public Relations firm- Levick Strategic Communications  to assist in promoting “transparency, democracy, and the rule of law throughout Nigeria”, it is only then you can appreciate PDP probably plan an improved version of Obasanjo’s “do or die election” for 2015.

    When a party with despicable antecedents openly boasts of winning election even before candidates declared interests, they are probably not thinking of democracy where elections serve as verdict for performance or failure. What they have in mind is probably the replication of Ekiti’s unique form of participatory democratic experiment   where a performing governor was defeated by deeply tainted candidate in an election where 200,000 voters decided the fate of about two million people under the combined supervision of card carrying PDP ministers of defence and police affairs leading 35,000 military and other security personnel, armed with a list of opposition members to be put under house arrest on the eve of the election.

    Morning as they say shows the day. With the lawlessness of a few PDP lawmakers in Port Harcourt, Edo  and the gale of impeachment in Adamawa and Nasarawa of governors for misdemeanours  they perpetrated as PDP members three years before their defection to join the opposition party, with EFCC that for seven years was unable to successfully prosecute former governor Boni Haruna now a minister or an Ayo Fayose now a governor elect  and a body that has for close to three years failed to make appreciable progress in prosecuting  the children of PDP former chairmen Ahmadu Alli and Bamanga Tukur for their alleged involvement in oil subsidy scam, now embarking on a frenzy of  freezing account of opposition governors even before they are served with notices of impeachment, one can no more take the determination of PDP to secure a landslide victory in 2015 for granted.

    By his actions, inactions or acquiescence, the president is not in a haste to disabuse the minds of sceptics who insist that neither ethics nor morality matters in the battle for 2015 which started with the president’s curious support for Pastor Jonah Jang who lost the Governors’ Forum election by 13 votes to Amaechi’s 16. Jang did not only go to church to celebrate his victory but accompanied the president on pilgrimage to the Holy Land probably to celebrate victory as well as atone for perfidy. The president has also maintained a dignified silence as lawless lawmakers who claim to fight in his name make Rivers and Edo states ungovernable. In Adamawa, 2015 more than Nyako’s unfounded allegations against the president over his handling of the war against the Boko Haram insurgency led to his ouster In neighbouring Borno State where everything -from setback by our ill-equipped military to the abduction of the Chibok girls which PDD and the president’s wife initially claimed was a ruse to discredit Jonathan presidency, was blamed on the governor.

    And now the president’s good gesture of providing   armoured utility vehicle that finally saved Buhari’s life during last week assassination attempt has been described as a Greek gift to prepare the ground for explanation of the result of 2015 election by sceptics who think that for the battle of 2015, no conspiracy theory no matter how bizarre or tenuous should be thrown away.  In the event of an expected  curious landslide victory in 2015, a humble godly president-elect of a discredited party can turn around claiming his efforts after all once saved Buhari’s life, if he is defeated the fourth time by those who currently control our lives and insist on controlling our tomorrow.

  • Nigeria’s vital signs getting more and more faint

    As I sit down to write this column this morning, I feel like the small American boy whose story I heard recently. Let’s call him John. John and his mother are alone in the house. Mother suddenly slumps to the ground and appears to be dying. John picks up the phone and dials the emergency number, 911, and a 911 operator answers. John says, “Mom’s lying on the ground, not moving”. The 911 operator asks, “Is she breathing?” “Yes”, answers John, sobbing, “but her breathing is getting littler and littler”.

    It shakes me up to say, “Nigeria’s vital signs are getting littler and littler”. But, sadly, it is true. Look in any important direction, what you’ll see most of the time is decline, decay, and rot – and each one of them getting worse and worse.

    Oh, I know, I know. Some ‘super-patriots’ would hurry to point out that Nigeria’s economy was rated Africa’s largest economy only three weeks ago. That’s true. How could anybody forget that? But, what does “largest economy in Africa’” mean to us Nigerians? How has it benefited our lives? Our own federal government has been honest enough to tell us that nearly 70% of Nigerians live in “absolute poverty” – meaning that nearly 70% of us skimp, starve and suffer on just one US dollar per day! And more and more of us are falling into this condition of “absolute poverty”.

    Our Minister of Power said a month ago that less than 50% of Nigerians have access to electricity. Compare that with Egypt where 99.6% of the citizens have access to electricity – or with South Africa with 75.8%, or even Ghana with 60.5%.Our situation is not only horrible, it is in fact getting worse. Some five years ago, about 50.6% of Nigerians had access to electricity. But that is not all. At any given time, even the few Nigerians who have access to electricity can only expect steady service for only a few hours per day – or even per week. And the implication is heavy. Electricity is the energy that moves the economy of our world; without it, the ability to produce goods is seriously stunted. Therefore, this one factor – lack of access to electricity –is one of the most devastating causes of our poverty in Nigeria. Every government of ours gives us glowing promises about it; but none ever does anything measurable about it. Predictably, it will continue to get worse, not better.

    The same decline and decay are true of most other aspects of our lives in Nigeria. Look around you. In many towns that had pipe-borne water in the 1950s, the water no longer runs in many streets where it used to run – because the pipes have rusted away. Public school buildings are deteriorating in most of our states, and the quality of education has fallen and keeps falling. Even some of the most important of our highways (like the Lagos-Ibadan expressway) have collapsed and become death-traps.

    For the most part, the root has been cut from under our economic well-being. Overwhelmed by   the almost sudden emergence of large mineral oil revenues in our economy, our rulers shifted all attention to the mineral oil and pursued policies that have virtually destroyed those factors that had begun to build our prosperity during the years before independence. By 1960, our country was the world’s largest exporter of groundnuts and palm produce, and the second largest exporter of cocoa. The income from these exports (with cocoa in the lead as foreign exchange earner), and from many other smaller export products, strongly upheld our economy and put fairly respectable incomes into the hands of our common people. By the 1980s, all these had vanished, and we were no longer serious exporters of groundnuts, palm produce and cocoa. Meanwhile, our rulers and leaders had established a powerful culture of corruption around the mineral oil revenues – becoming vicious, insensitive and self-indulgent robber-millionaires, and making it impossible for the benefits of the oil wealth to reach the lives of our common people.

    These are the fundamental reasons why our people are now so desperately poor, why there is so much unemployment among our people, why nearly every Nigerian is scrambling to get some share from the stolen oil money, and why we are sharply losing creativity as a country. It is the reason why our governments and public services have deteriorated abysmally and are still deteriorating. It is the reason why our infrastructures (roads, electricity, water systems, schools, communication systems, hospitals, etc)are all steadily deteriorating. It is the reason why our leading universities, once proud centres of academic excellence, have lost their edge. It is the reason why there is such horrifying insecurity – crimes, conflicts, terrorism – in our country. Our country is one of the most unsafe places in peace-time in the world.

    In the context of all these, participation in politics has ceased to have the objective of serving country and people; it has become a route to getting access to, in order to steal, the oil revenues. Legally (through allocating indefensible remunerations to themselves), and illegally (through countless practices of corruption and graft), Nigerian politicians have made themselves the best paid politicians on earth. Year after year for decades, Nigeria has been counted among the most corrupt countries in the world.

    In both the federal and state governments, elected legislatures have ceased to have any meaningful role in our country. It has become their central preoccupation to rival the people in the executives in the sharing of the stolen oil revenues. In the process, the legislatures have traded away their constitutional power of oversight over the executive arm of government and over the use of public money. More or less, whenever we hear any noise from them nowadays, it is because they are quarrelling with the executive folks over their own pay or over the magnitude of the bribes they are getting from the executive folks. As for most elected Local Government councilors, all they do these days is to share their Local Government allocations.

    All other agencies of order in our country have caved in and collapsed – the police, the military, the secret service, the electoral commission – all. Nigerians live today with the sickening reality that their military forces are so riddled with corruption and inefficiency that they simply no longer command the capability to defend any of our towns or villages against even hoodlums like Boko Haram.

    When our president inaugurated a National Conference three months ago, very many Nigerians, including me, hoped for great changes to follow. Now we all know that we were deceiving ourselves. Worthy changes can’t happen here.

    What then is left of Nigeria? Not much. Many Nigerians would say, “Nothing”. How can a country so comprehensively abused keep living?

    A visitor to Nigeria remarked that Nigeria is a failed state that somehow manages to keep a semblance of standing. An eminent Nigerian remarked that if nothing changes, Nigeria would break up.  Another pleads that all that is important now is that we should do our best to break up peacefully. What then is in the future for Nigeria?

  • On the proposed National (Emergency) Intervention Fund

    On the proposed National (Emergency) Intervention Fund

    The Committee on Devolution of the National Conference has submitted to the Conference a recommendation that a National Intervention Fund be established for the ‘stabilisation, rehabilitation and reconstruction of areas affected by terrorism and insurgency’, specifically in the North East, North Central and North West in the first instance, and any other part of the country where such intervention might be needed in future.

    The draft of the recommendation was carefully crafted by its sponsors to allay fears that it favours the North. But it does and, understandably, there have been some strong objections from delegates from the South-South to the proposal on the grounds that the Fund, when established, should instead be national in scope and execution, and not confined to some parts of the North, even in the first instance as specified by the sponsors of the proposal.

    This objection is real and should not be dismissed. It is no doubt a reflection of the deep ethnic and regional mistrust that continues to dominate Nigeria’s politics, and which makes it difficult for a consensus to emerge on any critical national issue. In this particular case, opposition to the proposal in the South is based on the fear that the South is again being short-changed by being called upon to pay for the lack of economic development in the North, the result of decades of economic mismanagement by its leaders. This deep and lingering mistrust between the North and South divide in Nigeria needs to be addressed and allayed for a consensus to emerge at the Conference on this critical issue of a National Intervention Fund. A consensus has emerged at the Conference for a five per cent increase in statutory allocation from 13 per cent to 18 per cent to the oil producing states from the federation accounts. Most Southern delegates now feel that the proposed five per cent increase in federal spending in the specified Northern states is intended to recover through the back door the proposed increased allocation to the oil bearing states in the South-South from the federation accounts which, on its own, has considerable merits.

    But the motive of those calling for this Fund should not be questioned even if it is intended for the rehabilitation of vast swathes of Northern Nigeria badly affected by the Boko Haram insurgency in which properties and lives have been destroyed, and thousands of people displaced. Even without the insurgency, Northern Nigeria needs more financial and material resources badly to make any economic progress at all, and to reduce the growing economic inequalities between the two halves of the country. When Lord Lugard ‘amalgamated’ Northern and Southern Nigeria in 1914, he admitted that it was largely for economic reasons. It was intended to pay for the administration of the vast Northern colonial territory. But despite the amalgamation, the North has remained economically backward when compared to the South. Yet, in land area, Northern Nigeria constitutes nearly two thirds of Nigeria. Because of its huge size, the North is of overriding political and economic importance to Nigeria. It cannot be ignored and the rest of the country must do all it can to assist the region to develop faster. Economic disparities between the North and South will not promote national unity. It is divisive and cannot be ignored. Nigeria cannot fully achieve its great economic potentials without special attention being paid to the peculiar economic circumstances in Northern Nigeria that have made it less developed than Southern Nigeria. The North has to be dragged along willy- nilly.

    The current Boko Haram insurgency in the North is a direct consequence of this economic divide after decades of economic neglect of the region by its own leaders. The mass poverty in the North was brought about largely by its leaders. This economic neglect is a major source of social and political instability in the region. But something concrete has to be done by way of increased material assistance to the region, even if such assistance represents a financial sacrifice by the other parts of the country. Poverty breeds religious extremism, bigotry, violence and social disorder. The insurgency in the North is more political than religious, as the insurgents attack both Muslims and Christians without any discrimination between the two. It is a rebellion against widespread poverty and social injustice, more prevalent in Northern Nigeria than in other parts of the country. This is why there is some support for the insurgency, particularly among the poor in the region. The primary objective of the insurgency is to discredit and destroy the existing social and political order in Northern Nigeria, which has tended on the whole to increase mass poverty in the region. A poor North will reinforce the regional division in the country and will make national integration more difficult to achieve.

    The insurgency, now spreading beyond the northern fringes of Northern Nigeria, to the heart of the nation in Abuja, will not be deterred by military means alone. This is becoming more and more evident as the military has admitted that it cannot cope with this kind of insurgency for which it is ill-prepared and poorly equipped. The Federal Government is seeking a foreign loan of $1 billion to beef up its security forces. To counter the insurgency, the nation needs a more mobile military that can respond more swiftly to security threats in any part of the country. The Nigerian military is too static to cope with the danger presented by the insurgents. But even a more mobile military will not necessarily solve the problem of insurgency in the North. It will only end when the unemployed youths in Northern Nigeria are given alternative economic opportunities that will make the moral assertions of the insurgents less attractive to them. In fact, the insurgency is now fully embedded in civil societies in the region, drawing its support from unemployed and ignorant youths, including women suicide bombers. In recent weeks, we have had suicide bombings in places such as Kano, Kaduna and Abuja that were previously thought to be safe. This is new and shows that we are now faced with a violent social phenomenon that requires large doses of material resources to resolve. This is why the proposed intervention fund is a step in the right direction.

    However, there are some flaws in the proposal that need to be addressed by its sponsors for it to secure wider support at the Conference. First, it is proposed that the five percent additional federal spending in the designated states, over N200 billion, is to be drawn from the budget of the Federal Government, and not the federation accounts. Funds should not be taken from the federation accounts to address regional problems. This is certainly fair, as the Federal Government has exclusive responsibility for law and order in the country. But the fact of the matter is that the Federal Government lacks the financial resources to meet this additional financial burden. The Federal Government is currently running a large deficit budget dominated by recurrent expenditure rather than capital expenditure. The proposed intervention fund will reduce funds available for capital expenditure which, over the years, has been falling steadily. The Federal Government will be hard put to execute vital capital projects if it is now required to spend five per cent of its budget in the rehabilitation of the designated states.

    Secondly, the proposed intervention Fund will command wider national support if it does not designate any particular states, even if it is only for five years in the first instance. The Fund should be made applicable to all states and parts of Nigeria that require rehabilitation. Such intervention funds already exist in the Delta region to compensate its people for the vast ecological degradation taking place there. It would be far better to leave the proposed Intervention Fund to the discretion of the Federal Government, and not make it mandatory.

    Thirdly, as it stands, the Fund derogates from the powers of the Federal Government as well as the Revenue Allocation Committee to share the national revenue on agreed basis. It will require an amendment of the Constitution for its implementation. It cannot be applied as a mere administrative measure by the Federal Government, even if the funds involved are going to be drawn from the federal budget. It is doubtful that it will secure the necessary support if taken to the National Assembly for passage. The history and record of special intervention funds in Nigeria is a sad one. There are several examples of this, such as the subsidy removal fund (SURE-P) that has simply been diverted to other purposes. These flaws will need to be addressed for the proposed Fund to generate any widespread support, or even enthusiasm.

  • Call to insurgency

    As rock hollows, tide after tide, glassily strand the sea, so do our hearts impede our spirited strides. We have grown older and our wisdom has shrunken the size of the Touch-me-not, at twilight.

    Like feudal lords over serfs, rapacious compatriots hold sway over us. The same families are still in charge because we let them be in charge; because we have refused to take charge.

    Change is still an annoying slogan we chant for the comfort of false hope. Now everybody is a revolutionaire. At sunrise through dusk, we bandy radical intervention in reckless abandon, as if our survival depends on it. I guess you’ve heard of the Rawlings option, the Idiagbon option, the Biafra option, the Niger Delta liberation and much more. Today, we have Boko Haram, a disillusioned military and a ruling class desperate to accelerate our voyage to self-destruct.

    Songs of revolution invade our air space from both sides of our mouths like head hunters from a medieval past. Now there are as many calls for revolution as our vanities. What manner of revolution? Is it the type that makes us wish peace on our tumultuous backyards by colouring our front yards with blood of defiant kin; those who dare to seethe?

    Is it the type mooted by deviants of afflicted orders of the past? Is it the type suggested by me in tireless fits of unmated angst? This revolution we incite, shall it spread like wildfire in harmattan to incite the guts of latent spirits? Shall it like past revolts douse the truth in favoured compatriots?

    On the bread lines, below our poverty lines, our talk is still of the struggle. Our struggle is still for the good life. Yet I won’t like Marx enthuse the incense of the muse, I won’t espouse his brilliant chapters to illumine the agonies of the working class.

    I shan’t like Engels excite the whims of scholarship nor would I espouse the philosophy of the millennium and analyze the workings of materialism, its benevolence to the lucky few, and its malevolence to the underdog.

    I am but an ordinary writer, a failed one to be precise, for I am yet to inspire me and you to take charge. Every day, I manage to shirk my responsibilities as a self-righteous member of the fourth estate lest I incur the wrath of tin gods.

    Like Russell, I could still make a case for Socialism. Like Rand, I could still prescribe the virtues of selfishness. Yesterday, I bandied Nietzsche-speak like our salvation depended on it, today I know better; misfortune won’t flee our portals just because we aspire to his gospel of greatness. There should be more to end our grief than the greatness of extraordinary folk. Apology to Nietzsche.

    Guess it’s about time I incite a Soviet-styled uprising and provoke the downtrodden to arms. Like Bolshevik, I could incite the working class to power, united around the mantra, ‘Bread, land, peace.’ Could I?

    Nothing will happen folks. Let Nietzsche re-emerge from the pages of history, Marx too, Engel, Bolshevik et al. No spent hero could prevail to tame or innate monstrosities and ingrained perversions.

    Every epoch with its chaos; every generation with its heroes, villainy and salvation.

    The files thicken. I guess you see how our heads confuse with answers more problematic than questions we ask, in the heat of our self-spawned maladies and defeat.

    We have put nerve to the claim that the elites and bread lines are incapable of running society by themselves, for themselves. We have become nemesis unto ourselves. Let us blame no other; our lives may not get better. It hasn’t gotten better because we never wanted it to get better.

    We who have perfected the art of double-speak would always know what it is to prey on the good life and never possess it. Shall we always imagine the comfort we seek or jostle for remnants of the excesses we allow the predators that be?

    Shall we always remain the slaves who cringe from the gatepost of freedom because freedom demands sweat, and purpose, and courage, and will? It is the will to be free that evades us and if I may more rightly put, it is the will for freedom that we seek to escape, because we have grown to dread freedom. We started to detest freedom the moment we understood that among other things, it demands that we sweat in order to attain it.

    Forget the revolutionary call. Our lives shan’t get better by any mass-peasant war; our fortunes shan’t improve in the wake of the Rawlings option. And lest I forget, Boko Haram is simply one of several mutations of the monstrosity we incarnate.

    Tell me, after we kill the privileged few breaking our virgin foals roughshod; after we eliminate the cabal pocketing the fortune of over 170 million for their miserly crew, who would take over? Who will guide us to the land of brilliant blossoms? You? Me? Perhaps the children we continue to raise as foetal adults? Are we any worthier than leadership we bemoan?

    Shall we become the messiahs of our dreams just because we eliminate the ogres making our lives a recurrent nightmare? The tiniest dark cloud shan’t flee our skies until we learn to become the model citizens that we seek.

    I moot a different kind of change. Call it a revolution if it pleases you. I speak for the temperament that would make us see the virtue in everything that is good and the vice in every bad thing, movement or trend.

    I speak of a revolution that would make a patriot of the corrupt and hero of the villain. Give us that revolution that makes saints of unrepentant sinners.

    I speak of change that would make the jobless walking home at dusk with the evening newspaper think not with erosive irreverence that perhaps he should let his love for the newsprint and his country wane.

    I speak of change that imbues courage, and faith, that we may learn to challenge degenerate leaders committed only to takings and discord. Give us that movement that would disregard our ‘liberal democracies’ and ‘vanguards of the free world; the axis we love to think as ‘not evil’ that we may continue to enjoy their glamorous aids with all that the perks that enslaves us.

    There is no super palliative anywhere. No ‘super power’ will save us. Only you and I can save us. Let there be attitudinal change. Let every parent desist from buying examination questions for their wards, before the exam. Let the electorate desist from expecting and demanding handouts from the elected representative. Let every public officer truly rise to the actual demands of his job. Let us stop paying lip-service to decency while we amplify villainy and vile far from the prying eyes of all.

    How pleasant our world would be if you and I become truly conscientious. How apt it would be if no magnate is allowed to acquire oil blocs except he can confidently explain, if he were to own a stake of the black gold, what effect it would have upon riverine poetry. Let us begin to contemplate and appreciate the thousandth part of the consequences of our actions. Oftentimes it’s the forgettable details that matter

  • Testimonials

    Testimonials

    LET us forget about them all – for a while.

    The thoughtless impeachment of former Adamawa Governor Murtala Nyako by a band of  lawbreakers and erratic errand boys posing as champions of decency; the buffoonery of replicating the #BringBackOurGirls protest; the buccaneering that is the plot to impeach Nasarawa Governor Tanko Al-Makura, his Rivers, Edo and Borno counterparts Rotimi Chibuike Amaechi, Adams Oshiomhole and Kashim Shettima. Let’s close our eyes to them all.

    It has taken some prompting – tongue lashing, some cheeky fellows insist – from a 17-year-old girl to arouse President Goodluck Jonathan’s sense of empathy. He has eventually met the parents of the abducted girls-  not in troubled Chibok , but in the cosy banquet hall at the Villa.

    As I said, let’s push them all aside today.

    It is a season of birthdays. Prof. Wole Soyinka is 80. Aremo Segun Osoba is 75. Prince Henry Odukomaiya is 80. Chief Ajibola Ogunsola is 70. Prof. Olatunji Dare is 70. Editorial Notebook is joining the celebration of these giants, whose stories have been told by better tested hands. But, here, dear reader, are just some testimonials.

    Long before I met him physically, I had encountered Prof. Wole Soyinka. I read his books at school. His photographs would land on my table as a young sub-editor at Rutam House and I would look at them and hail his bravery and strength of character. Then an opportunity came in 2010 for me to see the genius at close range. Kunle Ajibade of The News and I were with him at the African Development Bank’s (AfDB’s )Eminent Persons Lecture Series in Tunis.

    The Nobel laureate’s lecture, “Caution…Intellectuals at work”, was vintage Soyinka. Those who felt Africa’s intellectuals were not doing enough about the continent’s troubles got an answer. Amid applause, Soyinka enumerated the roles of the intellectual and lambasted dictators, saying there is no benevolent dictatorship. Needless to say, some months after, the Arab Spring hit Tunisia. Zayn al-Abidin Ben Ali, “the benevolent dictator”, who led from November 1989, fled. Prescience. Talk of the writer as a prophet.

    After the lecture, it was time for lunch and some questions for the distinguished lecturer. Soyinka asked Femi Fatoyinbo, an official of the AfDB who facilitated his acceptance to deliver the lecture free of charge – the professor had never met Femi before then – to fetch some wine. Femi went round the gigantic hotel for some 30 minutes without bringing a bottle. Soyinka was getting impatient. At last, Femi returned with a piece of bad news. The hotel does not serve alcohol. “Let me go somewhere else. I’ll return before lunch,” Soyinka said. Before he could step out, AfDB President Donald Kabaruka and all the other big officials had arrived for lunch. They shook hands with Soyinka, congratulating him for a great job.

    At lunch, Prof. refused to eat. He would not answer questions. He needed some wine, he told his hosts. The managers of the hotel thought it was a problem they could easily handle. One rushed down to the bar and showed up with a glass full of something that looked like red wine. Soyinka could not be tricked.”My friend, take it back; get me the real thing,” he fired back at the official whose smiling face had melted into some scowl of confusion. In a few minutes, the man walked briskly down the hall, holding a glass of wine, real wine, which he covered with a snow-white handkerchief. Soyinka tasted the stuff, nodded in satisfaction and smiled in triumph.

    He had forced the hotel to change its policy. We were to learn later that the hotel was built with a grant from Saudi Arabia after it was agreed that alcohol would not be served there for 25 years.

    Lunch over, it was time for the eminent lecturer to sign the guests’ book. Television cameras were rolling and photographers were struggling for vantage positions. Soyinka bent down and, in a few seconds, he delivered a potentially combustible verdict in Yoruba: “Iru ibi ti o daa bayi, otin to daa loye ka maa mu nibe” (we should be drinking nice wines in a good hotel such as this).

    Amid laughter, later at his hotel’s reception, after learning that the book he signed actually belonged to the bank, Soyinka asked Femi to fetch it for him to write another comment.

    The lesson: Soyinka’s sense of freedom is all-embracing. It includes even the right to drink a good wine. And Expresso coffee–his favourite, I suspect. Anywhere.

    A young restaurateur was so excited at Soyinka’s visit to his place. He said his late father would have been glad to see the life time experience of the Nobel laureate’s presence at the restaurant. He urged Soyinka to accept as a mark of his appreciation, the gift of a 25-year-old gin brewed specially by his family. Prof. was moved. He thanked the young man and accepted to be photographed with him beside his late father’s portrait.

    I recall vividly that night when the late Mr. Mac Adetoyi Alabi, our Night Editor at The Guardian, had a visitor who stayed unusually long, slowing down the first edition. Baba, as we all called him on account of his old age and long experience, even saw off this visitor. That was unusual. Asked a few minutes after he had settled down again who that visitor was, Baba looked up, his face expressing some incredulity. “You don’t know him?” He shook his head slowly and raised his voice. “That’s the last editor of Daily Times, Henry Odukomaiya.”

    I left Baba, smiling and wondering… “the last editor of Daily Times. Prince Odukomaiya left Daily Times to midwife the birth of National Concord, which was financed by the late billionaire and politician, Chief M.K.O. Abiola. He was also the man who set up Champion, mentoring many journalists. Prince Odukomaiya deserves all the encomiums being poured on him. He has done well.

    A friend of mine who was an editor at The Punch told me of how relieved he was when he stopped getting short messages from Chief Ogunsola. He felt the man was being fastidious, pointing out errors that many a reader would overlook and a journalist would explain away as the “printer’s devil”.

    I disagreed with my friend. If Ogunsola had not been thorough, perhaps The Punch would not have been as prosperous as it is today. The paper was at a low ebb when he took over as chairman. Now, it is celebrated as a successful business.

    My former boss, Mr. Lade “Ladbone” Bonuola, once said he needed to have a word with Ogunsola. “I will like to preach God to him,” he said. I don’t know if Mr. Bonuola eventually did. In case he didn’t, somebody should, even as the chief reserves the right to his opinion on any issue, including the existence of the Almighty.

    Aremo Olusegun Osoba came into journalism by chance. Many do not know that he was a sub-editor, one of those guys who mould the character of a newspaper but who are never seen or heard, unlike reporters who are the glamour boys of the trade. For Osoba, reporting is the soul of newspapering. He excelled in it and became a reference point for editors telling their reporters how to do it. His newspaper days have been well documented by Mike Awoyinfa and Dimgba Igwe in his biography.

    If Osoba is the Aremo (the chosen one, the favourite) of reporting in Nigerian journalism, Prof. Olatunji Dare is the Jose Mourinho (the Special One), the master satirist. To him, humour comes naturally. But many do not know that Prof. Dare was a Physics teacher.

    I have gained immensely from his amazing talent. In fact, to him I owe the name of this column. Dare finds it so easy to write on any subject, making something out of nothing and spicing it all up with a huge dose of humour, forcing you to laugh in a country where there is little to provoke even a smile.

    Like the late Baba Alabi, Dare detests errors. You dare not second guess him. He will reprimand you severely. But, ironically, he believes a newspaper is a miracle. “Every time a newspaper hits the newsstand, I know a miracle has happened,” says the professor, “because in the course of production, a thousand and one things could have gone wrong.”

    Many have written about Dare’s resolute stand on the June 12 debacle, how he refused to join The Guardian team that went to burnish the late Gen. Sani Abacha’s ego for him to reopen the newspaper, which he shut down in a senseless show of power, how their week was incomplete without reading Matters Arising and how he quit Rutam House.

    None has, however, recalled that  Dare actually wore a lush beard for months – in protest against all that he went through. It is a tribute to his forgiving spirit that Mrs. Maiden Ibru, the publisher of The Guardian, was at MUSON Centre last Thursday when  Dare was being honoured.

    Mrs. Ibru spoke of how great and influential the newspaper was, ascribing it all to the presence of many, including Dare. That was a remarkable tribute.

    How I wish we could have more of our greats to celebrate. But will the situation in Nigeria–another bomb went off yesterday, in Kaduna, killing scores–allow us to?

  • Soyinka at 80

    I want to join the chorus of people congratulating Professor Wole Soyinka as he turns 80. I am not a literary critic, my knowledge of English Literature does not go beyond higher school which when today I discuss authors like Wordsworth, Coleridge, Keats, Charles Lamb, Jane Austen, John Milton, William Shakespeare, Geoffrey Chaucer, Frank Yerby, Gustave Dore, Dryden, Charles Dickens and others, my students are always amazed about how much English literature I know. These were the serious authors that I went through in high school.

    There were less serious authors that I read when I was just getting into secondary school. I read books by Ryder Haggard and such other writers who without our knowing it ran Africans down before the conquering British lion and European imperialism. I was in the university when the African authors’ series by Heinemann publishers began to surface. I was also lucky to have been taught in high school by some of the writers in the African series like Nkem Nwankwo, Julie Udezwe (Okonkwo) and Dan AbasiEkong when I was in the sixth form in Ibadan Grammar School. I have read all the books of Chinua Achebe, the master story teller.

    I must say I wish I could be spared reading the gory, murderous stories of pre-colonial Igbo society which Europeans and other western readers have found very exciting apparently because it confirms their idea of Africans as noble savages. I enjoy reading the latter books about the politics of emergent independent Nigeria and the shenanigans of politicians and the eventual collapse of the first republic. I read the last book by Chinua Achebe which brought a lot of criticism to him but I believe in a free world, everybody has the right to speak his or her mind.

    The only thing I object to is when a writer condemns a whole race or group through the deeds or activities of their leaders but that is the license that an author has and if one does not agree with him or her, one can also write his or her own books. I have a good library of Soyinka’s books but I cannot say I have read all of them but I definitely have read Ake, The Man Died, You Must Set Forth at Dawn, The Trials of Brother Jero, and of course, several critical essays on politics by Wole Soyinka. There is no doubt in my mind that Wole Soyinka is a great gift to humanity.

    His mastery of the English Language makes him a veritable wordsmith. It is not my wish to comment on his greatness which I leave to others more competent than me. But I will never forget the adulation for him and adoration of his drama, The King’s Horseman when it was staged at the Kennedy Centre in Washington DC sometimes in 1979 or 1980. As a member of the audience I enjoyed the encomiums heaped on a fellow Nigerian. I am more interested in his humanity and the few stories I know about him. I admire him for his courage, for his adventurous spirit and for his ability of speaking truth to power and damning the consequences.

    His takeover of a radio station at gunpoint while it was presenting a speech of the premier of western Nigeria and replacing it with his own diatribes against that regime is a mark of dare devil adventure by a young man acting out his art of drama in reality. He was lucky to have escaped severe punishment and very few people could have done that then or do it now.

    The fact that he escaped punishment is also a credit to the tolerant environment and independent judiciary which we had in western Nigeria in the 1960s. I am sure the late Justice Kayode Esho who freed Wole Soyinka knew he was guilty. This spirit of adventure also saw Wole Soyinka trying to mediate between his friend, Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu and the Nigerian authorities at the beginning of hostilities between Nigeria and Biafra in 1967.

    On returning to Nigeria from Biafra, he was immediately arrested and put in prison by the government of General Gowon where he languished throughout the years of the Biafra war and during which time he wrote his famous book, The Man Died. The most celebrated quotation from that book is that, the man dies who keeps quiet in the face of tyranny and man’s inhumanity to man calling all of us to speak out when we feel our compatriots are being wronged. Unfortunately, most Nigerians always protect their own skins and many even participate in order to join in looting the national treasury. In other parts of the world, Wole Soyinka could have gotten into serious trouble over his fraternisation with Ojukwu in war time. Those on the Biafran side who tried to reach out to the Nigerian enemy like Colonel Victor Banjo, Colonel Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Samuel Agbam were rounded up by Ojukwu and shot for treason.

    I suppose this is why Wole Soyinka and General Gowon are today friends. Wole Soyinka’s long-time friend, the late Professor Ulli Beierand Wole Soyinka once visited Bonn during the Abacha tyranny to lobby the German government, I was ambassador in Germany then and I went to visit them in the Maritim Hotel just as I had visited my friend, Professor Bolaji Akinyemi also when he came to Germany. I was walking a political tight rope and I knew the consequences could be dire for me but at the same time these were my academic colleagues and ideological friends. At the same time a Nigerian delegation led by the late Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu was with me in Germany.

    A member of the delegation, an ethnic cohort of mine, to put it in diplomatese, asked me if I knew where Soyinka and Ulli Beier were staying because as he put it, he wanted to beat the hell out of Wole Soyinka if he saw him. I told this thug that I did not know where they were staying even though both parties were staying in the same hotel without knowing it. I called Ulli Beier to find out when he and Wole would be leaving the hotel and to my great relief, they left very early before my bulky Nigerian friend could pounce on them.

    A night before this incident, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu and his wife, Bianca had had dinner with me. There was a gala performance for the delegation by resident Nigerian community in Germany. After this show, Ojukwu in his remarks surprised me when he said publicly that when we celebrate culture in Nigeria, Yoruba culture was way ahead of others and was the only culture worth celebrating. He talked about Yoruba talking drums, Yoruba art and cuisine and then zeroed in Wole Soyinka’s great works and their great friendship without knowing a member of his team was planning to give Wole Soyinka an upper cut the following morning. I also remember going all the way to Bayreuth in Bavaria, Germany to rendezvous with Professor Soyinka while on a visit to Ulli Beier’sYoruba Haus in the university. Like all artistes, Professor Soyinka could be temperamental, withdrawn, standoffish, introverted but always genuine in his feelings. He is a great connoisseur of wines and food and he seems to have a passion for western cuisine which may be responsible for how he has kept his trim body all this time.

    Professor Wole Soyinka’s life has been studied over and over by critics, friends and enemies and it is my considered opinion that the man Wole Soyinka will remain the greatest Nigerian that ever lived. This is not to say the brainiest because if we are talking about the brainiest Nigerian that ever lived, Oluwakayode Osuntokun my brother stands shoulder high amongst others.

  • Don’t ignore Arewa youth voices

    A week ago, hundreds of members of Arewa Youth Development Foundation went on a peaceful protest demonstration in Kano. They took their demonstration to a most eminent Nigerian leader–Alhaji Muhammadu Sanusi ll, Emir of Kano.  A couple of days later, they took it to  one of Nigeria’s most respected elderly statesmen, Alhaji Maitama Sule, former federal minister, former chairman of the National Antiquities Commission, former Nigerian Permanent Representative at the United Nations.

    These young people are doing a good job of making Nigeria and the world hear their message. They are conducting themselves in the most respectable manner imaginable – in a manner calculated to make Nigeria and the world listen. According to all reports, they have been perfectly peaceful. They do not speak the language of violence, and they do not act in ways that can promote violence. Peaceful and self-respecting, they are nevertheless persistent in pushing their message. They do not look like ones who can be easily discouraged, or who may give up and quit. In this country in which violence is a common mode of venting group discontentment,  these youths of the Arewa Youths Development Foundation deserve to be rated as a model of sensible democratic youth action.

    Finally, these youths are not children; they are not some bleary eyed school kids rioting against their teachers. No. They are responsible young adults. From even the little we can glean about them from the press reports, they are well educated people, university graduates and professionals. The president of their group is a legal practitioner. In short, these are voices that Nigeria and Nigerians must listen to with respect.

    What then is their message? Principally, they demand that Nigeria should be dissolved. In their group’s prepared speech which they read during their demonstration, they urged all northerners to “rise and support agitation for peaceful dissolution of this union called Nigeria for every region to go its own way.”

    And they want the dissolution to happen right now. To prepare the ground for the dissolution, they are urging all northerners resident in the South, and all southerners resident in the North, “all artisans, students, public and private sector servants, traders, business holders currently operating, residing or  intending to do so in any part of Nigeria” to return to their respective home regions within the next two weeks.

    What reasons are they giving for their demand that Nigeria should be dissolved? They say that Nigeria is not working; that northerners need to terminate their relationship with Nigeria; that northerners have been suffering “continued intimidation” in the hands of the federal government; that northerners are being insultingly regarded by southerners as economic parasites in Nigeria; that northerners are generally discriminated against in Nigeria and treated like non-citizens in the South.  They say “Southerners are not welcome in the North”, and that “Southerners must go”.

    What should the rest of us, Nigerians, make of all this? First and foremost, if I were a southerner living in the North or a northerner living in the South, I would start packing now.

    Secondly, these youthful voices represent a very vital part of Northern Nigeria’s elite. They have the credentials to speak authoritatively for the Arewa North. Also, we need to note the kinds of responses they get when they speak directly to the older members of the Arewa elite. After listening to them, the Emir of Kano enjoined them “to imbibe the lesson of peace in their entire endeavour”. The elder statesman, Alhaji Maitama Sule, was more forthcoming. He said, “It is true that we have been suffering a lot in the northern part of the country, humiliation, discrimination and so forth – – – We believe that the best way out of this dilemma in which we have found ourselves is to have a dialogue.  – – – And that is why we have been trying to have a dialogue, we believe that we can bring to an end the ugly things that are happening in this country if all of us can come together and tell one another the truth. – – – The world can never be governed by force, never by fear and even, never by power”.

    One clear picture emerges from both the complaints of the Arewa youth leaders and the responses of their elders. Northern leaders of all generations are seriously disturbed about the way that federal power is now impacting the North. This is something they have never experienced, something they cannot live with. Rather than continuing to live under these conditions in the country to which they belong, they would prefer that the country should be broken up – “for every region to go its own way”.

    I am sure that most southerners would find this picture from the North very interesting indeed. All the years since 1962 (the year that the federal government launched an attack on the Western Region), the peoples of Southern Nigeria have suffered increasing “intimidation” and even subjugation by the Federal Government of Nigeria. Because the Northerners controlled the federal government until only recently, they did not see or appreciate our sufferings in those years. Because of the unjust impacts of the federal government on our lives in the South, we the youths of most of the South (Southwest, Southeast and South-south) became radicalized in various ways, most desiring that Nigeria should break up, and that we should have separate little countries of our own. The response of the North in all those years was to make the federal government more and more powerful, better and better equipped with coercive force, more and more ruthless in dealing with “dissidents”.

    When, at long last, a Southerner (Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo) somehow found his way to the presidency, we thought that change would follow. But we soon found that we were deceiving ourselves – that the builders of the federal behemoth had built it so perfectly (on roots of human frailties) that it would always operate as designed, no matter what part of Nigeria the president comes from. In fact, the presidencies of Obasanjo and Jonathan are final proof that the character of the Nigerian federal establishment is unchangeable. As the system is, anybody who is president will always presume that it is part of his prerogative to handle Nigeria’s vast revenues as personal estate, to rig elections in any part of Nigeria, to discriminate against any region or people, and to bully and subdue the government of any state.

    Even now that the northern elite have discovered the oppressive side of federal power, they still, strangely, out of habit, want to preserve it – while complaining against it! In the ongoing National Conference, they are still fighting might and mane to preserve the federal status quo.

    Therefore, there is no other option than to do what the Arewa youth leaders demand – namely, to dissolve Nigeria, “for every region to go its own way”. Alhaji Maitama Sule wants dialogue. Hopefully, the dialogue will be to pave way for our new countries – the Republics of Delta, Biafra, Oduduwa, Arewa, Niger-Benue, and Kanem.The Arewa youths speak for most Nigerians.

    Alhaji Maitama Sule is right: The world can never be governed by force or by fear.

     

  • Cry, the beloved country

    AT times like these we need to sit back and take another look at ourselves and our country. What is really happening with things going topsy-turvy? Is it a sign of the coming to pass of  the doomsday prediction that Nigeria will break up in 2015? I fear for our country. The way things are going leave room for  nothing to cheer about.

    Nigeria is in crisis, deep crisis; and the earlier our leaders realise this fact the better for us all. There is no need to paper over the cracks as if all is well. Eventhough I hate to say this, the truth is that all is not well with our dear country. How I wished things were not like this. Instead of looking for solution to the problem, things are being compounded by those at the helm.

    To President Goodluck Jonathan and his loyalists, everything  are fine.  But they know that they are living a lie and they want to hoodwink the citizenry  to join their club. That certainly, is not possible.  To a large  extent, the Presidency is part of the problem; so,  it cannot be trusted to find the solution.  Why are things the way they are? Is it because of the impending elections in which the President is much  interested but has yet to declare his intention?

    I fear for our country because the polity is being needlessly overheated. If they are not taking on the media; they are descending on the opposition or critics.  The government will not admit it, but there is no way it can exonerate itself from the prevailing crisis. In a democracy, there is bound to be this kind of problem, with people agreeing to disagree.

    This is the beauty of democracy, but when things start to get out of hand well-meaning people are expected to intervene before the country descends into anarchy. We have seen the way the Presidency has been using  the federal might to suppress individuals and institutions –  for no just cause. Is it wrong to disagree with,  or criticise,  the President?

    From the look of things, it seems it has become a sin to be critical of Jonathan or not to belong to the same party with him. Look at the way he has been treating Governors Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers), Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano) and Aliyu Wamakko for defecting from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).   Former Adamawa State Governor Muritala Nyako, who defected along with them got the ultimate treatment last week–he was impeached-, with soldiers standing nearby while the panel, which probed him, and the House of Assembly, which carried out the dirty job, sat. The House has the right to impeach him, no doubt, but what is wrong is for the lawmakers to be teleguided in carrying out their constitutional duty.

    Like governors, the President too is not immune to impeachment. His own fate lies with the National Assembly. So, impeachment is not a tool open to only Houses of Assembly. Those who are gloating over Nyako’s fall need to be reminded of the noise they made when some members of the National Assembly threatened to take similar step against Jonathan some months ago. Or, have they forgotten so soon?  Let them rejoice less over Nyako’s downfall, which will certainly not be the end of his political career.

    As for Amaechi, there is nothing the Presidency has not done to get him out.   Notwithstanding the failure of the plots so far,  eternal vigilance remains the price Amaechi has to pay to keep his job until the expiration of his tenure in May, next year. Kwankwaso,  especially,  has been the butt of vitriolic attacks by the Presidency and he has often paid back in kind to show that he is not afraid of any federal might. Even House Speaker Aminu Tambuwal is not spared. He is viewed with suspicion in the Presidency and as such, he is kept at arm’s length.

    They have also tried all tricks in the book to get him removed as Speaker, but failed. A few weeks ago, they tried to embarrass him by stopping his vehicle for a search in Kaduna. Yet, our President portrays himself as meek; someone who cannot hurt a fly. If things are like this under a so-called meek  President, what will they be like under a brutal leader?  Even in the Second Republic things were not as bad as these before the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo raised the alarm in a letter to former President Shehu Shagari.

    ”There”, he wrote,  ”is a frightful danger ahead visible for those who care and are patriotic enough to look beyond their narrow self interest. Our ship of state is fast approaching a huge rock, and unless you, as chief helmsman, quickly rise to the occasion and courageously steer the ship away from its present course, it shall hit the rock. And the inescapable  consequence will be an inescapable disaster such as is  rare in the annals of man”. The Shagari administration ignored the warning to the nation’s  peril.

    The Jonathan presidency appears to be treading the same path. The president has received similar letters from two elderstatesmen, Gen Muhammadu Buhari and Alhaji Maitama Sule. In his letter, which content he divulged to reporters on Monday, Sule said : ”I wrote to the Chairman of the Northern Governors’ Forum and the President, telling them about the prevailing situation. I also pointed out that if President Goodluck Jonathan doesn’t stop it, we would have disastrous consequences. The situation in the country is so bad, but I believe what we should do is to get together and tell one another the truth – let us agree to accommodate our differences and put Nigeria above personal interest”.

    Gen Buhari’s letter  drew the President’s ire  as Awo’s  did to Shagari in 1981 because it contained some bitter truths. Just as Awo did 33 years ago, Buhari warned : ”The dangerous clouds are beginning to gather and the vultures are circling. Let no one, whether the leader or the led, the high or the low, a member of the ruling or the opposition, do anything to torpedo the system. Let no one, whether on the altar of personal ambition or pretension to higher patriotic tendencies, do anything that can detonate the keg of gunpowder on which the nation is sitting. Our nation has suffered serious consequences in the past for egregious acts that are not even close to what we are seeing now. It is time to pull the brakes”.

    The Presidency did not find Buhari’s intervention funny and as usual it resorted to name calling and abuses instead of replying him, as lawyers would say,  on points of fact and rest its case. The truth is that if the Buhari/Idiagbon regime  had succeeded in bringing back the late Umaru Dikko in a crate in 1984, politicians of his hue would have learnt a big lesson, and who knows we may not find ourselves in the mess the Jonathan administration  has plunged us into today.

    May I commend the immortal words of the late American clergyman, James Freeman Clarke, to President Jonathan : ”A politician thinks of the next election. A statesman , of the next generation”. It is left to the President to make his choice – will he be a politician or a statesman?