Category: Thursday

  • Catch-22

    Catch-22

    The August 9 visit of the group known as The Patriots to President Bola Tinubu has since come and gone, but it left a lingering memory. The visit reopened the debate on the suitability of the 1999 Constitution. What is wrong with the Constitution, which has been amended five times since it came into being 25 years ago? In one of the amendments, the last before the one now being undertaken by the present National Assembly, which is constitutionally empowered to carry out the exercise, the lawmakers decentralised power generation and transmission which were hitherto the exclusive preserve of the central government.  

    With this fifth alteration to the Constitution, states can now generate and transmit power once the law is domesticated by their respective Houses of Assembly. What else is this if not restructuring, which is at the heart of the demand for a new constitution? To the champions of a new constitution, the 1999 Constitution is flawed because it erroneously states in its preamble: We the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria having firmly and solemnly resolved… do hereby make and give to ourselves the following Constitution.

    The statement, which they claim runs against the grain of constitution making and the one at the beginning of this piece cannot be read in isolation. It is a matter of fact that a committee was set up by the administration of former Head of State, Gen Abdulsalami Abubakar, to fashion a constitution for the country ahead of the return to democracy in 1999. The product of the committee’s work is this Constitution, which has been condemned on-and-off by any politician who finds himself at the wrong end of the political divide.

    Respected elder statesman, Chief Emeka Anyaoku is not a politician. He is an international civil servant with a rich pedigree. So, whenever he talks, we listen. Although he led The Patriots in whose rank are politicians who today claim to be non-partisan, on the visit to the Villa, he touched on the sensitive matter of “the people’s constitution” in his speech. According to him, “the challenges that we are currently facing are symptoms of the inappropriateness of the Constitution that we have at present”.

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    There is nothing new in the demand of The Patriots. The call for a new or ‘people’s constitution will not cease as long as there is the entity called Nigeria. It is the singsong of failed politicians, who after losing an election, launch a campaign for a new constitution as if that is the solution to their frequent failure at the polls. I am not wishing away the demand of The Patriots, I am just looking at its feasibility under constitutional democracy. Constitutions are not written or rewritten at will, especially where there is one already in existence.

    The implication of the call of The Patriots is that the 1999 Constitution or part of it would be dumped for a new constitution to be drafted by an elected constituent assembly of independent persons, and subjected to a national referendum so that at the end of the day, it can carry the seal of: ‘We the people’.  To them, that is when the constitution can be said to be legitimate.

    No matter where we stand today, Nigerians should never forget how the 1999 Constitution came about. It was as a result of the exigencies of the time – the incarceration of Bashorun Moshood Abiola, the winner of the annulled June 12, 1993 presidential election and his death in detention in 1998 – and the desire of Abdulsalami who succeeded the late Gen Sani Abacha not to stay in office a day longer than necessary.

     Abdulsalami did what he did in order to win public trust. Nigerians had already lost interest in the transition programmes midwifed at various times by Gen Ibrahim Babangida and Abacha and so Abdulsalami did not want to do anything to make the people doubt him. He spent 11 months in office and handed over power on May 29, 1999, exactly 24 days after the present Constitution came into being. He did not create the Constitution by military fiat, nor did his administration adopt the 1989 Constitution of the Babangida era, which from all indications Abacha was set to embrace to transmute to civilian president.   

    Aware that another delay in the transition process could result in turmoil, Abdulsalami fast tracked his exit from office, but not at the expense of doing things correctly. As if he knew a day like this will come, the constitution drafting committee went round the country and conducted public hearings and the people settled for the retention of the 1979 Constitution, with slight amendments. The 1979 Constitution was drafted by ‘49 wise-men’ led by the late Chief Rotimi Williams (SAN), the pioneer chairman of The Patriots. The draft was ratified by a constituent assembly comprising eminent persons, including Abiola, who made waves at the conference.

    It is an irony that it is this same constitution that Abiola participated in making and which the 1999 Constitution largely embodies that some people are describing as ‘defective’. Mercifully, there are provisions in the Constitution for curing its defects, if any. According to Section 9 thereof: The National Assembly may, subject to the provisions of this section, alter any of the provisions of this Constitution. Calling for a new constitution may look good, but what provisions of the 1999 Constitution will be suspended for the proposed constituent assembly to take off? What happens to the National Assembly and indeed, the other arms of government – executive and judiciary – if those portions are suspended? 

    Can we still boast of having a government, if confronted with this situation? The suspension of any portion of the Constitution to pave the way for the sitting of a constituent assembly will tantamount to the sacking of constitutional democracy. It will be a recipe for disaster for the National Assembly and the proposed constituent assembly to sit simultaneously. Nigeria cannot afford this. No matter how the argument is sugar-coated it cannot fly because of its inherent danger. The Constitution has more than a million ways to amend it. Let us play by the rules and not bend them because of certain interests.

    If the 1999 Constitution is a military creation, why then are many enamoured of its forerunner, the 1979 Constitution, which took root from it and was also midwifed by the armed forces? What is sauce for the goose should be sauce for the gander.

  • Bread and Circuses: Nigeria’s sports illusions

    Bread and Circuses: Nigeria’s sports illusions

    Sports is an opiate of the masses. In the grand amphitheatre of competitive games, nations march proudly onto the global stage, draped in their flags and fueled by nationalistic fervour.

    But beneath this vibrant display lies a sombre truth: sports competitions are a grand spectacle designed not to uplift, but to distract.

    This truth, which echoes the ancient Roman vanity of “bread and circuses,” diverts attention from the pressing issues of every era—misgovernance, corruption, insecurity. So, rulers kept the populace appeased and distracted with games, all while the empire teetered on the brink.

    In the same vein, modern sports seek to obscure global realities. The Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) is simply a tool of deception deployed and partnered by world governments, to rationalise forces ungoverned and ungovernable. Like early religion, competitive sports enable us to seduce and control our primal fear: mass anarchy.

    The hungry man may be angry but he is sooner wooed from his state of angst into feverish, obsessive delight via the instrumentation of sports spectacles. Global sports events, like the World Cup and Olympics, perpetuate ritual cognition, a repetition-compulsion of phoney camaraderie. Every global tourney perpetuates an enduring fallacy, that humankind is affable, prosperous and glamorous. But this superficial judgment is woefully inadequate for varnishing political hostilities and global poverty.

    The phrase “bread and circuses,” coined by the Roman poet Juvenal in the first century AD, speaks to a time when emperors, shrewd in their understanding of human nature, doled out grain and staged grand spectacles to keep the people content and disengaged from the crumbling state of their empire. Augustus, Rome’s inaugural emperor, masterfully employed this strategy, dedicating a fifth of the year to public games. These events, from chariot races to blood-soaked gladiatorial combats, served as both entertainment and a means of control, ensuring that the citizens remained blissfully ignorant of the empire’s deeper, festering wounds.

    Today, we witness a similar dynamic at play. The modern global sports arena, with its World Cups, Olympic Games, and continental tournaments, serves as the new Colosseum. Countries, regardless of their economic or social challenges, compete fiercely to host and participate in these events. They pour billions into the construction of stadiums and the preparation of athletes, while their citizens languish in poverty, their infrastructure crumbles, and their economies teeter on the brink of collapse.

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    Nigeria dallies at the precipice of such a folly. The suggestion that Nigeria could co-host the 2027 African Cup of Nations (AFCON) with Benin wasn’t just unthinkable, but foolhardy.

    It is a bittersweet relief that the joint bid by Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania emerged victorious, sparing Nigeria the burden of this costly spectacle. Yet, even as these East African nations revel in their success, one cannot help but wonder: what price will they pay?

    While some may argue that such a grandiose enterprise would boost national pride and stimulate economic activity, the reality is starkly different. President Tinubu, in particular, must resist the siren call of international sporting glory, and focus on steering the nation out of the quagmire of maladministration and impoverishment.

    It is not within the president’s remit to place food on every table, but it is his responsibility to create an enabling environment where millions of unemployed youths and underpaid workforce can flourish in economic self-reliance and solvency.

    Government must quit squandering vast sums of money to sponsor a handful of athletes and the avaricious managers of the sports federations, while the general populace gains nothing. Nigeria will not collapse if it abstains from the next World Cup and AFCON. If Mr. President had offered 100 million youths a choice between a N10.5m agricultural entrepreneurship grant – in supervised instalments, and a fostered, sustainable market – or committing funds to an ill-fated N12bn-Olympics contingent, the World Cup or AFCON qualifiers, it’s a no-brainer what the youths would choose.

    Nigerians do not need the hollow triumphs of the global sports stage; they seek an environment where their small-scale enterprises or startups can thrive. They want good roads, stable electricity, and a protected market for their goods and services—real, tangible benefits that far outweigh the fleeting thrill of a football World Cup, AFCON, or Olympic Games.

    Frantic rationalisation about what the country could gain from hosting and participating in sports tournaments is absurd and insensitive. Even if Nigeria had won all the gold and silver medals at the recently concluded 2024 Paris Olympics, it would still be wasteful and ill-advised to devote N12 billion to the event. While the bulk of the money was spent on the 88 athletes and 84 officials who represented Nigeria, it would have been more appreciable if such funds were earmarked for more visionary and people-centred empowerment initiatives pivotal to industrial and sustainable socioeconomic growth.

    Indeed, sports events have often been used as conduits for financial crimes. The Ghanaian FA allegedly spent close to $9 million on its ill-fated AFCON 2023 appearance – much higher than Zambia’s $2.1 million. This staggering amount, notably higher than the prize money for the AFCON winner, was spent by a country facing financial challenges, including loan defaults and an IMF bailout.

    Brazil’s 2014 World Cup experience offers another cautionary tale. Despite spending an estimated $15 billion on the tournament, the country reaped little benefit. The construction of stadiums and the upgrading of infrastructure came at an immense social cost, displacing between 800,000 and 1.5 million people, without adequate compensation. FIFA, meanwhile, made $4.8 billion in revenue, leaving Brazil with a legacy of debt and social unrest.

    Nigeria must learn from Brazil’s mistake. It’s about time we withdrew from the global sports stage and redirected our resources to more productive ventures. Empowering the youths for self-reliance and economic solvency will reduce their vulnerability to manipulation by demagogues and anarchists who exploit them for political gain.

    The ephemeral victories of sports events offer little more than superficial bragging rights. The true beneficiaries are the athletes who seize the opportunity to showcase their talents and ink lucrative personal deals, and the government officials who exploit the occasion to engage in corrupt practices.

    Nigeria’s 2013 AFCON victory under late Coach Stephen Keshi, brought no positive changes to the lives of millions of unemployed youths and impoverished Nigerians. Good roads, functional hospitals, a well-funded public school system, and a thriving, youth-driven agricultural economy are preferable to participation in reckless, purposeless sports tourneys.

    If distraction is what we seek, Nigeria could woo private investors to rebuild our local sports leagues and restore their past glories. This approach could be extended to other sports, such as swimming, archery, and track and field.

    Stepping back from the global sports arena could enable us to grow our talents appreciably towards a surer, more successful global footing in the future. Yet the folly of Nigeria’s corrupt, clueless sports federation is evident in its persistent maladministration and recent employment of a mediocre European coach for the Super Eagles, while ignoring cheaper, seasoned local coaches, with international experience.

    To those kicking against a Nigerian coach based on George Finidi’s dismal outing, shall we also employ Europeans to man the NFF and our public offices, given Nigerians’ lacklustre performance in those departments? Let’s hope the European proves to be a good hire.

    Nigeria must step back from the global sports arena and invest in its future, creating a fair and just society where every citizen, and not just a few sportsmen and administrators, has the opportunity to thrive.

  • Oby Ezekwesili’s desperate search for bandits

    Oby Ezekwesili’s desperate search for bandits

    Obiageli “Oby” Ezekwesili, is one of those special Nigerians, Saro Wiwa would regard as ‘Nigerian sun’, as a result of her activism, string of achievements and awards. As a co-founder of the #BringBackOurGirls movement, two times minister, first as Minister of Solid Mineral and Minister of Education at different periods, celebrated as the architect of the Bureau for Public Procurement and the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) legislations, and as a woman who once contested for the office of the president on the platform of the Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN), Oby remains a trailblazer.

    And as a founding director of Transparency International and  a former vice president of the World Bank (Africa region), Oby unarguably remains a pacesetter and the best example of what educated African woman can become as against ‘feminization of poverty’ (UN) by those African societies that refuse to educate their womenfolk. Above all, Oby is passionate about the Nigerian project and often speaks with passion on issues that are connected to our crisis of nation-building.

    But like many of us, her vision is sometimes blurred by her political prejudices. Ezekwesili sees only the things she wants to see. ““If you are a Nigerian, you should be vexed at this government. All we have seen from this government since it came into office is fiscal profligacy”. Although many of the economic policies designed to set our nation on the path of modernization and sustainable growth are yet to start yielding dividends, not many of those familiar with Nigeria’s years of the locusts when ill-equipped leaders declare unabashedly that ‘money was not Nigeria problem but how to spend it’ and when in recent years, weak leaders turned themselves to ATM without password, will agree with Ezekwesili.

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    But we understand where Ezekwesili, an unapologetic supporter of candidate Peter Obi, and a silent admirer of the ‘obidients’, is coming from. For her, Peter Obi, a sell-confessed importer of wine among other items that killed our budding industries thereby forcing our youths out in search for greener pasture elsewhere in the world,  is the best hope for turning the Nigeria economy around.  She has a mind-set that both Atiku and Tinubu, the eventual winner of the election, are no match for Obi.

    And her crooked syllogism was that youths who make up 60 per cent of the voting population along with women which make up about 51 per cent of the voting population are more inclined towards the presidency of Peter Obi. And based on two premises that may be invalid, Oby on  December 10, 2022  told Channels TV’s Hard Copy “So after I have done my rating, there is absolutely no way I would leave a Peter Obi and vote for any of the other two candidates”.

     Now trapped in Obi’s illusory presidency, she still describes the 2023 election as  “not an election, but snatch it grab it and run away with it” while discrediting both the INEC and the Supreme Court, praised by many for the share profundity of its judgment. She dismisses both the executive and legislature as ‘bandits’ and ‘rascals’. All she wants by accusing those in power of starting class war is the collapse of the government.

    But if one may ask, what are the causes of Oby’s current emotional anguish?

    First, beyond removal of fuel subsidy, she wants total deregulation, where market forces will reign supreme. No one expects anything different from former director of the Harvard-Nigeria Economic project. The problem however is that no one has told us where in the world market forces only has brought prosperity to the people beyond making the poor  live to support the system while the rich get richer.

    At least we already have a template in Nigeria. Okpara’s ‘Pragmatic Socialism’, where public enterprises played a leading role repositioned the old Eastern Region as the fastest growing economy in the world in the sixties. In the West, Awolowo’s home grown capitalism where public enterprises joined forces with the private sector to create a more egalitarian society, was the reason the old Western Region became ‘the most educated part of Africa’. Of course Ahmadu Bello built the biggest business conglomerate in Africa in the sixties without consulting Oby’s World Bank.

    Ezekwesili also considers government’s acquisition of aircraft –Airbus A330 to replace the 19-year old Boeing, economic recklessness. While uninformed victims of the president’s economic policies could be incensed, the same reaction from opinion leaders who understand need for safety and the fact that old aircrafts have been put on sale to offset the cost of the new one could only have been designed to whip up public sentiments against the government.

    As for Oby’s grief over N20b to build the vice president’s house, she was being economical with the truth. FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike, disclosed the contract for the building was first awarded in 2010, at a cost of N7 billion. It became one of the abandoned projects until leadership of the FCT in January 2024 sought for and obtained approval for a review of the contract to the sum of N22 billion, leading to its completion 14 years after commencement. The president praised Wike for his ‘dynamic and focused leadership’ saying it was the 9th in the series of (mostly abandoned projects) Wike had completed.  Oby would have preferred the property already taken over by reptiles to continue to rot away like the abandoned National Assembly whose contract was awarded in March 11, 2006 to Reynolds Construction Company, (RCC), to the tune of N8.5 billion naira.

    Unlike the National Mosque and the Ecumenical Centre started the same time but completed by those who think God can be deceived, it was abandoned and today TETFUND is projecting a cost of N200b. Meanwhile, Ezekwesili has not called those who abandoned the projects only to raise N7billion from serving governors and government contractors to build their own personal presidential library bandits.

     As for Oby’s other heartache, the National Assembly’s decision to buy toys or what she described as ‘funny looking cars’, even while the governed should be naturally  such  insensitive decision, Oby understands that the  National Assembly runs its own budget independent of the executive arm of government.  She knows it was this reason, neither Obasanjo, her political father, who has at various times described the assembly members as ‘pen thieves’, Jonathan who according to Okonjo-Iweala had to part with about N15b bribe to have his budget passed nor Buhari who for eight years complained about the padding of his budget by the legislature, could not rein in the National Assembly members.

    Oby also knows that this was part of the reasons Nigerian stakeholders have since 1999 called for the review of the 1999 constitution. But as against joining this crusade, what we have on record is Ezekwesili’s pursuits of her Igbo ethnic group agenda-citizenship of Nigerians wherever they stay without obligations of settlers to host communities, ignoring the sociological reality of Nigeria, which unlike America, is a federation of ethnic nationalities.

    I am not sure many Nigerians have an axe to grind with Oby’s characterization of many Nigerian politicians as bandits. She is best placed to confirm this fact.  I think they just believe charity must start from the home. She was part of PDP when Obasanjo  and Atiku in the guise of privatization sold Nigeria’s total investment of over $100b for  a paltry $1.5b to party stalwarts, when in the name of monetization policy they shared physical structures dating back to the pre-colonial period, kept in their temporary care for our children among themselves with David Mark, as Senate President and Dimeji Bankole as House Speaker,  buying their official residences at give-away prices among other government  buildings including the  NITEL building in Ikoyi.

    She was there when in 1999 when lawmakers who claimed to have sold house to fight election set up an instrument which according to a National Assembly probe report, they deployed to steal billions. She cannot also deny the claim by Audu Ogbe, one time PDP chairman, corroborated by National Assembly report, that siblings of PDP stalwarts forged papers under the nose of Okonjo-Iweala, as Minister for Finance, to defraud the nation to the tune of NI.6 trillion under the dubious subsidy regime, “without importing a pint of fuel”.

    Finally, Oby is a former vice president of the World Bank whose policies she wants to force down our throats. But we do know the World Bank is the greatest bandit the world has ever known. It is the instrument Europe effectively deployed to defraud and impoverish Africa nations from where over $58b is siphoned from annually. What other name besides ’bandit’ do we have for a continent  that has nothing but depends on our  priceless resources including silver, gold, crude oil among others, and declare without shame that a unit of their coloured papers, must exchange for between 1,500  and 5,000 units of the currency of African nations that own their resources?

  • Nigeria and the China wall

    Nigeria and the China wall

    The trade dispute between the Ogun State Government and a Chinese firm is not that complex. The only complexity in it is the vicarious damage suffered by the Federal Government. The principles of international law make it so. The Federal Government is the principal which must suffer for the sins of its sub nationals, which could be likened to its agents, whether or not it is aware of their misdemeanours.

    But they are not so treated in national laws, under which each tier of government bears its own responsibilities. This preamble is necessary in order to clear some misconceptions about the matter. It is the convention of international law and diplomacy that has caught the Federal Government in the web of this dispute.

    Its assets have been seized in the Chinese firm, Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Company Ltd’s bid to recover a $70 million arbitral award from the Ogun State Government. Therefore, making sense out of this brouhaha should not be a problem. It is a simple, easy and straightforward case. The facts speak for themselves. Nigeria and China have a long history of collaboration in trade, commerce and other bilateral issues. It is not for nothing that Chinese businesses dot our landscape. In near and far parts of the country, the Chinese are doing their thing. Name any big city in Nigeria, you will find a Chinese firm there.

    For instance, among many Nigerians, the well known business of the Chincos, are the many Chinese restaurants found all over the place. The marriage between Nigeria and China did not start today. It began long before the signing of the Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) between both countries in 2001. The treaty is being threatened by the enforcement of the arbitral award for the misdeed of Ogun State but for which the Federal Government will pay under international law.

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    The award was for the Ogun State Government’s breach of its  contract with Zhongfu International Investment, a subsidiary of Zhongshan, to develop the Ogun Guangdong Free Trade Zone at Igbesa. From what is in public domain, for now, things may not have tipped over if the usual Nigerian factor had not crept into  the handling of the matter. From all indications, Zhongshan and Zhongfu are one and not separate entities. If this is the case, can they be in dispute with each other?

    We were indolent at every stage that we could have made a good case for ourselves. Arbitration is unlike the conventional court. It is not litigation per se. It is a clause for amicable dispute resolution adopted by contracting parties while signing an agreement. The purpose is to protect the sanctity of the contract and where a party defaults, the issue naturally goes to arbitration, a dispute mechanism resolution, which is embraced worldwide because of its effectiveness. There is no delay in the handling of disputes. Any party that tries it or is found to be tardy pays dearly for its action. This is the fate that has befallen Nigeria. The case was being handled quietly until the seizure of three Presidential Jets in France by the judgment creditor, Zhongshan.

    The firm had been waiting all along for an opportunity to pounce on assets that would hurt the nation most and that presented itself in France on August 12. Without hesitation, it went to court and obtained an order to attach the jets for the recovery of the arbitral award. Left to hold the short end of the stick over a matter it knew nothing about, the Federal Government spoke about the issue on August 14, while unveiling its plans for getting the planes back. This is no time for blame games. Former Governor Gbenga Daniel and his successor, former Governor Ibikunle Amosun have also spoken. The joint venture agreement (JVA) was signed in 2013 during Daniel’s tenure and the dispute over it arose in 2016 when Amosun was in office.

    Both men owe it a duty to avail Governor Dapo Abiodun and the Federal Government with facts and figures to ensure a peaceful resolution of this dispute. Arbitration is all about amicable settlement of disputes, but painfully in many cases, it is not so. Some parties damage the peaceful essence of arbitration by dragging issues. At the end of the day, after wasting a lot of time and money, they still pay the arbitral awards with interest. Pennywise and pound foolish, you will say. Sadly, Ogun State is making Nigeria to head that way, with this case.

  • Kekere-Ekun, CJN

    Kekere-Ekun, CJN

    Today, another woman, the second in 12 years will mount the saddle as Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN). Chief Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun is stepping into office as her predecessor, Chief Justice Kayode Ariwoola bows out. Kekere-Ekun is taking office 10 years after the first woman CJN Aloma Mariam Muktar retired in 2014. She is coming in at a time the judiciary is vilified. The most difficult period to be a judge in Nigeria is during an election year.

     Kekere-Ekun is a witness to the events of 2023. As CJN, she has a lot of work to do, especially in the areas of reform and in respect of the 2027 elections, the highlight of which will be the presidential poll. As sure as night follows the day, the outcome of that election will end up at the Supreme Court. I do not need to be a soothsayer to know this. The signs are already manifesting.

    With those who lost the 2023 election yet to accept the fact, more than one year after the poll, it is certain that in 2027 they will go all out to make things more difficult for the judiciary and the country. I am serving the judiciary, especially CJ Kekere-Ekun, notice to be ready for a rough time in 2027.

    Read Also: Lawyers: what we expect from Kekere-Ekun

    CJ Kekere-Ekun has a huge task ahead of her. She is equal to the task having gone through the mills. From chief magistrate to chief justice, Milord has come a long way. She is assuming office at 66, meaning that she will hold office for about four years. Her tenure elapses on May 7, 2028, when she turns 70.

    Before then, she would have had the honour of swearing in the winner of the 2027 presidential election on May 29 of the same year. Not many CJs are lucky to swear in a new president during their tenures. Who knows, it could be an Eko show, if the incumbent is returned in 2027 and he is sworn in by Kekere-Ekun. Milord, as you well know, there is plenty of work to be done, and all her eyes are on you (I don’t mean that in a negative sense) to discharge your duty without fear or favour, affection or illwill, and to do justice to all, no matter their status. May God guide and guard you. Congratulations, Milord.

  • Ajaero and the law

    Ajaero and the law

    Ever since he became Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) president, Joe Ajaero has enjoyed tremendous visibility. He is  virtually everywhere. He is in the news again. On Monday, the police invited him for questioning over alleged terrorism. He was asked to report yesterday. He wrote back through his lawyers that he would not honour the invitation because of its clash with a ‘prior appointment’. I do not know the nature of this ‘prior appointment’. But can it be more important than answering a call to clear himself of an allegation as weighty as terrorism?

    Read Also: Alleged terrorism financing, others: Ajaero reschedules appointment with police

    Ajaero, his lawyers and NLC should know that nobody is above the law. The police extended courtesy to him by inviting him. Not many Nigerians enjoy that kind of privilege. If the police arrest him today for not honouring their invitation, heavens will not fall. NLC should stop threatening to call for a nationwide strike anytime Ajaero has a spat with the police or the government. The threat will not stop the police from doing their work.

  • Sitting with Osuntokun

    Sitting with Osuntokun

    • By Samuel Akinnuga

    I have written about “Osuntokun” twice in the last two years. The first was a tribute in 2022 when he turned 80. The second was another tribute some four months ago when he was acknowledged with an award for his contribution to education in Nigeria. It’s different this time.

    I got to know Prof as a final-year student. I mean, to know him closely enough to be welcomed in his office whenever he was around. I’d often stop by during breaks between classes and we’d talk for hours (many times) on end about literally everything. At the time, I had the privilege of serving as president of the students’ association and his counsel on a number of issues pertaining to leadership and my experience was instructive. To listen to him share from his experience was a great honour. George Clason frames this inclination best when he points out that “when youth comes to age for advice, he receives the wisdom of years.” The “wisdom of years” and his kind remarks have been the biggest gift I have received.

    Between Prof and I is an age difference of more than five decades. For older readers to get the picture, let me put it this way: Prof had already served out his tenure as ambassador before I was born. He was already in his fifties at the time. In spite of this age difference and his fatherly stature in my life, I still relate with him as a friend. I see Providence at work in our relationship. 

    Many people would do almost anything to get their youth back, mostly out of a desire to go back to do a few things better. While that is impossible, I believe that if one had lived a life of meaning then the privilege of growing old is a gift. I find myself leaning towards this view by Viktor E. Frankl in his best-selling classic – Man’s Search for Meaning: “There is no reason to pity old people. Instead, young people should envy them. It is true that the old have no opportunities, no possibilities in the future. But they have more than that. Instead of possibilities in the future, they have realities in the past – the potentialities they have actualised, the meanings they have fulfilled, the values they have realised – and nothing and nobody can ever remove these assets from the past.”

     Let’s begin.

    We talked about his upbringing, education, successes, regrets, faith, friendships, mentors, family, love and so on. I asked most of the questions in such a way that he would be required to give a list of three things. Of course, some questions were much easier, for example, when I asked for the three people (he actually named four people) who had made the most significant impact in his life; other questions, not so much. He had to dig deeper to find the answers, for example when I asked him to mention his three best friends through life.

     The conversation began on a jovial note:

    For the longest time, I’ve been curious about why his nephews and nieces call him “Uncle Johnson” – a name he dropped many years ago. I know this because I hear it every time I’m invited to a family function. For the first time, I asked him why this was so. He laughed, and for a moment tried to explain the situation using the ‘Baba Oko’ concept, which is common among the Yorubas. What typically obtains is that a wife would not call her husband’s brothers (or very close male family members) by their names without the prefix – ‘Broda’ – mostly as a sign of respect even if she is much older. And so, despite the considerable age difference between him and his brothers, their wives – in the typical Yoruba style – would call him “Broda Johnson.” Since he had been called that since he was about eight years or so, the implication is that their children – his nephews and nieces – called him “Uncle Johnson.” Decades after dropping the name and keeping only his Yoruba names, “Uncle Johnson” stuck.

    Read Also: HLF award: Well-deserved honour for Professor Osuntokun

     As we spoke about his relationships, it became clear that his best friends were people he met in his formative years. When I asked him about his three best friends through life, I wasn’t expecting that to be a particularly difficult question, but there was some struggle. After a little while, he mentioned Goke Adeniji (whom he met as a young student in Ibadan Grammar School); Gboyega Okusanya (whom he met in Christ School) and Ike Nwachukwu (whom he admitted he is “quite fond of”). I remember General Nwachukwu saying about Osuntokun at his 82nd birthday reception in April that he is “someone we can trust.” He went on to say: “I can say that I trust you…and you’ve never failed me.”

    Our decisions define our lives. He could have very well been a lawyer. In fact, he was offered admission to study law at the University of Lagos in 1963, but opted to study History at the University of Ibadan. More than 20 years later, he would join the University of Lagos as a faculty member in the Department of History. He had a good run there. In 2014, he was honoured as an Emeritus Professor of History in 2014 and was similarly honoured by the Redeemer’s University (where he retired) in 2016.

    When I asked him about the people who had the most significant impact on his life, a part of me was expecting that he would mention some prominent people of his time who were in public life, but no, they were all academics. His teachers made the greatest impression on him, viz: Professor J.F Ade-Ajayi; Professor John Flint (from his time as a doctoral student at Dalhousie University); Professor R.J Gavin (who tutored him and his peers for his “Special Paper” as it was then known at the University of Ibadan) and Professor Jibril Aminu. He specially acknowledged Professor Aminu’s role in his first public service appointment. He was privileged to serve as Overseas Director of the National Universities Commission (NUC) in Ottawa, Canada, and later in Washington DC, from 1978 – 1982. Other opportunities to serve would come after. He would go on to serve as Special Adviser to the Minister of External Affairs, 1988 – 1990; first Nigerian Ambassador to a reunited Federal Republic of Germany, 1991 – 1995; 10-time member of the Nigerian delegation to the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA); member of the five-man presidential advisory council on international relations, 1999 – 2015; amongst other opportunities to serve the nation. As he reflected during our chat, he believes he gave a good account of himself. The records are there.

    I believe every man has some regrets. That’s why I asked him about his regrets. Prof was honest. He wished the only woman he ever had a relationship with was the woman he married. That was not the case. Upon giving his life to Christ, he restituted.

    We talked about the high points of his life. I asked him to mention three things he is most proud of. The conversation happened over the phone. I wish I could have seen the look on his face. He shared: “I am most proud I became a professor. I wanted to be like my professors.” I am happy to have married the girl that I loved. I am also very proud of my children who are doing well in their different careers.” Some of his students have gone on to lead distinguished careers. He mentioned some names, but I’ve chosen to withhold the names of the most prominent ones who ended up in politics. Anyone can tell that Redeemer’s University (RUN) enjoys a special place in his heart. He happily shares: “I am most delighted by my RUN friends. They are shining everywhere they go.”

    I end the first part of this series with another personal admission. For many years, he had to deal with a perception some of his contemporaries had of him as an arrogant person, particularly when he ran for the vice chancellorship of the University of Lagos, but he explains, “I’m just shy. Introverted. Unless I know you very well, I don’t socialise.”

    • Akinnuga is executive director, The Adeyinka Adesope Foundation (TAAF).
  • Because we happened to Nigeria…

    Because we happened to Nigeria…

    Nigerians are a curious breed. Think of us as the proverbial coastal dwellers dying of thirst. We lament our parched tongues. But we defecate in our fresh springs and struggle to slake our thirst with poisonous waters from distant lands.

    Beyond metaphor, Nigeria teeters on the brink of cognitive dissonance, the mental racket that fuels our habit to curse our fate after we self-destruct.

    This dissonance seeps into the wellsprings of our civilization—corrupting culture, family, and our social institutions. The manifold failures that beset our country, from the bungled economy to our subversive partisanship; to our lack of universal and quality health care; to protracted terrorism and the neocolonialist grip on our politics and media, can all be traced back to the very institutions that mould and sustain our citizenry and political elite.

    In this fractured landscape, the need to rescue Nigeria from destructive mentality is not just urgent but existential. Amid the chaos, some Nigerians endeavour to challenge the status quo or at least sound the alarm over a glaring social ill. Consider the sad case of a certain Simon Oladapo, who witnessed the final moments of a very dear one at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH). The latter was taken to LUTH on an afternoon, only to be told that no beds were available—a familiar refrain in a country where scarcity often cloaks corruption.

    Yet, hope flickered when a bed was suddenly offered for a price: N100,000 naira. The sum was paid, and a space was secured. Oxygen, the breath of life, was the next demand, and again, money exchanged hands. Then came the tests, a race against time that ended abruptly within three hours of admission, as the patient’s life ebbed away. Yet at the latter’s death, the real ordeal had only just begun.

    The hospital, a place of healing, became a labyrinth of toxic bureaucracy. The release of the body was contingent upon the mortuary staff, who refused to act without a Coroner’s report. The Coroner, however, was conspicuously absent, a ghost in the machinery of death. Meanwhile, the hospital staff insisted on an autopsy before issuing a death certificate, despite the family’s refusal. The autopsy, they were told, would cost another N200,000 naira.

    Hours passed in anguish before the Coroner appeared, signing the necessary documents. An ambulance, hired to transport the body to Ibadan, waited in the oppressive silence. The mortuary staff, elusive for over an hour, eventually materialised, moving the corpse to the morgue where a fresh demand for an autopsy was made—despite the family’s protests.

    The morgue was then locked, its gate shut against the grieving family. The ambulance, hired in haste, stood idle as the night closed in, the family left stranded and broken by a system that seemed to care more for today and tomorrow’s fees than for the dignity of the dead.

    In the face of such cruelty, Oladapo lamented, “No honour for the dead. No feelings for the bereaved. I understand that the management of LUTH may not be aware that their staff are doing this. Some of those demons probably went to Mosque today to pray for a better Nigeria. Some of them will probably be in Church on Sunday to pray for Nigeria. As long as you have demons running around government institutions like this, no matter how fervently people pray for Nigeria, it will remain an irredeemable country.”

    The story resonates the pitiable fate of Dele Agekameh, an accomplished journalist whose life expired at the gates of the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH) in 2019. Agekameh was a victim of apathy and dereliction of duty from those who swore an oath to save lives. Nurses, who should have been the hands of mercy, turned away, leaving a dying man in his car – until he was pronounced dead.

    Did the walls of LASUTH reach out and deny him care? No, it was the men and women within. They are the embodiment of the everyday Nigerian—entrusted with position, power or privilege, only to wield it as a sword against the weak.

    Every Nigerian, in their silent complicity or active participation, chisel away at the foundations of the country, and then turn to curse the ruins they created. It is a twisted dance of self-sabotage, where the blame is artfully shifted to an abstract entity—Nigeria—an entity as lifeless as the earth and as pure as the gold lying dormant beneath it. But it is not Nigeria that fails her people; it is the people who fail Nigeria.

    This grotesque spectacle repeats in the fate of several deceased and bereaved Nigerians, who are forced to navigate a maze of extortion and inefficiency, as hospital staff bicker over bribes and paperwork while precious lives ebb away.

    What does this say about us? That in our quest for self-enrichment, even the sanctity of life is a commodity to be bartered? Such mean-spiritedness belongs primarily to the predator while it hunts its prey. Several civil servants and public officers become the architects of a dystopia where justice is bought, where healthcare is denied to the sick, and progress is sabotaged.

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    Yet, amid the grand chorus of finger-pointing, how many Nigerians pause to consider their own roles? It is easy to lament that “Nigeria happened” when faced with hardship, to cry that this vast land is cursed. But Nigeria is no more than soil and stone, rivers and mountains; it is Nigerians who manifest on Nigeria, like a curse.

    We see it in every corner of society. The Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) and National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL), for instance, plunge the nation into darkness and a vortex of fuel scarcity, not out of some malevolent force of nature, but through the hands of saboteurs within their ranks.

    The hypocrisy is staggering as the same civil servant who extorts and afflicts the public will bemoan leadership corruption and the state of the nation.

    Consider too, the sad irony of the 2020 #EndSARS movement, a powerful uprising against police brutality that ended in bitter public squabbles over the embezzlement of donor funds. How telling, that even in the midst of a righteous cause, the beast within us reared its head. We saw how swiftly the noble became the ignoble, how quickly the movement for justice was tainted by the same greed it sought to eradicate.

    This is not Nigeria’s fault. It is the fault of Nigerians, who pervert the promise of this great land. Until we confront this truth, we will continue to stumble in darkness, blaming the shadows for the sins we commit in daylight.

    We have weaponised our social systems, perverted our institutions, and in doing so, we have crafted a narrative of national failure. We are the saboteurs, the fraudsters, the corrupt officials, the indifferent citizens who look the other way. We are the ones who have taken a country rich in potential and turned it into a cautionary tale.

    But all is not lost. The first step towards redemption is recognition. We must see Nigeria for what it truly is—not a malevolent force, but a victim of our collective failings. And in that recognition, there is hope. Hope that we can change, that we can stop this self-inflicted tragedy and begin to build the Nigeria we dream of—a land where the soil is rich not only in resources but in the promise of a better future. Nigerians are a curious breed. Think of us as the proverbial coastal dwellers dying of thirst. We lament our parched tongues. But we defecate in our fresh springs and struggle to slake our thirst with poisonous waters from distant lands.

    Beyond metaphor, Nigeria teeters on the brink of cognitive dissonance, the mental racket that fuels our habit to curse our fate after we self-destruct.

    This dissonance seeps into the wellsprings of our civilization—corrupting culture, family, and our social institutions. The manifold failures that beset our country, from the bungled economy to our subversive partisanship; to our lack of universal and quality health care; to protracted terrorism and the neocolonialist grip on our politics and media, can all be traced back to the very institutions that mould and sustain our citizenry and political elite.

    In this fractured landscape, the need to rescue Nigeria from destructive mentality is not just urgent but existential. Amid the chaos, some Nigerians endeavour to challenge the status quo or at least sound the alarm over a glaring social ill. Consider the sad case of a certain Simon Oladapo, who witnessed the final moments of a very dear one at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH). The latter was taken to LUTH on an afternoon, only to be told that no beds were available—a familiar refrain in a country where scarcity often cloaks corruption.

    Yet, hope flickered when a bed was suddenly offered for a price: N100,000 naira. The sum was paid, and a space was secured. Oxygen, the breath of life, was the next demand, and again, money exchanged hands. Then came the tests, a race against time that ended abruptly within three hours of admission, as the patient’s life ebbed away. Yet at the latter’s death, the real ordeal had only just begun.

    The hospital, a place of healing, became a labyrinth of toxic bureaucracy. The release of the body was contingent upon the mortuary staff, who refused to act without a Coroner’s report. The Coroner, however, was conspicuously absent, a ghost in the machinery of death. Meanwhile, the hospital staff insisted on an autopsy before issuing a death certificate, despite the family’s refusal. The autopsy, they were told, would cost another N200,000 naira.

    Hours passed in anguish before the Coroner appeared, signing the necessary documents. An ambulance, hired to transport the body to Ibadan, waited in the oppressive silence. The mortuary staff, elusive for over an hour, eventually materialised, moving the corpse to the morgue where a fresh demand for an autopsy was made—despite the family’s protests.

    The morgue was then locked, its gate shut against the grieving family. The ambulance, hired in haste, stood idle as the night closed in, the family left stranded and broken by a system that seemed to care more for today and tomorrow’s fees than for the dignity of the dead.

    In the face of such cruelty, Oladapo lamented, “No honour for the dead. No feelings for the bereaved. I understand that the management of LUTH may not be aware that their staff are doing this. Some of those demons probably went to Mosque today to pray for a better Nigeria. Some of them will probably be in Church on Sunday to pray for Nigeria. As long as you have demons running around government institutions like this, no matter how fervently people pray for Nigeria, it will remain an irredeemable country.”

    The story resonates the pitiable fate of Dele Agekameh, an accomplished journalist whose life expired at the gates of the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH) in 2019. Agekameh was a victim of apathy and dereliction of duty from those who swore an oath to save lives. Nurses, who should have been the hands of mercy, turned away, leaving a dying man in his car – until he was pronounced dead.

    Did the walls of LASUTH reach out and deny him care? No, it was the men and women within. They are the embodiment of the everyday Nigerian—entrusted with position, power or privilege, only to wield it as a sword against the weak.

    Every Nigerian, in their silent complicity or active participation, chisel away at the foundations of the country, and then turn to curse the ruins they created. It is a twisted dance of self-sabotage, where the blame is artfully shifted to an abstract entity—Nigeria—an entity as lifeless as the earth and as pure as the gold lying dormant beneath it. But it is not Nigeria that fails her people; it is the people who fail Nigeria.

    This grotesque spectacle repeats in the fate of several deceased and bereaved Nigerians, who are forced to navigate a maze of extortion and inefficiency, as hospital staff bicker over bribes and paperwork while precious lives ebb away.

    What does this say about us? That in our quest for self-enrichment, even the sanctity of life is a commodity to be bartered? Such mean-spiritedness belongs primarily to the predator while it hunts its prey. Several civil servants and public officers become the architects of a dystopia where justice is bought, where healthcare is denied to the sick, and progress is sabotaged.

    Yet, amid the grand chorus of finger-pointing, how many Nigerians pause to consider their own roles? It is easy to lament that “Nigeria happened” when faced with hardship, to cry that this vast land is cursed. But Nigeria is no more than soil and stone, rivers and mountains; it is Nigerians who manifest on Nigeria, like a curse.

    We see it in every corner of society. The Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) and National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL), for instance, plunge the nation into darkness and a vortex of fuel scarcity, not out of some malevolent force of nature, but through the hands of saboteurs within their ranks.

    The hypocrisy is staggering as the same civil servant who extorts and afflicts the public will bemoan leadership corruption and the state of the nation.

    Consider too, the sad irony of the 2020 #EndSARS movement, a powerful uprising against police brutality that ended in bitter public squabbles over the embezzlement of donor funds. How telling, that even in the midst of a righteous cause, the beast within us reared its head. We saw how swiftly the noble became the ignoble, how quickly the movement for justice was tainted by the same greed it sought to eradicate.

    This is not Nigeria’s fault. It is the fault of Nigerians, who pervert the promise of this great land. Until we confront this truth, we will continue to stumble in darkness, blaming the shadows for the sins we commit in daylight.

    We have weaponised our social systems, perverted our institutions, and in doing so, we have crafted a narrative of national failure. We are the saboteurs, the fraudsters, the corrupt officials, the indifferent citizens who look the other way. We are the ones who have taken a country rich in potential and turned it into a cautionary tale.

    But all is not lost. The first step towards redemption is recognition. We must see Nigeria for what it truly is—not a malevolent force, but a victim of our collective failings. And in that recognition, there is hope. Hope that we can change, that we can stop this self-inflicted tragedy and begin to build the Nigeria we dream of—a land where the soil is rich not only in resources but in the promise of a better future.

  • Crude oil theft as response to state tyranny

    Crude oil theft as response to state tyranny

    “The rights of man come not from the generosity of the state but from the hand of God” – John F. Kennedy’s inaugural address January 20, 1961.

    Leaders must resist playing God as President Olusegun Obasanjo tried to do by dismissing the anger and anguish of impoverished people of Niger Delta in 2001. Crude oil theft, illegal refineries, vandalisation of oil pipelines and violence against foreign oil operators are but natural responses to disdain for ‘distributive justice”, equitable allocation of assets in society or as Aristotle puts it, ‘treating equals equally”.

    Conceptually, ‘fuel theft’ in the Niger Delta is a misnomer. For the leading lights and the warring militants of the ‘scorched land’ Niger Delta, whose region has been reduced to by crude oil merchants, it is a euphemism for resource control.

    And their reasoning is unassailable. The majority of the people of the region are extremely poor without access to basic necessities of life. Their air is polluted, their rivers poisoned and their land abused. Their youths including “General Loaf” in the words of Pa Edwin Clark, ‘have no education and are unemployable’. Adults can neither fish nor farm. Children with brownish hair are a sad reminder of acute malnutrition. 

    And it is not of any relief that they alone carry the burden and hazards of their environment while a few reap its benefits.  While they have no bridges over their rivers, those enjoying the environmental benefits of their land built ‘bridges over land’ in state capitals across the nation including Abeokuta, a city built on the rock and Kano on the edge of the Sahara desert.

     Oil theft in the Niger Delta can therefore be seen as a protest against the tyranny of the state especially when President Obasanjo, a personification of the state, contemptuously breached section 162 (2) of the 1989 constitution which declares that “the principle of derivation shall be constantly reflected in any approved formula as being not less than 13 percent of the revenue accruing to the Federation Account”

    Crude oil theft in the Niger Delta is therefore beyond finger pointing as Tony Elumelu, a representative of Nigerian elite who always try to play the ostrich instead of calling a spade by its name tried to do in his interview with Financial Times some two weeks back. It is not enough to demonise the federal government when both the federal and Niger Delta leaders are tarred with the same brush.

    For instance, just as Elumelu was pointing fingers, the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) was also speaking  of 63 illegal refineries discovered and confiscated in one week in  Bayelsa, Rivers, Abia, Imo and Delta states,  177 incidents of oil theft  recorded between August 3 and 9 by different incident sources and 17 vehicular arrests  made in communities in Mosogar, Oleh, and Amooe in Delta State, Imiringi in Bayelsa State, Korokoro and Akwa Odogwa in Rivers State, and in Akwa Ibom State. The 15 wooden boats conveying stolen crude that were confiscated, in Rivers and Bayelsa states and 19 illegal pipeline connections recovered, during which some underwent repairs across several locations in Bayelsa and River states.

    The fact that all the Niger Delta governors, their state assembly lawmakers, LGA chairmen, councillors  and National Assembly legislators live within the above identified crime scenes only validate the thesis that the parasitic bug that feeds on the vegetable lives within the vegetable.

    But perhaps to underscore how critical crude oil theft symbolizes symptoms of our crisis of nation-building, requiring urgent political solution, we need to take a journey through memory to remind ourselves where the rain started to beat us.

    The Nigerian elite (political, economic, intellectual and the military), the scourge of Nigeria, lured the military into politics. And because the military was ill-equipped and ill-trained to manage a multi-cultural and a heterogeneous society, they soon plunged the country in to a civil war. Desperate to generate revenue to prosecute the war, they embarked on promulgation of decrees including that on-shore and off-shore dichotomy and those that set aside revenue allocation based on derivation, a critical element in our founding fathers’ decision to form a federation of Nigerian ethnic nationalities.

    The confiscation and centralization of resources of the regions that aided their victory during the war was retained by successive military regimes. In the 1979 constitution, Ben Nwabueze and Rotimi Williams whether driven by their ideological beliefs in strong centre or doing the bidding of a military, retained the military era revenue allocation structure.

     The 1999 constitution, often dismissed as Abdulsalami Decree 24, with all its imperfections reluctantly allocated 13% derivation to the oil producing states despite stiff opposition from northern politicians.

     Obasanjo in 1999, perhaps to please the opponents of the 13% derivation who were mainly northern politicians that imposed him on the west and went on to put him power, instead of paying the 13% approved by the constitution, opted to dispatch Bola Ige, his Attorney General and Minister of Justice to seek the interpretation of totally unrelated on-shore and off-shore dichotomy at the Supreme Court in February 2001. Obasanjo’s victory at the apex court on April 5, 2002 reduced the 13% constitutional provision by as much as 7.5%.

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    People of Niger Delta felt betrayed by their president with  the Ijaw National Congress (INC) declaring Obasanjo’s action as “a declaration of war against the defenceless people of Niger Delta”(Vanguard, April 20, 2002) and the Niger Delta Youth Congress (NDYC)  threatening “to renegotiate their membership or otherwise withdraw from a Nigerian federation which has its laws and constitution significantly skewed in favour of an unnecessarily large, powerful and domineering central government”.(Punch, April 20 2002)

    Renewed attack on oil facilities and kidnapping of oil executives soon began. Obasanjo’s side-lined VP Atiku Abubakar, joined forces with James Ibori and other Niger Delta states governors to threaten Obasanjo’s second term ambition.  This threat forced Obasanjo to send a bill to the National Assembly to abrogate the onshore and offshore dichotomy. But it was too late. The militants had realized their potential to wreck Nigerian economy.

    Yar’Adua presidency was forced to set up the Amnesty Programme and deploy Vice President Goodluck Jonathan to go and appeal to the conscience of his constituency in the creeks. There were new undertakings including the establishment of a new free trade zone in Ogidigben, Delta State, with world-class petrochemical and fertilizer plants and creation of over five million jobs across the value chain. The Amnesty Programme and Jonathan interaction with his people helped to increase oil production from pre-amnesty level of 700,000 to about 2,500,000 barrels per day.

    Despite the Amnesty Programme, the silent war against the federal government continued. As late as 2013, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala,  from her far away World Bank and the International Monetary Fund meeting in New York, admitted to the federal government’s loss of  about 300,000 barrels daily, or $1billion (N155 billion) revenue monthly. According to her  “a great deal of loss in production is also closely linked to illegal bunkering, and oil theft  which  were getting more evasive as the criminals were going beyond the outer pipelines and moving into more sensitive pipes.’ (The Premium Times April 18, 2013).

    The 2015 presidential election that pitched President Jonathan, a Niger Delta candidate against Buhari, a Fulani man was turned to an indirect battle for resource control.  Niger Delta politicians led by Nyesom Wike appealed to the sentiments of their people by painting Buhari as an outsider coming to take control of the resources of Niger Delta.  The Niger Delta militants saw Jonathan’s loss as a licence to continue sabotaging the economy of the country. The effect was that crude oil export never moved beyond 50% of what obtained during Jonathan presidency.

    Not much has changed under Tinubu presidency. In fact the sabotage of the oil sector and the economy started with Godwin Emefiele, the CBN Governor and Niger Delta indigene who was an aggrieved aspiring APC candidate in the election. Graduates of the Amnesty Programme that received technical professional training abroad are today believed to be fronting for their leaders, their collaborators outside the state and international criminal gangs to resist the tyranny of the state by taking what they believe rightly belong to them.

    With over 600,000 barrels of crude oil stolen daily, with over a thousand of unresolved cases of crude oil theft pending in the courts with a hundred new daily discovery by an overwhelmed and poorly paid security personnel that many believe may not be able to refuse inducement, it has become apparent that solution to crude oil theft is not judiciary but politics. The country will be better off by adopting fiscal federalism that allows the oil producing areas retain 50% of generated revenue as was the case in the first republic.

    And the cheapest way to go about it according to Chief Olu Falae, “is going back to the Independence Constitution which our leaders negotiated with the British between 1957 and 1959. It was on that basis that the three regions agreed to go to independence as one united country”.

  • Not too big to fail

    Not too big to fail

    The failure of businesses start in a small way. The little things that are ignored over time eventually come to haunt and hurt the business empire fatally. I have seen such happen in my little time on earth. I have also seen a business completely written off arise and shine. These things are inexplicable but they do happen.

    So, it is for businesses to know how to manage their succeses in a way to secure their future as ongoing concerns. The best of plans may not be adequate, at times as unforeseen forces may combine to smother any well-laid plans. But plan, a business must. Reason: if you fail to plan, you have planned to fail.

    No business or individual plans to fail. Everybody desires success. As we all know, success does not come cheap. It comes with a lot of industry, enterprise, diligence, hard work and most importantly, divine grace. Little wonder, the Christian faithful will tell you: “seek ye first the kingdom of God and its righteousness and every other thing shall be added unto you”.

    You cannot challenge the word of God. Those who did had a bitter story to tell. It is not always though that businesses crumble because of their owners lack of faith. Other factors may be infighting, mismanagement, lack of trust and feud over equity stakeholding. In its hey day, The Daily Times of Nigeria (DTN) Plc was a household name. It was a generic name for newspapers in this land. It circulated far and wide, reaching the inner recesses of Nigeria as early as 5 a.m., with vendors hooting their horns to attract buyers.

    It was already comatose before it was sold in 2004. Its privatisation sounded its death knell. It still publishes in fits and starts today, but the truth is the old Daily Times is gone. If it were to be in its vibrant days, the Daily Times would have been preparing to celebrate its centenary (100 years) in 2026. It first hit the newsstand on June 1, 1926, though it was incorporated in 1925. Wikipedia succinctly captures the fate of the paper:

    Daily Times Nigeria (DTN)

    “The Daily Times was a Nigerian newspaper with headquarters in Lagos. At its peak in the 1970s, it was one of the most successful locally-owned businesses in Africa”. Yes, the paper’s fame grew beyond the shores of Nigeria. Yet, the paper and its many subsidiaries which sustained the publication for over 70 years are gone. In contrast, a private newspaper which was given up for death following the founder’s demise has virtually taken the place of Daily Times in the industry.

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    Today, what is happening within the oldest financial institution in the country calls for concerns. We have seen equally big banks like it either failed or acquired by small banks. First Bank may be in a class of its own, but it must take things easy so that boardroom politics does not lead to the singing of its nunc dimittis. In 2008, we saw how the financial meltdown dealt with the world. America was in panic. So also was Wall Street, as detailed in the book: “Too big to fail”. So, Wall Street and Washington rallied to save themselves and the globe from disaster.

    For years, a shareholding feud has tugged at the heart of First Bank. Who holds the largest shares is at the root of the rift. This is a matter that can be resolved amicably. In this regard, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) should stay above the fray in order to settle the dispute before it tears the bank apart, bringing down hundreds of years of toil and billions of investments.

    It is not in anybody’s interest that the 130-year-old bank should die because of the dire consequences. The fates of many are tied to the bank, which has over 1.3 million shareholders; depositors (big and small), investors (large, medium and small), workers of various categories and numerous borrowers with outstanding loans to repay. If the bank dies, it will take down many with it.

    There should be a way out of the rift, without causing the bank’s fall. The interests of its many publics should be paramount in how the court and CBN eventually resolve this raging dispute in order to save this behemoth from itself. It is crystal clear that no venture is too big to fail. But nobody, not even the feuding money men, will wish that for the bank.