Category: Thursday

  • How northern leaders betrayed Ahmadu Bello and the nation

    How northern leaders betrayed Ahmadu Bello and the nation

    Fortuitously, we now have some discordant voices coming from northern political elite, once united only by their opposition to our independence article of faith – “that each federating unit develops at its own pace without interference from others”. This is however coming after over 50 years of our nation’s nightmare, 15 years of Boko Haram’s mindless killings and devastation, nine years of terrorism by immigrant herdsmen and 10 years of banditry by subsistence farmers and cattle herders. 

    For other federating nationalities held down by the conspiracy of the dominant, this was nothing but a betrayal of the ideals of visionary Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and the first Premier of Northern Nigeria who was assassinated in 1966 by misguided young soldiers.

    First was the hypocrisy of Ango Abdulahi’s Northern Elders Forum who, after serially betraying the aspirations of the northern masses that look up to them for direction, like the proverbial Ostrich that hides its head in the sand, now turns around to find whipping dog in President Tinubu and his less than one year old administration. Speaking on the abduction and release of the Kuriga school children, it declared: “The Northern Elders Forum firmly declares that enough is enough… Unfortunately, just months into the Tinubu administration, there have already been clear signs of failure in providing the vital aspects of security of life and property to citizens.”

    Of course no one should hold brief for President Tinubu. The buck stops at his table. But it is sad that the northern leaders continue to live in denial. Except northern leaders, every discerning person cannot but see the linkage between the self-inflicted crisis in the north and their feudal system which is ideologically opposed to any form of egalitarianism including sending children of the poor that are today on rampage to school.

     But it was just as well that there was the dissenting voice of Dr Shehu Mahdi, President Buhari’s former controversial executive Secretary of NHIS, who chose not to be economical with the truth. For him, northern leaders are the scourge of the north and they alone can find peace for their people. For him, “With northern vice president, northern Speaker, northern head of the military, northern NSC, Northern Secretary etc, it is time for northern leaders to lock themselves up in a room, look at themselves in the mirror and admit they have failed their people and resolve on how to bring peace to our lives”.

    But sadly, it has not always been like this. Ahmadu Bello, the great grandson of Sultan Muhammad Bello, the second Sultan of Sokoto after Usmanu Dan Fodio, was proud of his ancestry. Some even described him as arrogant for referring to the Bantus of Benue trough as his great grandfather’s slaves. But he was a decent and selfless leader. His controversial northernisation policy was designed to protect his people. And it “reflects the cotemporary desires for modernization, struggle over who would direct and benefit from such changes and concern over the cultural and moral scaffolding of independence Nigeria”. (Douglas Anthony, Decolonization, Race and Region in Nigeria, Northernisation revisited (International Journal of African historical studies Vop.51, No.1 (2018)

    Ahmadu Bello’s policies were never designed to impede the development of Nigeria but to make the north more competitive in an emerging Nigerian state where most of the ethnic nationalities wanted their own nation within the greater Nigerian nation state. If Ahmadu Bello and his northern pathfinders had insisted on 50% of membership of the national assembly in 1950, it was a survival strategy in an emerging Nigeria where the less educated north unlike other nationalities did not have their first doctors and lawyers until mid-fifties. 

    He and his group copied what was good from other regions and strived to build a formidable northern bureaucracy and academic institution. We have no evidence that ABU that produced a world-acclaimed intellectual such as the late Professor Ayodele Awojobi, alias ‘the Akoka Giant’, whose PhD thesis from UK University was said to be responsible for off-shore oil mining on the high seas, and the famous architect, Fola Alade, the designer of abandoned Federal Secretariat, Ikoyi could not be said to be inferior to the nation’s other institutions.

     Ahmadu Bello, a man of great vision,  will today be probably troubled in his grave  to discover that beneficiaries of his visionary leadership have become ethnic irredentists collaborating with less endowed military soldiers of fortune who joined the military in order to climb the social ladder (many initial recruits were picked from motor parks in Kaduna while Buhari attested to the magnanimity of Ahmadu Bello who picked him up from his Daura village saving him from remaining a herdsman) to foist disruptive and self-serving policies such as quota system that kills meritocracy and creation of  more LGAs for the north without objective criteria beyond cornering resources of more productive members of the union.

     That the north at the beginning was not as economically endowed as the south, the major incentive for the 1914 British amalgamation of the northern and southern protectorates was a settled issue. But there is no evidence that Ahmadu Bello and his northern political elite opposed revenue allocation based on derivation all through the constitutional debate leading to independence. Instead, he went on to supervise the groundnut pyramids, the sources of revenue for building the biggest business conglomerate in Africa as well as other infrastructures including roads, Ahmadu Bello Stadium and Ahmadu Bello University and was still able to provide security for the whole of the north.

    The rain started to beat us after the civil war with the emergence of northern soldiers of fortune and self-serving northern politicians who found Bello’s shoe too big. Murtala Muhammed destroyed the academia and bureaucracy without which a nation decays; Shehu Shagari smoked while his NPN wrecked the economic ship of state despite Awo’s warning it was heading for the rocks. Babangida destroyed our budding industries by opening our nation to importation of goods from Europe and its satellite nations. He manipulated the religion sensibilities of the north by illegally taking the country into OIC. Abacha who according to Alli Mazrui was too unintelligent to know fears, stole the country blind while he waged a five-year war against Nigeria’s pro-democracy groups. Abdulsalami Abubakar authored the 1999 constitution derisively referred re to as ‘Decree 24’ by Nigerians. Finally, Buhari, caged by Fulani ethnic irredentists left the country more divided than he met it.

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    But it is not getting better with only 33% of Boko Haram infested Bornu in school, 70% of Nigerian out-of-school children from the north and with a large expanse of ungoverned territories spanning over 200 kilometres from Kaduna to Zamfara.

    The question those who care about our country are asking is whether the northern leaders including NEF, Gowon, Babangida and Abdulsalami Abubakar, herders’ patron such as Lamido Sanusi Lamido, are aware of these ungoverned territories. And if they are, why did they not rein in Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders’ Association before they carried out their threat to make Nigeria ungovernable unless they were given license for open grazing in places like Rivers, Ekiti, Ondo and Oyo?

    Why would they not persuade those who killed and confiscated their victims’ land to relocate to Kano following ex-governor, Abdullahi Ganduje’s undertaking to rehabilitate all herdsmen in Kano?  There was similarly not a whimper from northern elders as the battle line over attempt to export armed killer herdsmen from north’s ungoverned territories to Ondo’s reserved forest over which daggers were drawn between President Buhari’s ‘loyal gate keepers’ and the late Governor Akeredolu of Ondo.

    Northern leaders not only betrayed Ahmadu Bello, their illustrious forbearer, they remain the nation’s cancer.

  • A fugitive economic offender

    A fugitive economic offender

    His escape is at once shocking, annoying and inexplicable. How did it happen? This was the question that first crossed my mind. My early responses to the sad development were understandably bewildering; I am still bewildered. I do not understand why any Nigerian will help a crook and a foreigner, to boot, to escape justice. Why will any Nigerian do that?

    I know your answer: money. But must we reduce everything to money, especially at a time like this when things are topsy-turvy and all hands should be on deck to return the country to the right path. It is a shame, a big shame, for any Nigerian to have aided the escape of the detained Binance chief, Nadeem Anjarwalla, from house arrest last Friday. He was said to have been kept in a safe house. We now know how ‘safe’ the well-furnished safe guest house is.

    Anjarwalla, a Kenyan-British, whose name sounds Indian fled from the mosque he was said to have been taken to for prayers after the breaking of his fast that day. This is the month of Ramadan and it is obligatory for every Muslim faithful to fast during the month. But nowhere is it written, whether in the Quran or in the Book of Hadiths (the sayings of Prophet Muhammed, PBOH), that a detained person observing the fast must be taking to the mosque to join the congregational prayer. He prays in his detention room as detainees are known to do, no matter their status.

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    As important as congregational prayers are in Islam, allowance is made for individuals to pray alone under certain circumstances, and detention must be one of them. There was no need to take Anjarwalla out for congregational prayers on the day of his escape. I daresay he was granted that privilege as part of a premeditated plan to aid his escape. But why?

    Are his helpers saying that they are happy with what he and his firm, Binance, a global cryptocurrency trading outfit, are doing to contribute to the volatility of the foreign exchange (forex) market? Binance is not into genuine business; it is more into money laundering than bitcoins trading. Its trading activities are a window-dressing, a cover-up for its illegal dealings in helping crooks to siphon money out of their countries.

    If Binance was into licit business, it would not have run into trouble in many countries. Anjarwalla’s well coordinated and executed escape plan has shown that Binance is a fraud. It is not a firm with the interest of any nation at heart. Binance’s main interest is in wrecking nations, using the unscrupulous elements of those countries to achieve its cloaked criminal tendencies.

     I am sure that many of Binance’s powerful customers were uncomfortable with the detention of Anjarwalla and his colleague, Tigran Gambaryan. These powerful Nigerians, who are feasting on the forex market, would prefer that the value of naira continues to fall in exchange for the dollar. They will do anything to get him out of the country to ensure that they are not unmasked.

    Remember that a court ordered Binance to furnish the government with the details of its customers – their names, addresses and other account indicators? Binance has refused to comply with the order till this day. What is Binance afraid of, if it is not into illicit business? Its continued disobedience of the court’s order shows that it has something to hide. Its operations are shrouded in secrecy, and this is something not allowed in the financial services sector.

    How did Binance get its licence in the first place? Binance may have found its way into Nigeria as it did in many other countries because there are always criminals both highly- and lowly-placed ready to help such firms because of the mutually beneficial enormous filthy lucre from the venture. These criminals will readily tell you: nothing ventured, nothing gained to justify what they are doing. What kind of venture or gain is there in an illicit business?

    Anjarwalla may have beaten the dragnet around him to escape, but he can only run, he cannot hide. Sooner than later, he will be rearrested and brought back to Nigeria to answer for his crime. Now that he has turned himself to an economic fugitive from the law, he should know that no country is safe for him. He will be worsening his case if he runs to India which has a stiff law against this kind of crime.

    As he carries the tag of a fugitive economic offender, as India labels such crooks, around his neck, the government should look inwards to determine how this shame befell us. His keepers cannot be absolved in this matter. They know how he escaped and they should be made to tell the nation those, no matter how powerful these people are, who asked them to do it.

    The National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, must sit up too. Security matters are no child’s play. He should know the operatives to entrust with such sensitive assignments in future. That Anjarwalla escaped under his watch as NSA is not good at all.

    It should be a cause of concern to him that there are many within the system who are ready to buck it and damn the consequence as long as they achieve their aim of undermining the government. Something like this should not happen again. Never.

  • Bandit boys of the northwest (2)

    Bandit boys of the northwest (2)

    If there is another storm that Nigeria should be worried about, it is the influx of teenage boys into armed banditry.

    Eyewitnesses revealed that teenagers were among the bandits that invaded the Kajuru Station in Kaduna and abducted 86 victims, on Sunday, March 17, 2024.

    This comes a few days after bandits abducted 280 pupils and teachers of Government Secondary School and LEA Primary School at Kuriga, and Buda, also in Kajuru, and abducted 61 people.

    This brings to 427, the number of people abducted in Kaduna, within two weeks, or thereabouts.

    The conscription of teenagers for such terrifying attacks has become a major source of worry for residents and security agencies in the state.

    Reacting to the recent attacks, Kaduna governor, Uba Sani, blamed the state’s inability to end banditry on poorly equipped local security.

    “Vigilance service cannot hold anything more than pump actions and these bandits, they come around with AK-47s and even more sophisticated weapons. That is where we are!”, Said Sani in a recent interview.

    Consequently, he advocated for the creation of state police, stressing that, “When you create state police, you will give the state police the legal authority through our constitution to hold firearms including AK-47s. Then those communities can defend themselves.”

    Bandits killed no fewer than 1,192 people and abducted 3,348 others across Kaduna State between January and December 2021. Those killed were 1,038 men, 104 women and 50 minors, according to a security report by the immediate past administration of former Governor Nasir El-Rufai.

    Until Kaduna became the epicentre of banditry, Zamfara was its major hub in Nigeria’s northwest. The scourge persists across the region due to the conscription of boys by bandit groups.

    There are too many boys pretending to be hard men. Many of them eventually enter the bush and join forest bandits. It’s a terror that must be nipped in the bud, said an inspector with the police command in Gusau, Zamfara. He should know better.

    Three years ago, the Police Command in Zamfara arrested two students, 15-year-olds Donatus Ejeh and Tukur Bashir, in connection with their threats to abduct a staff, principal and students of their respective schools, the Dominican College and the Federal Government College (FGC), Anka.

    The teenagers were arrested following reports of their threats by the authorities of the affected schools.

    In another incident, a young boy narrated, in a viral video, how he was taught to shoot and kill by one Alhaji in Gidan Kaso village in the Birnin Magaji area of Zamfara State. The teenager claimed he had used his rifle uncountable times, adding that members of his gang, had kidnapped so many women. Some of those abducted were raped and killed, he said.

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    While kidnap for ransom and armed robbery constitute a nationwide scourge, the situation in Zamfara is particularly worrisome. It affirms suspicions that a lot of Nigeria’s security problems have sociological roots. They are traceable to unstable family structures.

    Insecurity takes its toll on everything, especially the family. As family falls apart, everything else falls apart: school, religion, local government, community. Family is the thread holding them all together. When it is severed, life, everything ends as we know it, according to Aliyu Daji, a sociologist and humanitarian volunteer.

    Every day, in Zamfara and other affected regions, children see their parents take flight. Fathers, who used to be seen as powerful authority figures are established as cowards in such situations; many of them are beaten and killed by younger men and even teenage boys, all these in the presence of their wives and children.

    Consequently, children don’t see their parents as authority figures anymore. Several boys at the cusp of adolescence and young adulthood suddenly discover that their fathers are very weak and defenceless before the brute force of armed bandits. Thus they see no reason to fear, obey or respect them anymore.

    In a sad twist, they have taken criminals and bandit leaders as their heroes and role models. And this explains why a lot of boys are joining criminal gangs.

    Several boys that I interviewed in Kadamutsa, Tsafe, Maru, Jangebe, Bakura, Talata Mafara, Gidan Zago Dansadau, rued the attacks that cost them their peace, education and homes, and extolled in the same breath, the notoriety and perceived mettle of their favourite bandit leaders.

    The northwest is a mess right now. But it’s a mess made of human error. Teenagers speak glowingly about bandit leaders.

    Ali Kachalla is particularly a teen favourite; it was his group that shot down a Nigerian Air Force (NAF) alpha jet on June 18, 2021, and subsequently burned a Mowag Piranha armoured personnel carrier in Dansadau on July 23, 2021.

    Rather than be repulsed by his viciousness, the teenagers whose lives have been ripped apart by the carnage he perpetrates, aspire to his notoriety.

    More worrisome is the perversion of the family dynamics where residents live in fear, the men in particular. Murtala Kanwuri is one of such men. Bankrupt and displaced from his home in Gidan Baru, when he spoke to me, the 68-year-old was visibly distraught. His youngest wife, Usama, was “sleeping with his former herder Bilyaminu.”

    Bilyaminu, 17, was entrusted in his care from childhood, soon after his parents died in a vehicle accident in Bauchi. But the teenager has grown from a mild beneficiary pecking on superfluous affection into Kanwuri’s nemesis.

    Men like Kanwuri abide in Zamfara’s troubled crannies. Occasionally, their wives leave home, sometimes in a group, under the pretext of petty trading or begging for alms. Often, they return with food and money.

    Eventually, some husbands learn to turn a blind eye and a deaf ear, bidding dawn to intrude apace and rid them of tyrant imagery of their wives splayed apart before bandit goons, their ripped moans spearing their peace through the night.

    Some women do it for food and some do it for money, I learnt from a Tsafe-based sweets hawker, Habibatu Mafara. Some wives, she disclosed, cuckold their husbands as a gesture of personal sacrifice.

    Some husbands, on discovery that they had been marked for death by bandits, who accuse them of giving up their informants to the military, become jittery. When this happens, the accused man either flees with his family or takes the initiative to approach the bandits, through a proxy, to plead for leniency.

    In doing this, he must be ready to abide by the bandits’ terms: a cash penalty or fine, or giving up his wife or wives for several nights in the bandits’ leader’s bed. Sometimes, the bandits visit the home of their victim and lay with his wives in his presence.

    They do this when they truly intend to humiliate the husband. Even so, they kill the man afterwards. There are, however, instances whereby the wives seize the initiative to approach the bandits to plead with their bodies on their husbands’ behalf.

    Sometimes, a wayward wife could also collude with her lover among the bandits to force her husband to give her up as a comfort wife or concubine to her bandit-beau.

    Banditry has ruined the sanctity of family life in the Northwest. There, several men have resigned to wretchedness, bearing their grief like a secret shame.

    For instance, Kanwuri, struggled to hide his misery during his conversation with me until his eyes parted and peeled from the burden, to spill the rivulet of a prodigal tear.

  • NASS leadership and plight of Nigerians

    NASS leadership and plight of Nigerians

    The dispute about how much parliamentarians particularly in the Senate are paid as constituency allowances gave some of us observers cause for worry. The amount of billions of Naira each MP gets, if true, demonstrates either insensitivity or outright irresponsibility. If true in a country where the monthly minimum wage is a mere N35,000, it amounts to dangling a red flag before a raging bull. Is it surprising that a few days after the revelation have witnessed a spate of strikes in our higher institutions apparently because the staff there feels if there was this kind of money in the country they should also share in the booty.

    The parliamentarians earlier on at the beginning of the session bought themselves each expensive four wheelers some of them armoured at humongous cost to the Nigerian exchequer.  There is also the accusation that the 2004 budget has been padded by up to N3.4 trillion. This is at a time when it seems the country is apparently bankrupt merely surviving by printing paper money that has brought the Naira so down that those who had saved money all their lives are finding out that  their savings have been reduced to outright nothingness.

    Is the way the government is spending money the way we are going to get out of our economic mess? This is at a time when the inflation is well over 25% and when the Naira is virtually worth nothing internationally. There must be a rational reason for our parliament to be behaving as if it wants to bring the roof down on our heads. Perhaps this raises the issue of our expensive presidential system of almost absolute separation of powers, giving each branch the power and licence to run parallel budgets irrespective of our dire economic straits. We have now discovered that this American system we are currently copying is totally inappropriate for our economy. This is why the parliamentary system is most appropriate because if we had a parliamentary system, we would hold the prime minister responsible for the spendthrift propensity of our parliament but in our current system we cannot hold the president responsible because he is not in control of the Senate and House of Representatives.

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    If we were to allow our people to decide our form of government, I have a feeling they will abolish the Senate and reduce the size of the House of Representatives by half and membership would be on part-time basis while the size of the executive would be radically reduced. Government is about people; they cannot be wallowing in poverty while their governing elite are stuffing themselves with Naira. What are the people getting from a bloated government in which salaries of officials are totally unrelated to the economic reality of the country?

    If Nigeria were the UAE or Kuwait or Singapore and our country was working, no one would worry about what leaders are making as long as everyone could see that the national income was growing. But we are not the aforementioned countries. We just have to cut our cloth according to our size.

    Those of us who are old enough can still remember when the Naira was king in West Africa and among global currencies. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Naira exchanged at almost two dollars to one Naira; we bought cars for anything from N2000 to N10,000 and this ranges from Japanese cars to German Mercedes with French Peugeot selling from N3000 to N5000. Those were the days and no young person believes us when we say “there was a country “as Chinua Achebe said and how true!

    When I was at the University of Ibadan between 1963 and 1966, the ambition of most bright students was to excel and be like our lecturers and professors. In those days, professors earned the same as cabinet ministers – a little higher than permanent secretaries. The amount was just about £3000 a year, that is £250 a month and it was enough to have a decent life and to educate your child in Cambridge or Oxford universities as some of our professors did. University teachers avoided politics like a plague. May be that was a mistake but that is the truth. Nobody wanted to be rich. People just wanted to have enough to have a roof over their heads, a car to take them around and to educate their children. The currency was stable and even when we changed the Nigerian pounds to Naira it remained still stable.

    Our problems started with the stupendous increase in our national revenue following the Israeli-Arab war of 1973 and the Arab oil embargo which spiked the price of crude oil and Nigerian oil revenues. The military intervention in Nigerian politics from 1966 to 1999 with the thieving Shagari interregnum, released the corruption genies from the bottle and we have not been able to put them back until now when we seem to have lost total control of our economy. Economy ticket by air to London used to cost N300 now it costs about three million naira. All this happened in our lifetimes! Our story is like that of a fool who would soon part with his riches.

    This reminds me of a personal experience. When I was in Germany between 1991 and 1995, the foreign allowance paid to our ambassador was a fifth of what the Ambassador of Singapore and Zimbabwe were paid. I thought that was odd but understandable. The reason for such a disparity in Singapore and Nigerian treatment of their envoys was that Singapore was comfortable with that high remuneration and could afford it. But for Zimbabwe, it was outright foolishness. I doubt if it can even maintain an embassy in Germany today not to talk of paying their ambassador. I hope this is not our fate if we refuse to moderate our demands on our scarce national resources. The philosophy in Singapore is and was that their officials were paid so high that only greed would make any of them dip their hands in the national coffers and this is one of the reasons for their success. Despite the humongous salaries and allowances our members of parliament give to themselves, this has not stopped their cupidity for filthy lucre in their raid of MDAs while supposedly carrying out their oversight functions .

  • Army 17: Black Thursday in Okuama

    Army 17: Black Thursday in Okuama

    I was tempted to title this piece: The Okuama massacre, but stopped from doing so for reasons best known to me. But make no mistakes about it. What happened in Okuama, a riverine community in Ughelli South Local Government of Delta State, on Thursday, March 14, was a massacre. What makes it a massacre?

    A massacre, according to the Oxford Dictionary, is an indiscriminate and brutal slaughter of many people. Were those four officers and 13 soldiers indiscriminately and brutally slaughtered? Yes they were. Were they many. The answer is again: Yes. If 17 persons cannot be classified as many, I wonder which number will.

    I wanted to give this article that title to show the hypocrisy of many of our so-called activists, social critics and politicians, who usually shout to high heavens when incidents like these happen. In this instance, they have lost their voices or better still are playing the ostrich, by burying their heads in the sands, pretending that all is well as well as trying to rationalise the incident.

    There is nothing to rationalise about it. What is wrong is wrong and should be condemned by all right-thinking people. To be candid, what happened in Okuama that fateful Thursday was nothing short of a massacre – the gruesome murder and butchering of 17 soldiers, comprising a Lieutenant Colonel, two Majors, one Captain and 13 rank and file. Our well known noise-makers are not shouting themselves hoarse because the victims are Servicemen. This is where they miss it.

    Are Servicemen not human beings like us? Are the deceased not the relatives, sons, husbands, fathers, uncles, nephews and friends of some people? Do they not have blood flowing in their veins too? It is disheartening when through acts of omission and commission, we unwittingly draw a line between one life and the other. The life of a soldier is as precious as that of a civilian. No life is cheap because nobody, no matter how powerful they are, can create or recreate it, when taking.

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    If things had been the other way round, the noise-makers would have been threatening fire and brimstone, giving the government a deadline to fish out the killers or they will go to the World Court to enforce the villagers’ right to life. None of them is talking now about the slain soldiers’ right to life. Should a soldier be killed and butchered in such manner just because he is a Service personnel and the human rights world’s main concern would be that the army does not respond in kind?.

    So, what should the army do? Keep quiet and pretend that nothing happened to its personnel in Okuama on March 14. To me, what the soldiers went there for is secondary. They are constitutionally empowered to assist the civil authority to restore law and order in any restive part of the country, even though their major task is to defend it against external aggressions. The Constitution does not preclude them from engaging in internal operations when the need arises. There is nothing new in what the soldiers did by going to Okuama.

    Those who were bellowing massacre! massacre!! massacre!!! over the Lekki Toll Gate incident during the 2020 EndSARS Protest, without any proof to back their claim, are tongue-tied at what happened in Okuama despite the ample evidence of the slaughtering that took place there. What happened in Lekki about four years ago pales into insignificance compared to the Okuama incident. There is nowhere in the world that soldiers are butchered and the dastardly act is swept under the carpet. The perpetrators are made to pay heavily for the bestial act.

    This instant case cannot be different. None of us can really say what happened in Okuama, except members of the community, who witnessed it all. These people are more than likely to colour the story to make the soldiers look like villains. They have started already. But they inadvertently gave themselves away in an audio clip now trending in the social media. In the clip, the narrators claimed that the ‘well-received’ soldiers, insisted on taking some of the community’s leaders with them, after a meeting in the town hall.

    This might have been the stage where things went awry as the people kicked against the request. What happened next? Was there a scuffle which led to the overpowering of the soldiers and their eventual slaughtering? The narrators must be fished out to tell the rest of the story. The clip does not help the Okuama people’s case. It is an afterthought and it was hurriedly made to give a false narrative of what transpired.

    Who can challenge the clip’s content now that the other party has been slaughtered? We will never get the other side of the story because the soldiers that can tell it have been butchered. The Okuama community has a choice. It is to admit the mistake of what happened, fish out the murderers, and apologise to the bereaved families, the army and the entire nation. The slaughtering of those soldiers is a declaration of war on the army in that community.

    Those who butchered the Army 17 have murdered sleep and they shall sleep no more. Whatever happens to them, when caught, and their community is of their own making. Adieu, our gallant soldiers and heroes. May your killers not know rest until they are brought to justice. May they get their just deserts.

  • Of children abduction and soldiers killing

    Of children abduction and soldiers killing

    The initial lull in the activities of terrorists, bandits and militants visiting pain and death on Nigerians was probably to test if President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s approach would be different from those of his predecessors. Sadly, the nightmare of haunted Nigerians has returned and now in full swing. Over 280 schoolchildren and some teachers abducted from Kuriga, Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna State, by bandits on Thursday, March 7, are currently marooned in the forest with their captors.   A fresh attack on the same Dogon-Noma community, Kajuru Local Government Area in the early hours of Saturday, barely three days after left one dead and eight women kidnapped.  A renewed attack on Sunday resulted in the harvesting of an additional 87 captives.

    The nation’s nightmare continued with Sunday’s mindless killing of 17 gallant soldiers of the 181 Amphibious Battalion, Bomadi Local Government Area of Delta State by irate youths while on a peace mission to Okuoma community over land dispute.

     Once again, as tragic as the above incidents are, the two different events are mere symptoms of our unresolved national question. We cannot continue to do the same thing over and over and expect different result. A people that refuse to learn from history will be punished by history. Our leaders enjoy playing the ostrich instead of helping us to confront our own demons.

    For instance, where will bandits get ungoverned forest to hide 285 children in a strong northwest region, with state police, community police and forest guards heavily armed to secure communities and their forests? And what will be the business of highly trained military personnel with local land dispute in a Bomadi LGA, not created and funded from Abuja but created, funded and run by the natives?

    President Tinubu however must take full responsibility for the continued nightmare of Nigerians. The buck stops at his table. He asked for the job and had 20 years to prepare for it. Kuriga was preventable because the president was familiar with the April 14, 2014 abduction of 214 Chibok schoolgirls and fruitless search by Babagana Monguno’s (the National Security Adviser (NSA) 100 jet fighters. President Tinubu could not have suddenly forgotten that the February 19, 2018 carting away of 110 students of Government Girls’ Science Technical College (GGSTC), Dapchi, in 11 trucks by suspected Boko Haram terrorists in military fatigues was blamed by the international community on absence of governance.

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    President Tinubu understands the nature of our crisis of nation-building and the solutions canvassed by Nigerian stakeholders since 1970. Some two months back, Wole Soyinka, regarded as the conscience of the nation, was with him in Abuja to remind him of the imperative of restructuring.  Just last week, Akinwunmi Adesina, an internationally acknowledged Nigerian star during his presentation of the Awo Foundation lecture, spoke of the possibility of “a united states of Nigeria”. And just this last Monday, Emeka Anyaoku, another recognized Nigerian star who spoke at the gathering of ‘The Patriot’, a group initiated by late Professor Ben Nwabueze and Rotimi Williams both of whom regretted foisting a unitary constitution on the country in 1979, where he reminded us that like most multi-ethnic societies, the federal option is the only way of liberating individual and groups from the tyranny of the state.

    These three and a handful of their tribe spread across the country and in the diaspora are the only few members of the Nigerian tribe we know. Others who publicly swear by their “Nigerian-ness’ only do so because such offers an opportunity to secure political office, oil block, or fraudulently take control of the commanding heights of the nation’s economy. Majority of us are Hausa Fulani, Zango Kataf, Igbo, Yoruba, Ijaw, Edo, Tiv, etc. citizens.

    The implication of this is that if the police as a vital state institution is defined by society, we don’t in the real sense of it have federal police but police that wear the colours of ethnic nationalities. And this is why the police is not answerable to the state but to ethnic groups, powerful individuals and the highest bidder including criminals. We could not have suddenly forgotten how President Buhari’s IGP Ibrahim Idris told Nigerians that terrorists who killed, maimed and confiscated the community land of victim condemned to IDP camps were ghosts.

    A structure that sustains an IGP’s arrogance in selectively determining which states laws to implement cannot effectively address states’ security challenges.  This is why it has been tales after tales from one IGP to the other even as killings by terrorists and kidnapping by bandits continue in many of the states.

    President Tinubu understands where the rain started to beat us and has not got the luxury of playing the ostrich.

    Our founding fathers bequeathed onto us a working federal constitution. Military adventurers in search of a vision of better society they were ill-equipped to understand starting with Aguiyi Ironsi came up with the 1966 Unification Decree 34.

    Eleven of Gowon military messiahs were found to be men with feet of clay. Murtala Muhammed destroyed academia and bureaucracy, the two institutions without which society decays.

    Fast forward to the Babangida regime in 1985. While he was busy turning the nation to net importer of labour of other societies by ceding the commanding heights of the economy to mostly dubious and ill-equipped members of the governing elite interested only in asset stripping, he was christened “Prince of the Lower Niger’’ by grovelling intellectuals and received the National Economic Society of Nigeria’s (NES) highest honour for his handling of the economy.

     Obasanjo started massive centralization of states institutions. As an elected president, he sold our patrimony in the name of privatization. And without understanding that no modern state has ever developed since the 18th century without the central role of political parties, he destroyed PDP, AD and ANPP in the name of “mainstreaming”. Out of office, perhaps as an admission of failure, he in 2018 inaugurated a short-lived movement he claimed “will mobilise our population for unity, cooperation, development, rule of law, employment, law and order, justice, integration, peace, security, stability, welfare and well-being”.

    If only on account of the humongous amount stolen under President Goodluck Jonathan’s watch, those who claimed he was the answer to the national question served none but themselves.

    We have seen how Muhammadu Buhari frittered away goodwill of Nigerians for eight years while being held hostage by terrorists visiting death on Nigerians.

    Well prepared Tinubu, unlike his ill-prepared predecessors who instead of learning how other multi-ethnic societies face their own demons played the ostrich while self-serving members of the governing elite demonstrated their lack of faith in the country by stealing the country blind, has an edge.  From his experience from the trenches and strategic studies, he understands very clearly that lack of faith in one’s country arises from social discontent, marginalisation, injustice and denial of quest for self-actualisation, all of which find expression in social strife, sabotage of economic activities, rebellion, militancy and sometimes civil war.

    Our nation has experienced these manifestations since the military misadventure into politics in 1966. If his predecessors did everything except addressing the causes of these malcontents, President Tinubu has his work cut out for him.

  • Bandit boys of the northwest

    Bandit boys of the northwest

    The boy bandit manifests as our reality check; the frightful glimpse into our infernal core. Aliyu Jatau, for instance, is a spear of consequence impaled into Nigeria’s northwest.

    In my encounter with him in Zamfara, the 17-year-old’s face spooled the mathematical grid of our defeat by chthonic lust and Nigeria’s retreat into bestial nature.

    Life as a bandit oft becomes heated and extremely dangerous but the likes of Aliyu are ready to die with the gun. In their reckless, macabre life, peace is overrated and school, a terrible bore.

    Their loaded rifles spit nutriment to their malnourished minds. In their world, bullets glow like ‘dabino’ and a rocket launcher excites their thirst for mayhem.

    Strife has poured into them its metal and chaos in queer doses. And they will give them back, first, in bitty slugs of rampage. Then, in mammoth dispensations of carnage and bloodlust.

    This minute, the carnage presents with the umpteenth scare in Nigeria’s grisly drama perhaps. Few days after bandits abducted 280 pupils and teachers of Government Secondary School and LEA Primary School at Kuriga, Kaduna State, they struck in another part of the state, Buda, in Kajuru local council, and abducted 61 people.

    This brings to 341, the number of people abducted in Kaduna, within two weeks, or thereabouts. The latest mass abduction occurred late Monday night around 11:45 p.m. while many residents were fast asleep.

    Residents claimed the kidnappers stormed the community in large numbers, shooting sporadically as they abducted residents.

    But for the swift response of soldiers, who were about two kilometres away from Kajuru, the bandits would have made off with a higher number of abductees, according to residents.

    The recent abductions, like a few before them, neither triggered national outrage nor elicited the urgent concern, protest hashtags and virtue signalling inspired by the abduction of the Chibok girls in 2014.

    Civil societies and governments at home and abroad are disconcertingly quiet and have conveniently turned a blind eye and deaf ear to the recent incidents.

    Against the backdrop of their indifference, hundreds of minors, wives, daughters, fathers, sons, breadwinners and dependents are languishing in captivity in the forest havens of their abductors.

    Thus at the start of a new year, the dominance of despair seems so complete and insurmountable; amid widespread hardship, Nigerians cringe in anticipation of the next bandit attack.

    Predictably, the usual actors have slithered onto the stage, all working the same and discordant angles. Public officers issue habitual excuses and ripostes to critics and families of the abducted. Shady negotiators emerge from the woods, like knights in shiny armour. But all they do is chant frantic banality to insentient bromides.

    In response, governors of the affected northern states, Katsina, Niger, Kaduna, Sokoto, Zamfara, among others, jointly endorsed the deployment of trained vigilantes in their respective states, to shore up the presence of security personnel in the rural communities.

    To check armed banditry in Zamfara, the state government announced the suspension of weekly markets and restriction of fuel sales to the state capital and the headquarters of the local government areas of the state. In addition, no filling station was allowed to sell fuel in jerrycans, or of more than N10,000 to a single customer.

    The Kaduna State government, on its part, ordered the suspension of weekly markets in Birnin Gwari, Chikun, Giwa, Igabi and Kajuru LGAs and banned the sale of petrol in jerrycans in communities across the five local government areas.

    In addition to deploying hard solutions, the SBM Intelligence recommended the inclusion of more effective training, equipment and deployment of police and military assets into banditry hot spots – while the government addresses inter-agency conflict to foster better cooperation and capacity development of Nigeria’s armed forces.

    Experts suggest that state governments should take the lead in promoting harmonious relations with long-neglected communities – which will aid intelligence gathering – while partnering with the federal government to develop policies supportive of industries within their jurisdiction.

    This will increase the capacities of businesses with comparative advantages and create a diversity of economic opportunities across the country.

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    But that is in the long run, in the short run, the government must address urgently the dangerous trend of teenagers taking to banditry in several parts of the northwest.

    More worrisome is the case of suspected girl bandit, Maryam Sani, 16, who was arrested alongside her male accomplice, Haruna with two local pistols, by a patrol team of vigilantes and officers of the Niger State Police Command. During interrogation, Haruna attempted to escape and was gunned down by the Police.

    Teen bandits, no doubt, pose a serious threat to the war against banditry in Nigeria’s northwest. Worried by the situation, former governor of Zamfara, Bello Matawalle, sounded the alarm that teen bandits were terrorising his state.

    Ultimately, they constitute a scary outcrop of the region’s insecurity scourge even as their individual tragedies blend into the hobbling footprints of the region’s failed agricultural economy.

    It’s harder to digest, however, their glowing admiration of bandit personae who harnessed their hitherto mundane, promising lives with strife.

    The fate of Jatau, 17, Sani, 16, and so many other teens, resonates a tragedy so intense it manifests as a protracted wail. Before he fell in love with bullets and guns, Jatau dreamt of being “a huge rice farmer.” Then he embraced banditry and strife, and his life transformed into a constant blur of anti-bullet charms, AK-47s, mindless rape and bloody raids on defenceless villages.

    Caught in the fast thrill of the forest, he often tells himself, he’s on a mission to rescue his mother and sisters abducted by fellow bandits.

    Every day, he prowls the fringes of the northwest on a mission only ruins could reveal; the forest heat kneading the rage in his heart and fat on his skin into liquid beads of carnage and sweat.

    Life as a bandit oft becomes heated and extremely dangerous but Aliyu is ready to die with the gun. In his reckless, macabre life, peace is overrated and school, a terrible bore.

    There is a reason the armed bandits’ creed of violence and wanton genocide is resonant among such brainwashed minors. The compelling nature of the grievances articulated, and the pervasiveness of poverty amplify the boys’ rationale for embracing a creed of carnage.

    A history of corruption and neglect at the federal, state, and local levels of government, among others, is a major source of widespread dissatisfaction with politicians, the legal system, and law enforcement.

    These sentiments thrive in greater depths and concentration in the north, where armed bandits, insurgents, and their sponsors, cash in on the situation.

    A dangerous storm is brewing as you read. The boys whose growth we neglected have learnt the ropes of savage being. Perhaps, we would worry what becomes of us when they set our neigbourhoods ablaze in search of the warmth and attention we denied them.

    Another major reason why kidnap for ransom thrives is the economics surrounding it. The sheer number of small incidents, at the heel of major coups like the recent abductions in Kaduna have established that the kidnap economy has become very lucrative. Just recently, kidnappers demanded a N40 trillion ransom for 16 people kidnapped in Kaduna.

    The situation surely deserves more than a couple of knee-jerk reactions.

  • Buhari’s missed opportunity

    Buhari’s missed opportunity

    Of all our past leaders, Muhammadu Buhari, by his anti-imperialist and pro-Nigerian policies during his short stay in power between 1984 and 1985 was perhaps the most pro-Nigerian.  The author of ‘Nigerians have no other place they can call their own’ was regarded as an honourable man ‘who cannot be unfair’ (Maitama Sule). The only ware Buhari had to sell in the run up to the 2015 election was his righteousness which he carried around like Saint Christopher’s badge of honour.

    Buhari had played his politics well by rejecting IMF loan to prevent the destruction of our budding industries with the flooding of our market with foreign manufactured goods and challenging Nigerians to produce their own wheat or starve.  Nigerians produced not only what they would eat but more than enough wheat that storage facilities became a challenge.  Within the period, our refineries worked with Nigerian exporting refined petroleum products to earn foreign exchange while domestic consumption of PMS was secured through swapping of crude oil with Brazil.

    It was widely believed that Babangida’s palace coup was masterminded by CIA in response to Buhari’s anti-imperialist crusade. This was to earn him the sympathy of Yoruba voters in 2015 despite jailing their leaders for between 100-300 years for taxing contractors to raise money to build universities in Edo, Ondo, Ogun and Lagos while treating Shagari who presided over massive corruption that led to the collapse of the economy and his NPN/NPP governors that took foreign loans to marry new wives and set up private banks with kid gloves.

    Unfortunately, Buhari, by his mishandling of our crisis of nation-building during his two-term presidency marred by incompetence, cronyism and delegation by abdication, deprived himself of an opportunity to become a statesman.

    His first test of integrity after acquiring power was his apparent sympathy for herdsmen terrorists rated by Global Terrorism Index as the fourth deadliest terrorist group in the world, coming after Boko Haram, ISIS and Al-Shabab. As if to confirm the fears of those who alleged his government had been hijacked by ethnic irredentists even before its inauguration, Alhaji Sale Bayeri issued a threat claiming that “the Boko Haram insurgency would be a child’s play if herdsmen and farmers’ conflicts are not resolved in a way that is acceptable to all sides”, while pointing out that what would appease the rampaging herdsmen was contained in a 70-page letter he had sent to President Buhari before his inauguration. Their demand was for an unhindered grazing access in areas he identified as ‘trouble spots’ spread across 75 local government areas across 21 states including “Oye Local Government in the northern part of Ekiti, Shaki in Oyo State, Akwa-Ibom, Cross River, Rivers, Delta, Edo, Bauchi, Gombe, Yola”. To support their claim that “Benue anti-grazing law cannot work”, mindless massacre of 72 people was carried out in the night. Buhari ignored warnings by Nigerian stakeholders including Wole Soyinka who advised the Fulani insurgents should not be treated with kid gloves, until the whole of the middle belt states was overrun.

    Buhari’s management of the oil sector which accounts for over 80% of foreign earnings was no less disappointing.  Nigerians had hoped he would improve on his record as oil minister in 1977 and as Head of State in 1984. Curiously, none of Nigerian four refineries worked while his party’s promised modular, for eight years remained a promise.  And while the nation could not meet its OPEC quota of crude oil export due to massive crude oil theft, over N700 billion was being stolen daily under the fuel subsidy scam.

    And despite Oronsaye recommendation, Buhari retained the instrument through which politicians and oil marketers commit this crime. For instance, the PPPRA, an outfit with a staff strength of 249, supervised by an unwieldy 22-man strong board, gobbling scandalously whopping salaries and allowances of N57.9 billion per annum, whose mandate include ending long queues at filling stations by making petroleum products  available at reasonable prices”, was retained even when its functions only duplicated those of Pipelines and Product Marketing Company, (PPMC) set up in 1988 to “profitably and efficiently market refined petroleum products and also maintain uninterrupted movement of refined petroleum products from the local refineries.”

    Buhari’s management of the economy was no less disastrous. Perhaps scared by IMF that accused him of being stubborn, he went on a borrowing binge with Nigeria debt rising to $40b currently being serviced by about 95% of our national earnings. We can add to that the illegal printing of N23trillion through ways and means by CBN and one-year advance collection of crude oil sales revenue.

    His anti-corruption crusade was a sham. He was silent on the frittering away of N7billion on rural electrification project, the $50 billion independent foreign experts claimed was spent on the energy sector by Obasanjo and President Jonathan’s own $8b that pushed the power capacity to 4,517MW in December 2012 before nose-diving to estimated 2800MW.

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    Nigerians had expected a probe of how Babangida’s Technical Committee on Privatization and Commercialization’s (TCPC) disposed of the following national assets: Assurance Bank, African Petroleum, Unipetrol, National Oil and Chemical Co. Plc, West African Portland Cement, Ashaka Cement, Northern Nigeria Cement, Nigeria Cement company, FESTAC 1977 Hotel, Nigerdock, Niger Insurance, Nigeria Re-insurance, Savannah Sugar, National Trucks Manufacturing, Electricity Meter Company, Zaria, Hamdala Hotel and Federal Palace hotel among many others. They had expected the same on the following national assets sold by Obasanjo’s 1999 Public Enterprises Privatization and Commercialization Act: Delta Steel Company valued at $1.5 billion but sold for $30m; NICON Insurance worth N6billion but allegedly bought with fake MoU and fake cheques, Ajaokuta Steel Company valued at $1.5 billion but sold for $30 million, ALSCON valued at $3.2b but sold for $130m, Nigeria Re-Insurance Corp. worth N50b but sold for N1.5b (see Adamu Adamu: “BPE: Behind Closed doors”(Daily Trust, August 12, 2011). There was also Abuja Sheraton Hotel and Towers built at a whopping $300m in 1986 but sold for a paltry $34m” and “Sofitel Hotel (NICON Luxury Hotels) built with a German loan of $139m in 1990 later sold off for $50m. (The Senate Committee on the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Probe (This Day, April 23 2008).

    Buhari whose campaign promises included restructuring was to feign ignorance as to its meaning after the election. He was however schooled by the following Nigerian stakeholders who first reminded him that our “1954 structure, negotiated by our founding fathers ‘to promote the unity of Nigeria and protect the interest of diverse elements that make up the country’ was destroyed by our military adventurers.

    For Atiku, restructuring means ‘less centralized, less suffocating and less dictatorial’ central government to satisfy agitation by some restive groups for self-actualization. For Alhaji Balarabe Musa, the former governor of Kaduna State, it is ‘a return to regional arrangement, where each region can create states, they can cater for, would certainly reduce injustice and inequality among the people’. For Emeka Anyaoku, the former Commonwealth Secretary, it is ‘a return to the regional structure practiced in the First Republic, with the country’s six regions forming the federating units. For Wole Soyinka it means “the basis of our association needed to be renegotiated if we are to prevent a disastrous disintegration”.

    But Buhari would rather listen to Ango Abdullahi, the spokesman for Northern Elders Forum, who after tracing it to post-independence power rivalry between the Igbo and the Hausa Fulani, advised him to refer it the National Assembly, a product of injustice, by design and by composition” whose control by northern majority has made any change, including ordinary local policing impossible. And of course, Buhari’s  other trusted confidant is elder-statesman Tanko Yakassai who blamed the Yoruba for supporting self-actualization struggle by restive groups like the Tivs, Beroms, Katafs  of the Middle Belt and the Calabar-Ogoja-Rivers states of the Southeast since 1953.

    • Buhari loves Nigeria but loves his fellow Fulani ethnic irredentists more.
  • Oh no, not again!

    Oh no, not again!

    The day was still young when news broke about the incident. Before noon, the news had spread like wildfire about the abduction of hundreds of pupils in two schools in Kaduna State. The first question someone asked on hearing about it was: “again?”. The man in question could not fathom what happened as he muttered under his breath: “I thought we had gone past this as a  country”.

    We have not. The kidnapping of pupils from their schools still happens and it occurred about two times or more in the past week, even after the Kaduna incident. With what happened in the past in Chibok, Borno State (2014) and Dapchi, Yobe State (2018), it was thought that the country had learnt a lesson and would do something to plug the loopholes that give rise to such incidents.

    Lightning, it is said, does not strike the same place twice. But this kidnapping lightning has struck schools more than twice, not only in the north, but also in some parts of the south. Remember, the Babington Macauley Anglican Secondary School in Ikorodu, Lagos incident in 2016? As a nation, the people live in constant fear. Parents’ minds are not at rest when their children go to school. They go on their knees praying for their safe return home.

    Even at home, the family’s safety is not guaranteed.  But, they are sure of one thing. Whatever is going to happen will be in the presence of all. At least, there will be no person at the door bearing the kind of news which no family wishes to hear especially when a member of the household is not in. An unknown face at the door most times means bad news and every family knows that and gets agitated when they see one at anytime of the day.

    What happened at the two-in-one school (secondary and primary) in Kuriga, Chikun Local Government of Kaduna State, where 287 pupils were kidnapped last Thursday was preventable. How can there be a school in such a remote place without the appropriate security measures in these days of uncertainty and danger lurking in every corner? The school is in a bush, wide open and exposed, without a fence. It could even be a thoroughfare which the villagers and every other person take unhindered.

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    I have not stopped imagining how the government left those pupils and their handlers exposed to danger like that. They were left to their own devices. There is no Nigerian alive today who does not know how bad the security situation is and how kidnappers take advantage of it to abduct pupils from their schools.

    So, why did the authority not take the prevailing situation into account and ensure the safety and security of those pupils? Why are those in power  always wiser after the fact? There is no gainsaying the fact that leaving the school exposed like that was a disaster waiting to happen. Can any of our leaders send their own children to such school which lacked basic facilities, such as a security post and perimeter fencing, to stop intruders from getting in at will?

    It is a sad commentary that incidents like these still happen despite our bitter experiences in the past. It means that we have learnt nothing from Chibok, Dapchi, Ikorodu and those other places where kidnappers overran schools and went away with pupils. What then is the purpose of the Safe School Initiative Project (SSIP), which was conceived in the wake of the Chibok abduction during which 276 schoolgirls were seized? Many of them, including Leah Sharibu, are still in captivity. 

    Should the nation continue to waste money on SSIP when it has failed woefully in the discharge of its duty? There is an urgent need to revamp it to become more alive to its responsibility of stopping school kidnapping. This kind of incident must not happen again under the watch of all our security agencies. It is high time the President read the riot act to their heads to shape up or ship out. Enough is enough!

  • Ningi’s faux pas

    Ningi’s faux pas

    Senator Abdul Ningi was put on the spot at plenary on Tuesday over his claim in a British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) Hausa Service programme that the Senate inserted over N3 trillion into the 2024 budget aka padding. The senator spoke boldly and unequivocally on that programme. But his courage failed him before his colleagues on Tuesday. Did the Senate insert over N3 trillion into the budget? As a veteran lawmaker, he should know how the legislature works in budget matters. From all indications, he seems not to know. If he does, he would not have made that wild claim.

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    Wild? Yes, wild. Chairman of the Appropriations Committee, Senator Lekan Solomon, debunked Ningi’s claim of padding. What Ningi called padded figures, Solomon said, were the first line charges of some agencies which are not normally reflected in the budget. He referred his colleagues to the 2021, 2022 and 2023 budgets where the Senate applied the same rule of thumb of not inserting the details of the budget of certain institutions like the judiciary and the National Assembly, itself, in the Appropriations Act.

    Ningi looked like a rain-beaten fowl as Solomom tore his claim to shreds and instead of taking the honourable way out, he sought to raise other issues. He can do that later, but for now in this budget matter, he misfired and he is guilty as charged. Ningi should stop playing to the gallery. Since he has decided not to apologise for his misconduct, he should serve his three-month punishment in silence and sin no more on his return. How I wished he was suspended for 12 months as proposed by Senator Jimoh Ibrahim.