Category: Thursday

  • No fuel: One day in the life of a Nigerian

    No fuel: One day in the life of a Nigerian

    On Saturday, December 28, 2022, Professor Bolanle Awe, my teacher at the University of Ibadan and a senior colleague was 90 years old. I was invited and I felt that owed it to this great lady to join thousands of people to honour her but I was not able to go. I could not travel from the RCCG City to Ibadan not because I was sick or physically incapacitated. I just had no fuel and no money. This was not because I was too poor but because of my government‘s policy to change the colour of some denominations of the Naira, the 200, 500 and the 1000 precisely. I had rushed to the bank on the previous Friday 27th to deposit my old Naira notes thinking I would withdraw some new notes. The notes were not available. I went round the six banks in my neighbourhood and the answer to my requests was “No money” except the old notes which the market women and shop and petrol stations owners were not accepting. This was the situation with many people. I thought perhaps I could go to Ibadan with the little petrol I had in my tank and collect money and buy petrol in Ibadan but my family in Ibadan said there was neither money nor petrol. What the hell is going on? I yelled.

    People in the banks I visited were raging mad. The bankers and customers were angry with one another, the bankers were being accused of hoarding the new notes and the bankers said why would they hoard the new currency notes? The customers responded that the new notes were available for sale at social parties and under the bridges and wondered why they were not available in the banks. The two groups were raging mad and cursing each other while the problem remained unsolved. I watched the shows in the various banks I visited before I went home to think about what has befallen a once promising and great country! But that was then and not now!

    It was at this time that Asiwaju Tinubu reflecting the frustrations of all Nigerians openly wondered what was going on. He said saboteurs wanted to ensure that the change of the Naira failed and furthermore that they were responsible for the lack of fuel in the fuel stations.

    The opposition parties the Labour and the PDP have jumped on Tinubu for complaining. Of course this is politics and every opportunity to undermine your opponents is gladly exploited by one’s opponents. But to go from this exploitation to accuse Tinubu of wanting to buy the elections with his supposedly huge financial war chest is stretching the argument too far. Is Tinubu richer than Atiku Abubakar, Peter Obi or Rabiu Kwakwanso? From what is available to the public, all of them are rich people. In any case no one can run for the post of president in any medium income country of the type and size and spread of Nigeria and not spend money for campaigns. Of course a good candidate may not be necessarily rich because I am told that rich people invest in the candidature of persons with the hope of reaping some rewards!

    This is really not the kernel of my article. The question I want to ask the president and his CBN governor is why the ordinary policy of currency change should bring this kind of suffering and rancour to the country.  I actually support this change of currency and I believe in the soundness of the reasons adduced by the governor for the change, namely reducing fakery of the notes, helping to frustrate kidnappers who had stacked in forest hideouts humongous amount of money collected from victims and reducing all kinds of illegalities permitting individuals to hoard billions of Naira and not permitting proper circulation of the currency creating problems about monitoring the economy. These are laudable goals which most reasonable people supported but the way the change has been done has become a problem.

    If the president was being deceived that all is well, he was jolted by the revelation of the governor of Kano that people were just too unhappy with the president. We are in a democratic regime not a military one. It behoves the president to listen to what the people are saying. It was the candid opinion of the governor of Kano who told the president what he did not want to hear and that the people all over the country were angry because of the lack of petrol and because the people could not get the new notes that persuaded him to order an extension of the deadline of the currency exchange to February 10. Tinubu was right and was bold enough to tell the president what all of us were saying about the government’s policy which had pauperised and immobilised us at the same time with no one listening to us. All the political parties that kept mute about our problems should be ashamed of themselves instead of blaming Tinubu for speaking out.

    I am not supporting holding this election at this time. The time is just inauspicious I believe that an election should not hold before there is a structural change in the country with the power of the central government considerably whittled down while some kind of regional government of about six or maximum eight states should be the federating units with large measure of political autonomy accompanied by fiscal federalism. To me what is going on is an exercise in futility and I write as old person concerned with the future of this country and of the people among who I was born. The way things are going does not give room for much optimism. The PDP presidential candidate has openly said his people should not vote for people from other parts of Nigeria. Suppose candidates from the rejected part openly challenged their people to do the same, where does that take us except a dead-end and political chaos and possible bloodshed? If this happens, the white world preoccupied with the problems of the war of Russia on Ukraine would not be interested in our chaotic situation just as they are not interested in the ongoing political and civil strife in Haiti in the same hemisphere with the United States and Canada. They will of course choose sides and arm us for the mutual slaughter that is bound to come. China, Europe and India would join in the struggle for influence on the carcass of dead black people. This may sound alarmist but I see portents that others may not see! This is the scenario that has compelled me to utter the solitary voice of one crying in the wilderness. Our brand of winner-takes-all democracy is not working and is not likely to work. Truth is bitter but it is better said now before it is too late.

  • Chaotic dominant political parties

    Chaotic dominant political parties

    A few weeks to the election, our two dominant political parties are in turmoil. For the PDP, just as it was in 2013 when the Kawu Baraje-faction of G7 Governors made  up of Babangida Aliyu (Niger), Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara), Chibuike Amaechi (Rivers) and Rabiu Kwankanwso (Kano), Sule Lamido (Jigawa), Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto) and Murtala Nyako (Adamawa) demanded that President Goodluck Jonathan must drop  what they described as his ‘third term’ plan”, so it is today as PDP G5 aggrieved governors Nyesom Wike (Rivers), Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi ( Enugu), Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia)  Samuel Ortom of Benue and Seyi Makinde of Oyo are opposed to the candidacy of Atiku Abubakar quoting Section 7(3)(c) of the PDP constitution which  demands rotation party positions.

     There is no cheering news from APC either.  The harrowing experience of Nigerians arising from badly handled fuel subsidy and currency change policies in an election month finally forced the party to admit that there are “some stakeholders hoarding allocated products in order to cause artificial scarcity to create panic buying, for their own selfish interests”. Candidate Bola Tinubu, blamed by some Nigerians for his party’s mismanagement of our crisis of nation-building even though he was never part of government has also cried out saying – “They are creating artificial fuel scarcity, they are saying they want to increase fuel price to N200, we will end fuel scarcity, whether there is fuel or not, we will go and vote and we will win. This is a superior revolution”

     A political party is an organized group desirous of taking over government through election. By nature of investment, it is often a private property of an oligarchy of few. Their ultimate goal is to the control of both the executive and legislative arms of government so that they can develop and implement policies favourable to their group. Their strategy includes recruiting and campaigning for candidates seeking election into public office. 

    A distinguishing characteristic of any political party beyond a desire to conduct the business of government is a consensus on sum total of fundamental values and sentiments of members. This is called political culture which is often transmitted from one generation to the other through a process of political socialization. A person’s political orientation and behavioural patterns are not inborn but acquired through families, schools, peer groups, mass media and political parties.

    This vital aspect of the political process was what was destroyed by our uninformed military leaders who also went on to ban our modernization political parties, replacing them with fractions and gangs headed by garrison commanders who preside over squabbles on the sharing of our commonwealth among its members. 

    Nigeria’s first political party was Herbert Macaulay’s 1923 Nigeria National Democratic Party (NNDP) , a response to Hugh Clifford 1922 constitution. It’s defined objectives included seeking of a “municipal status for Lagos, local self-government, compulsory primary education, non-discriminatory private economic enterprise and Africanisation of the civil service”.

    The foundation of NPC was laid by educated and dedicated northern youths, first, through the Bauchi General Improvement Union and Youths Special Circle of Sokoto in the mid-forties. Both metamorphosed into Jam’yyar Mutanem Arewa, Northern Nigerian Congress (NNC) in June 1949 through the efforts of Dr. A. R. Dikko and D. A. Rafih. The main objective of NPC as stated by Dr. Dikko, its first president, was ‘fighting ignorance, idleness and injustice’ in the northern region’.

    The Action Group (AG), nurtured by Obafemi Awolowo and other young educated elites of Western Region which besides its unstated purpose of reducing the influence of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe in the West, had a well-articulated manifesto which promised free education, free health, and full employment among many others was inaugurated in August 1950.

    Babangida, instead of correcting the mistakes of his predecessors by allowing normal evolution of political parties through free association of those who shared identical interest and values, decided to cut the umbilical cord between a mother and a baby by banning old politicians before decreeing two political parties, SDP and NRC, in the image of the military. His political parties of equals without joiners and founders turned out to be a ruse to fritter away N40b on party headquarters and on futile attempt at teaching democracy during his eight years of ‘transition without end”. Abacha came up with, the UNCP, CNC, NCPN, DPN and GDM which late Bola Ige described as” five fingers of a leprous hand” all of which later adopted Abacha as their presidential candidate even before he publicly declared his interest.

    The PDP emerged with neither philosophical foundation nor ideological orientation from the G-34, an assemblage of retired Generals and their military contractors during General Abubakar’s 11-month transition programme. APC dominated by Buhari’s privately owned  CPC and  Tinubu’s ACN with faction of  PDP disgruntled G7 governors came together to fight the 2014 election. Like PDP. it also has no philosophical foundation or ideological orientation.

     That perhaps explains why Obasanjo’s eight years roadmap:- stable electricity,  agricultural revolution, ending massive importation of foreign goods, fighting corruption, like  President Yar’Adua’s seven-point agenda and President Jonathan ‘Transformation Agenda’ and Buhari’s 2013 eight-point cardinal programme- devolution of power, accelerated economic growth and affordable health care, electricity generation, war against corruption, food security,  integrated transport network and free education” brought little relief to Nigerians.

    As military created newbreed politicians, members of both APC and PDP and of course its affiliate, the Labour Party, suffer from the same affliction-behaving like army of occupation sharing loots of conquered territories.  Nigerian lawmakers remain the highest paid legislators in the world.

    While PDP sold Nigeria’s total investments of over $100b to themselves for a little over $1.5b,  their children forged documents to defraud the country to the tune of N1.7 trillion under the dubious PDP fuel subsidy regime “without importing a pint of fuel” according to Audu Ogbe, one time PDP chairman.  PDP has also now told us that a situation where Nigerians cannot get fuel even at amount above the subsidized rate after NNPC was said to have incurred N2.6 trillion subsidy claim is as a result of what it described as “criminal racketeering” under APC government. We have no reason to doubt PDP’s claim.

    As creations of military created new-breed politicians, the difference between APC and PDP is blurred.  In fact, the former’s current chairman, Abdullahi Adamu  was until recently, a PDP stalwart while the latter’s  chairman, Iyorchia Ayu was not too long ago a stalwart of APC. And for military groomed ‘new breed “politicians like Atiku Abubakar who has moved from PDP to APC and now back to PDP and Peter  Obi, who moved from APGA to PDP and now back to Labour, water has no enemy.

    Our problem is politics. Economics, insurgency and other insecurity challenges are but symptoms.  And what we need to retrace our way back to where the rains started to beat us is an elite consensus. The challenge of Nigerian voters in 2023 therefore is picking a president with brinkmanship to exploit the innermost infirmities of our suicidal political elite to see that it is in their enlightened self-interest to return to where the rain started to beat us.

  • Emefiele: Abuser of first resort

    Emefiele: Abuser of first resort

    Since he announced plans to redesign some denominations of the naira last October 26, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor Godwin Emefiele has pursued it with a singlemindededness never before displayed by any public official in the nation’s history. It is as if his being depends on changing the old N200, N500 and N1000 notes into new ones.

    There is nothing that can stop him from having its way on the matter. It is either his way or no other way. For one, he announced the policy unilaterally, so to say, though he may not be entirely blamed for that. As it later emerged, he took President Muhammadu Buhari into confidence over his plans, but the Number One Citizen kept everything to himself until Emefiele went public.

    As the overseer of our monetary policy by virtue of his leadership of CBN, Emefiele cannot be said to have broken any law over his plan. But as he well knows, there is no way he can embark on such a gigantic exercise without carrying those in charge of the fiscal policy along. The fiscal arm consists of revenue generating agencies which are all under the Ministry of Finance (MoFI). While the ministry formulates policies and generates revenue for the nation, the CBN oversees the monetary and other related instruments.

    It is in the best interest of a nation that its central bank and finance ministry work together to promote and stimulate the economy. CBN said it was redesigning the notes to control the cash in circulation as well as curb currency-counterfeiting abd ransom payment. These are laudable objectives, if  indeed, they are the reasons for taking the action. Currency redesigning is serious business. It is not just a matter of changing the colour of the old note and coming up with a new one. There is much more to it than that.

    The squabble is over though, with some analysts blaming the President for not letting the ministry into Emefiele’s plan after he was informed. Emefiele has turned deaf ears to complaints over his undue rush of turning the country into a cashless economy, insisting on having it his own way. He was made to bend over the cash withdrawal limit, which he raised from an initial N100,000 and N500,000 to N500,000 and N5 million weekly for individuals and organisations. But on the redesigned notes, he says, there is no going back.

    The new notes have since been released after the presentation of the specimens to the President last November 23. The old notes will cease being legal tenders on January 31, but the new notes are nowhere to be found despite Emefiele’s claim that they have been made available to banks, which will in turn, dispense them. The banks have refused to do so. They are still dispensing the old notes over-the-counter (OTC) and at the Automated Teller Machines (ATMs) in defiance of his directive.

    What then should be done? Emefiele, instead of wielding his power as the Banker’s banker and the Banker of last resort, has turned himself to abuser of first resort. He has resorted to harassing and literally abusing depositors who are at the mercy of their banks which have refused to comply with his directive to start dispensing the new notes. If the banks had been doing so, a fair amount of the new notes would have gone into circulation by now.

    But the notes can only be found with currency hawkers at motor parks, street corners, event centres and wherever the money exchange trade is booming. Who is to blame for this? Emefiele, of course. If only he had managed things well, depositors will not be going through any pain whatsoever in order to get the new notes. Yet, they are the ones he is flexing muscles with. Why can he not take on the banks that have flouted his directive with impunity? Or, is there more to this than we are being told?

    In this matter of new notes, the banks have not been fair to customers at all. Why are they finding it difficult to load their ATMs with the new notes? Why can they not also pay the notes over-the-counter? What is the problem with dispensing the notes? Were they not given enough by CBN? If they were, why can CBN not take a stiffer action against them than that slap on the wrist fine of N1 million per day for each new naira notes’ box they refused to pick up and dispense to customers?

    Is it not curious that banks are refusing to pick up the new notes? Why is that so? This is the question Emefiele must answer before insisting on enforcing the January 31 deadline for phasing out the old notes. If he cannot address the question truthfully and in full public glare, then there is no justification for his stand on that deadline. He and the banks should stop playing mind games with the banking public.

    ‘INEC, where’s our PVC?’

    THE collection of the permanent voter’s card (PVC) ends on January 29, following the extension of the exercise by seven days. Some people, especially those who sought a transfer of their polling units,  have not collected their PVCs and it is no fault of theirs. Their names are on the voter’s register online, but their PVCs have not been printed.

    Despite assurances by officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in their respective wards that the cards are ready and would surely get to them before the elections, these eligible voters are worried. Many of them have heard such assurances before only to be disappointed at the last minute.

    The problem, it was gathered, is from the Abuja headquarters of INEC and the agency is the only one that can redress the issue before the elections begin on February 25, with the presidential poll. ‘All, we are saying, do not disenfranchise us’, the voters are begging INEC.

  • Art for Nigeria’s sake (1)

    Art for Nigeria’s sake (1)

    En route to the February polls, Nigeria flails to impassioned hope and jarring cynicism of political actors. Politics stews to a scalding broth as rival parties, posing as patriots, split private terraces and public courts in vulgar gladiatorship. They do it for the culture. Indeed, patriotism thrives on cultural standards. The politics that Nigerians espouse, the lore of nationhood, and the lyricism of partisan poetry manifest the kernel of our sovereignty.

    A similar dynamic undergirds our political and literary traditions. Politics thrives on literary culture and vice versa. What shouldn’t we do for an evergreen story? What shouldn’t we give? Evergreen storylines make up the fabric of our collective narrative; when progressively spun, they are endlessly fascinating, yielding fresh insights through the imagination of the writer or filmmaker, who milks history and recalibrates reality to espouse a positive national lyric.

    What is the Nigerian lyric? What is our reality? Nothing worth celebrating perhaps. In search of the proverbial elixir, we have drunk water from an unnamed stream and filled our bellies with toxins.

    The superiority of Western democracy is one of the supreme constructions of imperialism and the poisonous elixir of Nigeria and her neighbours on the African continent.

    Nigerians elevate it with obsessive love. It is the magic pill to the nation’s ceaseless headaches. Demagogues exploit its hackneyed tropes in a torrid caress of the vanities and base sentimentality of the gullible masses.

    Politicians chant its praise. Social commentators extol its virtues in their vituperation via mainstream and new media. Everybody is a sucker for its perceived benefits.

    But the West must never be blamed for our collective ignorance – the United States in particular. The latter’s democratic enterprise is one of the most profitable constructions in its bid to “make America great again,” at any cost.

    It is both music and philosophy, a sensory stream of thought feeding generations of writers, political activists, filmmakers, politicians, gender rights activists, academia, and so on.

    We must understand, however, that Western democracy and foreign policy, while deliberately presented as two tines on the same fork, are sustained by oft-deceptive ideals and contradictory precepts of influence, crudely wedged into the nuclear powers’ global dominance stratagem. It is imperial politics without heart: ideologically deficit, dangerously manipulative, and Janus-faced.

    Democracy and foreign aid do for America, for instance, what painting and sculpture did for the Italians. They are potent tools for wooing and recolonising the world. A few good minds with an intuitive grasp of the hard-edged imperialist designs of the Western agenda are spuriously labelled as conspiracy theorists.

    Those who would die embracing colonist doctrines must understand that there is no way this could be achieved without horror, given the marked differences in culture, temperament, and histories defining different nations of the world.

    It’s about time we identified values complementary to our precepts of humane governance. We cannot dwell like the Americans or Brits in Nigeria. We can only assimilate aspects of their culture that complement ours.

    The Japanese, Chinese, Bhutanese, Arabians, Europeans, Americans, Ghanaians, Rwandans, to mention a few, all have different aspects of their governance traditions and cultures that are worthy of emulation but not until we sieve and winnow them to make their preferred aspects amenable to our politics, economy and socio-cultural institutions. We must always remember that the Libyans, Afghans to mention a few, wildly embraced a dandy dream of freedom, but instead, they got trapped in a sinister nightmare. To date, they are paying dearly for it.

    Back home, it’s even scarier to note that our arts and literature have become very weakened in our bid to entrench American and European Renaissance in our cultural frames. More worrisome is our artists’ rabid deconstruction of Nigerianness.

    Writers and filmmakers, for instance, struggle to acculturate the Nigerian landscape with defective foreign mores. Thus they corrupt their presentations and stifle the possibility of attaining homegrown, practicable solutions to oft-politicised conflict. Nonetheless, they have a dedicated industry of cheerleaders and courtiers who romanticise their follies as the valiance sorely needed to reinvigorate Nigeria’s creative sector.

    Themes glorifying repulsive gender wars, mindless youth rebellion, and the orchestration of social hierarchies are aggressively projected and patronised to the detriment of rational, progressive, and didactic art. This hurts us immeasurably.

    While creative industries in America, Britain, China, India, Korea, Malaysia, Russia, and France, to mention a few, commit genii and capital resources to constantly recreate and embellish their political narratives, with progressive outcomes, the Nigerian creative sector obsessively weaponises and projects vulgar themes of citizenship and romance.

    The projection of toxic consciousness has become a thing among local artists. We see it sprout across genres: drama, prose, poetry, and beyond. It seizes mainstream and indie filmmaking, corrupting Nollywood inside out, as you read.

    Otherwise brilliant and perceptive filmmakers denounce patriotism and attack Nigeria. They corrupt our artistic vocabulary, twisting it into a meditation on society’s debauched nature. Ultimately, they celebrate degeneracy via aggressive cues of prurient art, promiscuity, gendered storms, and virulent sexuality.

    While the consequences of such dross manifest in real-time, Nigeria welcomes from abroad, more insolent corruption of its media space through degenerate reality shows like the BBN without putting up a fight. The damage to the cultural psyche is incalculable.

    The United States had always appreciated the depth and promise of the arts, and entertainment sector. Thus the US government and Hollywood’s symbiotic relationship. Washington DC provides intriguing plots for filmmakers and the latter reciprocates by glamourising the political class and reinventing America’s exploits on the global stage.

    Between 1911 and 2017, more than 800 feature films received support from the US Government’s Department of Defence (DoD). These included blockbuster franchises such as Iron Man, Transformers, and The Terminator.

    On television, over 1,100 titles received Pentagon backing – 900 of them since 2005, from Flight 93 to Ice Road Truckers to Army Wives. The inclusion of individual episodes for shows with a cult following, like Homeland, 24, and NCIS, as well as the established influence of the White House and FBI, further establishes that the American government methodically supports thousands of hours of entertainment.

    Aside from the profitable impact on the US entertainment sector, the entertainment partnership and offerings are oft deployed to foster a positive image for the United States on the international stage, while offering its citizens ample channels to exorcise their post-9/11 demons.

    Films and literature could be used to foster national healing and patriotism. And they may also be used to destroy a people and ruin nations in pursuit of global good or the “enlightened self-interest” of a dubious superpower.

    With very few exceptions, like Tunde Kelani and his Mainframe Studios, Nollywood churns out too many rabidly wrought revenge-fantasies in which the Nigerian female perpetually scores retribution over her treacherous male; lest we forget the increasingly base novel and TV plots by which Nigerian audiences are lured to nurse innate demons of toxic sexuality, ethnic intolerance, religious bigotry, virulent feminism, and sexist rage.

    It’s about time the government partnered with the arts sector to reinvent the Nigerian story while channeling humane governance and patriotism. This is not a call for government censorship of progressive art. Rather it’s a call for institutionalised support via public-spirited funding and ideological partnership.

    It’s about time we refined the subtleties that make the Nigerian dream the fantasy of thieves, slatterns, and blinkered murderers.

  • Fuel scarcity and conspiracy against Nigerians

    Fuel scarcity and conspiracy against Nigerians

    President Buhari jetted out to Senegal where he plans to participate in Dakar International Conference on agriculture after commissioning some landmark projects in Lagos State last Tuesday. That he was undertaking the trip even as fuel scarcity which started towards the end of last year bites harder once again confirms his failed administrative style of ‘delegation by abdication’, a euphemism for absence of governance. Probably humoured by his “loyal gatekeepers” serving other tendencies in his government, Buhari on whose table the buck stops as an elected president, has continued to behave like a feudal lord presiding over the affairs of his subjects. Unfortunately, this was the messiah his people craved and voted for only to be only to be left at the mercy of wild wolves who fraudulently swear by his name.

    Buhari’s unnecessary trip at a period many Nigerians were spending the night on queues while struggling to procure government’s N160 per litre subsidised fuel at between N184-N400, perhaps explains why he lost the goodwill of millions of his fellow compatriots. But then this has been the feature of Buhari’s close to eight years reign.

    Miyyetti Allah wrote him a 72-page letter even before his inauguration in 2015, threatening to make the country ungovernable except their demands of free open grazing all over the country was met. Buhari left the fate of besieged Nigerians in the hands of Miyyeti Allah sympathisers and his “loyal gate keepers” serving other tendencies in his government. Even as they unleashed terror killing 72 in one day and confiscating conquered subsistence farmers territories, Buhari could not resist quoting his ‘loyal gatekeepers’ herdsmen sympathisers who had blamed the victims for being bad hosts and for altering the old colonial grazing routes.

    Buhari’s “loyal gatekeepers” similarly had the last say on the issue of open grazing. Southern and the Middle Belt states banned open grazing. The Northern Governors Forum,  according to Nasir El Rufai  also “took a position on open grazing as not a sustainable way of livestock production”, adding that his own government had already embarked on a N10b ranching project, backed by CBN with N7.5b.”

    Yet President Buhari ignored the National Economic Council (NEC)’s 2018 National Livestock Transformation Plan (NCTD), a N179 billion 10-year initiative, to embrace in May 2019, his “loyal gatekeepers’ controversial Rural Grazing Area(RUGA), most Nigerians believed was designed to compensate immigrant Fulani herdsmen involved in mindless killing and confiscation of victim’s landed properties.

    It is also on record that Nigerians vehemently opposed rehabilitation and compensation of repentant killer herdsmen as proposed by Sheik Gumi and some of the president loyal gatekeepers. As it has turned out, the latter’s specious and iniquitous position has since become part of government policy thrust with disastrous consequences for the nation following coordinated and targeted attacks by terrorists on military formations and prisons.

    Set in his ways, President Buhari has also adopted the above template for addressing the ongoing fuel crisis. He has since November last year left Nigerians at the mercy of those holding them hostage viz: the Major Oil Marketers Association of Nigeria (MOMAN); the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC), the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), and the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA).

    MOMAN attributed the lingering fuel scarcity in the country to high costs of vessels and inadequate trucks to deliver petroleum products from depots to filling stations across Nigeria. They claim ‘high logistics and exchange rate costs continue to put pressure on their operations with ripple effects on the pump price.’ They complain of “inadequate number of trucks to meet the demand to deliver products from depots to filling stations nationwide”.

    Unfortunately, the marketers did not tell Nigerians what happened to old trucks in use or if there has been an increase in consumption despite head of Custom’s dismissal of current bandied figure of consumption as a scam. They complain about high cost of dollar making Nigerian consumers to wonder if naira has ceased being a legal tender especially since the product in question is in Nigeria.

    The NNPC, perhaps Nigeria’s greatest scourge, on its part blamed the fuel queues in Lagos, Abuja and other states on some ongoing construction projects which caused diversion of vehicles. Since NNPC could not even maintain its depots, MOMAN’s chief executive officer, Clement Isong, claimed it was “working with the NNPC Ltd. to improve the distribution of petrol across the country by “doing depot to depot check-in and check-out to enhance efficiency, in addition to logistic supply meetings with NNPCL”.

    And this is as IPMAN also linked the distribution crisis to the vandalism of depots belonging to the NNPC Limited.  IPMAN president, Chinedu Okoronkwo also explained that since 80 percent of NNPC depots have been vandalised, the product is now being kept in the depots of private individuals, who bear the cost of transporting the product from the ports to their depots.

    Spokesmen of these institutions have continued to speak from both sides of the mouth. For instance, while scarcity persists despite the government’s repeated claims it had enough petroleum products in stock, the industry’s regulatory body, the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), spoke of insufficient supply.  IPMAN also announced through its deputy president, Zarma Mustapha that the volume of products supplied to marketers at the loading points has dropped by about 50 per cent. But he then went on to accuse the private depots of contributing to the nightmare of consumers for “not giving the product as it is being regulated by the NNPC”.

    Of course Nigerians are being swindled. How does one explain MOMAN’s apology to Nigerians for the pain they cause Nigerians, and their declaration that “Our members have again agreed to extend depot loading hours as well as keep strategically situated service stations open for longer hours to ease access to fuels for our customers”? Where, if one may ask, will the new supply come from?

    But if anyone is still in doubt as to those holding us hostage and their long term objective, MOMAN provided that by declaring that “A final resolution to these challenges will be the full deregulation of the petroleum downstream sector to encourage liberalisation of supply and long-term investments in distribution assets…urging the government to work towards this end goal”.

    For 15 years of PDP politicians’ reign, private depots were the major channels for defrauding Nigeria. Close to eight years of Buhari and his loyal gatekeepers’ government of change, Zarma Mustapha has also fingered them as biggest source of leakage. The difference however is that under the Jonathan presidency, we were treated as citizens while under Buhari and his “loyal gatekeepers”, we are being treated as subjects.

    The objective of both regimes however is the same: fleece Nigerians while both suffer from the same affliction – absence of governance.

  • The year 1959 in Nigeria

    The year 1959 in Nigeria

    I wrote about the January 15, 1966 coup d’état in Nigeria last week and Balogun Akin Osuntokun who I have a lot of respect for his political understanding said the article looked like part of a series. Well this one serves as an introduction to that article on the military putsch of 1966. I am also writing this article to educate young Nigerians about what happened in history!

    I am actually sometimes surprised about the ignorance of many Nigerians about their country. The accounts of events ending in 1959 are of course available in scholarly journals, monographs and books. But Nigerians don’t read and my writing may actually be an exercise in futility because those I want to educate will not read it. Those who read are mostly my academic colleagues and the intelligentsia who are mostly familiar with the events. But since I was an adult or a knowledgeable teenager at the pre-independence period, one owes the society a duty to leave an account, some kind of “remembered history “ which may not meet all the canons of scientific history but could provide material for future historians.

    Year 1959 was a watershed in Nigeria’s political development. The elections that were held that year determined the future trajectory of the Nigerian state. The three contending parties were the NCNC (National Council Of Nigerian Citizens); the party used to be called National Council Of Nigeria and the Cameroons, but was changed when it became obvious the province of southern Cameroons administered as a United Nations trust territory was not going to be part of independent Nigeria. The party was a national mass rally like the “la Rassemblement Nationale” characteristic of French West Africa around the same time. The NCNC saw itself not really as a party but a mass movement in which tribal unions such as the Ibo State Union and trade unions could be corporate members. The party was formed in 1944 largely by students who then invited the veteran of Nigerian politics, Herbert Macaulay, to lead it with the journalist Nnamdi Azikiwe as Secretary General.

    Azikiwe was a self-made man who had seen himself through American universities by dint of hard work and determination. He had returned to West Africa, not to Nigeria initially, but to Accra in the then Gold Coast as a pan Africanist but later moved to Lagos for the obvious reason of being a Nigerian. His politics was modelled after American style of politics with a dose of black American flair. He did not quite like the Westminster model of the British but preferred the American presidential system. He was a man of the people and he enjoyed the company of men and women particularly the latter. He was a very handsome gangling kind of person and indulged in flamboyant language in speech and in writing. He had large following in the urban conurbations of Lagos and Ibadan and all the major towns of Southern Nigeria. He spoke Hausa and Yoruba along with his mother tongue of Igbo. 

    Azikiwe was born in Zungeru in northern Nigeria and grew up and went to school in Lagos. When Herbert Macaulay died in 1948, he became the leader of the NCNC. Unfortunately the party became identified with the Igbo people despite Azikiwe’s efforts to maintain its national outlook.

    The other rival of the NCNC was the Action Group (AG) which came out of the “Egbe Omo Oduduwa” translated association of children of Oduduwa, the eponymous ancestor of the Yoruba people. This association was formed in London in 1947 by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and supported by Lagos grandees like Sir Adeyemo Alakija, Akinola Maja and others. Chief Awolowo at that time was studying Law in England after being a trade unionist, journalist, produce buyer and teacher in the Western Region. He believed that his mission was to lead his people out of ignorance and to prevent their being overrun in their own part of the country. He believed there was no “Nigerians as were French and Germans” and that Nigeria itself was “a geographical expression”. He articulated his views in a book he wrote in 1947 called “Path to Nigerian Freedom” that the only way Nigeria could become an independent country was if it adopted a federal constitution permitting each region large measure of autonomy. Unlike Azikiwe who wanted a unitary system of government with a strong centre, Awolowo opted for a loose confederation like Canada and Australia.

    The third political player in the Nigerian chessboard was Ahmadu Bello- the Sardauna of Sokoto and scion of the Usman Dan Fodio (Uthman bin Fudi) family, the founder of the Sokoto Caliphate, a political and religious “empire” ruled by the Fulani under the guise of Islam but which its critics said it was not a religious but political union dominated by the Fulani ethnic group. Their party the Northern Peoples Congress evolved from the  Yam’iyyar Mutanen Arewa formed in 1949 by Dr R.A.B. Dikko a  Christian Fulani medical doctor, some will say, prodded by the British to defend northern interests. He was later joined by teachers like Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Aminu Kano and Ahmadu Bello. What was a cultural association later became a political party.

    Because of the plural nature of the amorphous northern Nigeria, the party even though erroneously seen to represent Islamic tendencies, actually represented the whole of the north comprising the Muslims, Christians and traditional religionists.

    There were other minor parties and groupings that contested the federal elections in 1959 but the most important ones are as stated above namely, the Action Group, the NCNC and the NPC. They all went into the elections promising El Dorado to Nigerians.

    Awolowo and his Action Group was the most articulate about what it wanted to do for Nigerians. It promised universal primary education for all Nigerians, full employment, agricultural revolution, integrated development and a package of social welfare scheme along the lines of the British Labour Party. It hired public relations firm from England which brought modern political campaign platforms to Nigeria such as aeroplanes and helicopters that made it possible for the party’s leaders to reach everywhere in Nigeria. Their aeroplanes wrote in the skies of Nigeria, Action Group slogans and other kinds of publicity the kind of which Nigerians had never seen before. The Action Group put on the defensive the other political parties which could neither match it in resources and organisational skill.

    The leadership of the NPC did not campaign in other parts of Nigeria and was surprised that the southern-based parties carried the fight to it in its backyard. Ahmadu Bello who had always relied on the emirs to deliver the votes had to come out to campaign during the dusty and wintry season of the harmattan in December 1959. Some commentators said he swore to rein in Awolowo whenever Nigeria became independent under the NPC. The NCNC campaigned vigorously relying on the popularity and public oratory of Azikiwe. But unlike the Action Group the NCNC could not run on its performance in the Eastern Region like the Action Group could do in the West. The Action Group promised to create a Calababar Ogoja Rivers Region to allay the fears of domination of the Igbo in the minority areas of the East just as it promised the same for the Bauchi- Plateau- Borno and the Middle Belt Region. 

    It was however silent on the demand for the Midwest State only promising to create simultaneously with states in the minority areas of Nigeria. Within the Action Group were leaders from Borno like Ibrahim Imam, Ibrahim, Dimis from Bauchi, and Joseph Sarwuan Tarka the Tiv leader. The election was bitterly fought and at the end, the results were almost predictable. The NCNC led the two other parties judging by the plurality of votes, followed by the Action Group and the NPC came last but by number of seats won the NPC came first followed by the NCNC while the Action Group came last. The results unlike nowadays was not disputed perhaps because the elections were organised and conducted by British civil servants in Nigeria. Even though some radical elements in the South felt the British had vested interest in the victory of the NPC but this was not apparent. The NPC won because of the lopsided Nigerian population which favoured the North.

    There were moves by the two Southern parties to form an alliance but Azikiwe was not comfortable with it because of what he felt Awolowo did to prevent him from being the premier of the West following his alleged victory of his party in the selection not really an election in 1951. This issue has been dismissed by researchers who felt the election to the Western House in 1951 was largely nonpartisan and those the NCNC claimed were members of it were independent. However it would have been awkward for Azikiwe to be premier of the West while another person from the East was premier of the East. This would have defeated the plan for regional government in Nigeria. While there was prevarication about political alignment, the British cut the Gordian knot by asking Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to form a government. The NCNC quickly cozied up to the NPC rightly conjecturing that it would dominate the government. This government was a coalition of the NCNC and the NPC.  Awolowo became the leader of the opposition in the Federal House of Representatives and he must have found himself in a rather unusual situation as opposition leader rather than in government. From that time on, the Action Group became radicalised leading to schism within the radical and conservative wings of the party which did not augur  well for the unity and harmony in Nigeria and the result of which could have been foreseen by any neophyte political strategist or forecaster.

  • Polls: Time to decolonise the press, Nigeria (3)

    Polls: Time to decolonise the press, Nigeria (3)

    Patriotism thrives by cultural standards. Progress too. Thus the songs that every Nigerian knows by heart, the lore of nationhood, and the politics of suburban, boondocks poetry should, normally, manifest the kernel of indigenous culture and the substance of political sovereignty.

    But all these flounder and fade where Nigeria subsists as a cultural whore.

    Beyond the powder and blush of its republican label, Nigeria unfurls as a neocolonial brothel, or recaptured colony if you like.

    It’s a settlement of internally displaced persons whose nativity is embowered and contained in a sociocultural, mental jail cell. To assert independence is to be labeled as too radical, too conformist, too rebellious, too conservative, and confined in a cultural straitjacket, according to Nigeria’s modern coloniser(s).

    Caught in the maelstrom of culture, economic and political interests, Nigerians predictably seek escape via a specious remake of persona, political theater’s wooden mask, into a survivalist totem – functional yet sculpted to preserve seedy alien interests.

    The rippling decadence, inventive in pleasures yet originative in malice, is amplified as leftist satire in mainstream literature and revolutionist chant across multimedia platforms; ultimately, it is spruced as a “liberal” revolt against the perceived austerity and tyranny of Nigerian personae, a desecration of ancestral origins.

    Nigeria thus submits to a rash leash of colonial interests, and society sidles from a multiplicity of morals to a unity of depravity. Our veneration of Euro-American interests has assumed the ruckus of a ghastly orgy, far removed from fertile nature.

    Such a quandary validates the Euro-American propagation of vulturine psychology as a specialty and arbiter of foreign diplomacy and the human experience.

    Bulhan’s treatise on metacolonialism brilliantly addresses this phenomenon and its deceptive psychology. During classical colonialism, psychologists and psychiatrists embarked on racial comparisons on the size of the brain, concluding from biased measurements that Africans belonged to a lower evolutionary phase.

    With the rise and growth of globalisation, the calculus and dynamics of colonial domination have assumed more subtle and treacherous forms; superpowers of the so-called “First World” have redesigned their conquest expeditions to suit the poetics and mathematics of their “enlightened self-interest.”

    The Euro-American complex of resource exploitation and cultural imperialism persists through residual structures of domination and collective socialisation through media propaganda and scholarship, notes Bulhan.

    Read Also: 2023: INEC leaving no stone unturned on credible polls – Yakubu

    Also, a conditioned mass passion for consumer goods imported from abroad and effective dissemination of the belief that this stage of colonialism (globalisation) represents a great advance in human history continues to be the bane of industrial and economic growth in Nigeria and other parts of Africa.

    By sustained assault on the world of meaning, metacolonialism also penetrates the psyche and social relations. Nigerians are, of course, vulnerable to this scourge of culture, politics, and personae; they are fawning and defenseless before its oppressive hierarchies.

    And there is a structure to the indoctrination. For instance, the journalist plays the proverbial role of the primitive town crier cum interpreter, who ditches gumption for witlessness, and scorns the vapours of intellect to inhale the carnations of mindlessness.

    The press would not slip into a trance, like the Delphic Oracle. Being part of the orgy requires corruption of intent and mystic loss of self. To keep the stream of indoctrination flowing, journalists, the traditional and new media morph into a purulent spigot. But if Nigeria’s best minds immerse in decadence for profit, who would guide the country through the trials of dystopic revel?

    As globalisation flourishes, the dynamics of Euro-American imperialism become more pronounced yet camouflaged in our lives – with devastating consequences. As long as Nigeria and Africa worship the dollar and the euro as the primary means of international exchange and measures of human worth; as long as we venerate Euro-American norms as indispensable edicts of civilisation, Nigeria will remain poorly heeled in the global commune of recaptured colonies.

    The current system, fostered by subtle and aggressive cues of programming through the media and academia, projects nations of Europe and America as unimpeachable models of humanity and freedom, not minding their buccaneer exploits and abrasive presence in “recolonised” territories of the “third world.”

    To counter this metacolonial complex, the Nigerian press must partner with progressive social actors to reinvent our national narrative in the language of patriots and deeds of an exalted ethic. This is not a call for self-censorship by the press. Rather it’s a call to decolonise the Nigerian mind and political space.

    In covering the February elections, for instance, the press must desist from inflaming the polity through sponsored disinformation, sensationalist features, and foreign psyops often fostered through dubious analyses and pronouncements by questionable electoral observers from abroad.

    Many foreign journalists and electoral observers would be working for foreign “superpowers” and “intelligence agencies” with intent to destabilise the country, by predicting and influencing a swell of conflict tailored to their “enlightened self-interest.” Local journalists must shun their factious quotes and counter their doomsday portrayal of the ongoing transition.

    The February elections won’t be perfect. No election is ever perfect all over the world. At least the United States’ scandalous elections of 2016, mired in claims and counterclaims of tampered ballots and sexed-up results, shows clearly that there is no perfect system or nation in the world.

    Media houses must resist the impulse to sensationalise perceived shortcomings of the ongoing transition to suit the purpose of enemies of the Nigerian State, at home and abroad.

    Heaven won’t fall and Nigeria won’t end simply because the outcome of the elections contradicts the run of doomsday predictions by frantic foreign consulates and political interests.

    It’s about time the press committed with a clear conscience and altruistic intent to the analyses of the conditions that victimise the electorate as pawns and minions of the political class and Nigeria’s colonisers.

    The press must quit talking down to Nigerians; journalists must begin to identify with the citizenry as discerning and self-determining political actors, if not immediately, then in the future.

    The press must alert the citizenry to the self-defeating electoral quirks and enlighten them about the benefits of progressive partisanship in the electoral process.

    Decolonised psychology advocates change using a bottom-up rather than a top-down approach. The top-down approach is imperialistic and arrogant. Many political interventions or programmes of social change fail because they are imposed top-down by local and international actors with ulterior motives – thus they are often supported by the threat or instigation of mayhem as a tool of revolt.

    En route to the February elections, the Nigerian press must resist every token and leash of foreign consulates, rights groups, and non-profits. They are parts of the metacoloniser’s poisoned chalice. The change they promise is oft insincere, self-serving, and borderline.

    And beneath their claims that they alone know what’s best for Nigeria, they only seek to hinder our progress march and infantilise the Nigerian mind using psyops (psychological operations) that foster hostilities and aggravate conflict. It’s all frantic, soulless posturing. In the end, they would claim victory for negligible successes and blame Nigerians for perceptible failures.

    True, fancy repute and ghostly online clout may earn journalists and media houses foreign grants and sponsorship in the short run, but they will lose it all in the long run to the same system that taught them to be soulless hobbyists.

    We have used the soapbox and our presumed intellect as a mirror to reflect society’s hypocrisy, moral corruption, and injustice. It’s about time we walked our talk in the interest of Nigeria.

  • Public and private perception of the 1966 coup

    Public and private perception of the 1966 coup

    I was not a child when the first military putsch in January 1966 took place. I was in fact a gentleman in my final year of undergraduate university education at the age of 23 plus and was politically savvy and well exposed domestically and internationally. I had spent the second year of my undergraduate education in the University of London in an exchange programme with that university particularly the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) and the Queen Mary’s College (QMC). I was on the ring side in the conflict that wracked the Action Group (AG), the governing party in the Western Nigeria in 1961, because my oldest brother Chief Joseph Oduola Osuntokun was a high ranking cabinet minister in government since 1955 and at the age of 34 and was minister of finance when I was in the primary school. The crisis that afflicted the Action Group (AG), the internationally acclaimed best organised political party in Nigeria at that time was a tragedy for the Western Region and Nigeria as a whole. This was because the Western Region was a pace setter in many areas such as public finance, education, sports development, public administration, industrialisation, agriculture, urban development and housing. It was able to do this because it inherited huge amount of funds from the marketing board set up to manage the ups and downs in the  world market prices  of cocoa which at that time was the main export of Nigeria as petroleum is  now the money earner for Nigeria.

    The crisis in the Action Group arose as a result of personality clash among the leaders which was sometimes camouflaged as ideological conflict in the direction of the country especially when the crisis broke open. But certainly, the Action Group was not an ideological party initially. It was a mass rally essentially to protect western Nigeria’s interests; some might say to protect largely Yoruba interest.

    The crisis arose as a result of frustration in the leadership after its failure to emerge as the governing party at the centre of the federation in 1959 on the eve of independence after the western Nigerian premier, Chief Obafemi Awolowo had moved to the centre while the leader of the opposition, Chief S.L. Akintola had exchanged positions with his leader by becoming premier of western Nigeria. It was the inability to manage this exchange of positions that brought conflict into the party which the NPC/NCNC federal government exploited to destroy the party. This intervention set in motion, a chain of events which the politicians directly involved could not have foreseen. It led to widespread rigging of the elections in Western Nigeria in 1965 and disequilibrium in the federation following the ethnic baiting and displacement of the NCNC and invariably the Igbo core members of the party from their predominant positions in the federal government. The genie of ethnic politics was released and this upset the radical elements in the Nigerian army particularly its officer corps which was largely dominated by Ibos. The ordinary man on the street was completely fed up with the chaos in the country. There was almost total breakdown of law and order in the Western Region including even the federal capital of Lagos marked  by widespread arson in the urban areas and burning and other incendiary attacks on rival politicians.  There was also ongoing rebellion among the Tivs of the Benue valley protesting against political oppression in the hands of the NPC northern Nigerian government. Soldiers and armed mobile policemen were deployed in the Western Region and the Middle Belt of Nigeria. Things were so bad that cabinet ministers were trained to use guns for self-protection. It was obvious that the politicians had boxed themselves into a corner and they apparently did not know how to extricate themselves from their situation. The deployment of soldiers in the disaffected areas exposed the soft underbelly of the politicians and exposed their dependency on the soldiers for the stability of the country and their very positions on the soldiers.

    When the coup d’état of January 15, 1966 took place, the telephone communications were severed and the politicians were isolated. In the Western Region, even cabinet ministers did not know what had happened and thought the premier was killed by hired thugs of the opposition party. They were in fact planning to swear in Oba C.D. Akran, the minister of finance as the new premier in the absence of Chief Remi Fani Kayode who they believed had been kidnapped. It was not until the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) broadcast the news that the widespread nature of the coup d’état became quite clear to all and sundry. The initial reaction in the Western Region and Lagos was excited welcome of the coup leaders who were celebrated as liberators from what was perceived as corrupt leaders. Many students and their teachers accepted the broadcast of Major Chukwuma  Kaduna Nzeogwu  that the leaders removed were completely irredeemable thieves who were selling the economic future of the country and who also deserved to die. The shock of the violence shook the country to its very foundation and there was no time to settle down and clinically evaluate the situation. Even the much blamed Major General Thomas Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi and his Unification Decree No 34 was widely celebrated at least by the academia and the southern media as a forward move to build a united country.

    Read Also: Era of coups gone for good, says CDS Irabor

    What was clear even at that time was the sincerity of Major Nzeogwu. This was an idealistic young man who did not quite know the history of his country. Nigeria was neither Turkey nor Egypt and Nzeogwu  was not Mustapha Kemal or Gamal Abdel Nasser  and  in the case of Nigeria, a determined military leader could  not alter its destiny.

    By the time in July 1966 when the second coup d’état took place, it was clearly and obviously a retaliation for the lopsided killings of northern and western army officers and the heads of government in the north, west and the federal. By this time, the initial enthusiasm and welcome of the military had waned and fear of the unknown had descended on the nation especially bearing in mind the ferocity and widespread killings of military officers and civilians largely from the East in the north of the country. From this time onwards Nigeria was on the slippery slope towards the civil war which did not settle the fundamental problems of this country. This centres around the political imbalance in the federation which was well articulated by the dictum of Professor John Wheare, that a federation should never be so organized that one section of it should be so big that it would overwhelm all the other sections put together.

    This problem has remained intractable despite attempts such as creation of states during the civil war but even this attempted solution has been vitiated by subsequent haphazard and irrational creation of more states designed to maintain the dominance of one part of the country over the other and inadvertently destroying the federal basis of the Nigerian union.

  • Nigerian youths as victims

    Nigerian youths as victims

    The tragedy of our nation is that with the derailment of our political socialisation process by misguided military adventurers, our youths and compatriots below 50 years of age never knew we once had an organized country, respected and regarded by the rest of the world as the hope of the Black race. The new narrative as Obasanjo pointed out during his endorsement of Peter Obi as his choice for the 2023 election some two weeks back is “the level of pervasive and mind-numbing insecurity, rudderless leadership, buoyed by mismanagement of diversity and pervasive corruption, bad economic policies resulting in extremes of poverty and massive unemployment and galloping inflation.”

    Since the victorious write history,  it is of little relief that it is those who brought us to this sorry path  that have  continued to hold us hostage under the guise they fought a war to keep Nigeria one. As if celebrating the source of our nightmare, Obasanjo also boasted: “I became Head of State at 39, General Gowon became a national leader at 33” before throwing his challenge: “Youth of Nigeria, your time has come, you are to turn the tide on its head and march forward chanting ‘Awa Lokan’(our turn).

    Undoubtedly, Obasanjo and his fellow misguided military adventurers were young when they threw the nation into darkness in 1966. The five majors who changed the course of our nation’s history including Nzeogwu, his very close friend were in their late 20s. Many of Gowon’s 12 military governors, 11 of who were later indicted for corruption were also in their 20s and early 30s.  But because Obasanjo knows many of our frustrated, jobless and angry youths are too hungry to care about history, what he would not admit was that by ‘walking where angels fear to tread’, (tricked into politics by warring Igbo and Hausa Fulani politicians fighting for the soul of Nigeria), he and his fellow military adventurers brought the wrath of the gods upon themselves with tragic consequences for our nation.

    Many have argued that he and his fellow military adventurers who joined the military in order to climb the social ladder were blinded by complex and driven by envy (Obasanjo even boasted achieving what Awo could not achieve through a lifelong struggle on a platter of gold). They were therefore determined to settle scores with those they ignorantly assumed to be responsible for their lots in life.

    Envy, bitterness and intense hatred are perhaps the only plausible explanation for selective killing of senior northern military officers and their political leaders by predominantly Igbo military officers and the assassination of Ironsi and mindless killing of Igbo military officers and the planned sinking of Lagos with dynamite by mercurial Murtala Muhammed and Theophilus Danjuma who shortly before then had ferried their wives and children to the north in a hijacked British aircraft.

    Obasanjo and his fellow ill-educated young military officers who had no idea of how society works not only plunged the nation into an  avoidable civil war, they also destroyed our federal structure before embarking on their ‘mainstreaming’ wrong-headed policy which is the source of all the ills Obasanjo identified above.

    It is clear Obasanjo has no expertise in talent hunting.  Most of those he identified as gifted youths when as civilian president brought little joy to Nigerians. His appointment of Bukola Saraki, as a budget adviser marked the beginning of budget padding in the fourth republic.  In a letter dated April 4, 2003 to Senate President Anyim Pius Anyim, Obasanjo alleged that his 2003 budget was jacked up. There was also Dino Melaye who has never done any work since he was first appointed special adviser on youths after graduation besides serving as a federal lawmaker. He is known for the obscene display of wealth, showcasing his Abuja mansion, expensive wrist-watches and state-of-the-art cars on social media. The only other thing consistent with his other favourite youths is their inconsistency as they move in and out of different political parties.

    For direction and lesson in leadership, our beleaguered youths should look beyond Obasanjo. The following are some of those with enduring legacy of service in the old Western Region that can serve as role models for our ambitious youths desirous of serving their people.

    Adegoke Adelabu was, according to Professor Saburi Biobaku “perhaps the brightest boy that Government College Ibadan had ever produced”. He was outstanding in Yaba College of Technology before pursuing a successful career in UAC. He started preparing for leadership by first joining Great Ibadan Unity Grand Alliance (GIUGA) to fight new tax collection system. He became a member of Ibadan Citizen Committee (Egbe Omo Ibile), Ibadan Welfare Association, (Maiyegun).  He was elected vice president of NCNC during the party’s convention in Enugu on May 6, 1955.

    On September 24, 1951, he was one of the six people elected on the platform of Ibadan Peoples Party (IPP).  Adelabu, a “radical socialist and militant nationalist” was the only one of the six to join NCNC claiming “it is the only party that can deliver our beloved fatherland from the yoke of British imperialism and organize a democratic republican socialist West Africa”.

    There was Tony Enahoro, an editor of a national newspaper at 23. He was a Zikist before joining the Action Group. He first moved the motion for independence in 1956. He supervised the building and inauguration of WNTV, the first television in Africa within three months. He remains the best parliamentarian Nigeria has ever produced.

    There was Bode Thomas, who started as a local council chairman. Regionalism as the building block of our federalism was his idea. He was Action Group vice president. He died at a young age of 34.

    We had Awolowo who despite having to sell water, firewood before serving as house boy to four different masters and attended four different primary schools to obtain a primary school certificate, left a legacy of service.  He groomed himself for leadership  by first getting involved in trade unionism before moving on to become the secretary for Ibadan branch of Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM). As his own contribution to the management of our diversity, he wrote ‘Path to Nigerian Freedom’ where he called for a federal nation based on ethnic nationalities as obtained in India. He founded Egbe Omo Oduduwa “to promote the social welfare of Yoruba land”. He was appointed Leader of Government Business and Minister of Local Government in 1952 and became premier in 1954.

    His administration became a pace setter according to Professor Oluwasanmi when he set up six statutory bodies viz; Western Regional Marketing Board, Western Nigeria Development Corporation, Western Nigeria Housing Corporation, Western Region Finance Corporation, Western Nigeria Broadcasting Corporation, Western Nigeria Printing Corporation, “to  perform functions fundamental to the economic social and cultural development of the people of western Nigeria”.

    Our youths desirous of becoming leaders must take time off from the social media in order to become readers. To settle for a new direction, they must know where we are coming from. And finally, they must beware of false prophets who, while holding us hostage continue to swear ‘for our tomorrow they sacrifice their present”.

  • 2023: Time to decolonise the press, Nigeria (2)

    2023: Time to decolonise the press, Nigeria (2)

    Humanity thrives as political theatre. And Nigeria offers one big stage on which we are entertained, informed, and misinformed. The process, in recent times, assumes the course of indoctrination by courtiers.

    The latter manifests as our most malignant affliction. Comprising journalists, politicians, NGOs, and various forms of rights activists, their presence and machinations are inimical to nationhood, individuality, and self-growth, ultimately because they are deployed as weapons of programming.

    This may no doubt resonate as far-fetched to individuals and groups profiting from the status quo, especially the press and civil societies.

    Yet for a people programmed for conquest, Nigerians carry on with unabashed ignorance and arrogance. Arrogance is pitiable. Ignorance is expensive and quite scary.

    But Nigeria carries on, unperturbed by the ramifications of it all. This is what happens when a nation becomes unmoored from reality; it retreats into a fictive nirvana. In this predetermined cosmology, reality is redefined to suit dubious whim, and facts are manufactured, acknowledged, and disputed to suit relative bias.

    If Nigeria seems unmoored from reality, it’s because our lives and national discourse are dominated by fabricated events; from exaggerated grief over insecurity, misgovernance, and national disasters to celebrity gossip and pageantry of political artifice, the country is sold to desperate narratives at home and abroad.

    Whether it is Boko Haram or armed bandits’ resonant creed of violence and wanton genocide among brainwashed minors or the virulent manifestations of partisan politics, the compelling nature of the grievances articulated, and the pervasiveness of despair are wielded to justify the rationale for Nigeria’s creed of carnage and the country’s enduring portrayal as a banana republic by foreign governments and consulates.

    A history of corruption and neglect at the federal, state, and local levels of government, among others, has equally morphed into a major source of widespread dissatisfaction towards politicians, the legal system, and law enforcement by the masses.

    These sentiments thrive in greater depths across geographic and virtual space; as Nigeria prepares for the February 2023 polls, a wave of validation and reproof of the incumbent political class and the opposition seeking to dislodge it has produced a supercharged atmosphere of warring critics and apologists.

    Of the latter, the majority parade flawed presence because they have no real persona and moral substance. Yet en route to the February 2023 polls, Nigeria suffers its storm of spunk and slogans. Several media houses and journalists have pitched their tents with certain candidates, but at what cost? More news media and civil society groups parrot the official propaganda of foreign governments, consulates, and so-called non-profits pushing “enlightened self-interest” in the guise of transparency and as impartial observers.

    The participation of large segments of the press and civil society is driven by funded partisanship but like Arundhati Roy would say, “I’m not against people being funded—because we’re running out of options, but we have to understand, ‘Are you walking the dog or is the dog walking you? Who’s the dog and who are you?”

    The situation triggers existential questions about the quality of political participation en route to the February polls. How do we determine real and funded patriotism? Are Nigerians inured to the precepts of political participation astride the politics of reality and memory?

    The jostling over reality and memory becomes most intense in an oppressive clime where both reality and memory distort to preserve the status quo of exploitation or repudiate it.

    Hussein Bulhan addresses this anomaly in his treatise on metacolonialism as the latest modification and presentation of colonialism in the more savory euphemism of globalization – which enlarges the distortion of events in memory because written history is mostly about the valor and benevolence of the European coloniser.

    The media, many of whom, are aligned to the doctored history of the presumed sophistication and unassailable humanity cum god complex of Nigeria’s colonizer(s), continue to propagate the imperial agenda to a society unmoored from its roots.

    Students continue to learn this history in schools, literature and libraries preserve it, norms and statutes freeze it in time and place, and the media disseminate it. In short, our material world exudes, reflects, and perpetuates the reality of our coloniser.

    The narrative valorises the coloniser and morphs into a potent weapon of subjugation while it invalidates and vilifies much about the colonised, including their culture, their epistemology, their ontology—indeed their very existence as human beings.

    In reality, Nigeria is seen to exist to fulfill the needs and convenience of its modern colonisers. Consequently, the media and cultural agencies of imperialism become prime weaponry in the designs of the colonisers; the traditional press and new media, established and aspiring writers, musicians, actors, actresses, movie producers, social and humanitarian workers, healthworkers, NGOs, the academia and religious institutions, to mention a few, are often “empowered” and deployed as self-discerning social actors by the colonisers but in truth, they are expendable tools used to further the hegemonic plans (enlightened self interests) of Nigeria’s colonisers.

    A citizenry shackled to such stricture is forever susceptible to subtle and pronounced capture. They are unquestioning, passive, and weak before the colossal might and influence of their colonisers. This is the Nigerian predicament.

    A flawed persona, lack of pride, and moral substance have rid too many self-confessed patriots of grit and foresight. Consequently, they play court sycophant and pawn to foreign governments, financial lenders, rights groups, and non-profits with shady intent; they equally serve as tools to the local political class and the youthful, virulent herd.

    They are pliable and servile, through political dispensations and conflict situations, projecting with slavish plasticity conflicting interests. Their identities are self-evacuated as they persistently open themselves like a glove to the political palm. Hence they serve as a medium of wheedling and imposition of pathologic rites and culture to the detriment of their own civilization. Ultimately, they elevate belly and bum over fealty and forelock in a flagrant rite of political intercourse.

    En route to the February elections, the media must seek more altruistic means of participation alongside other actors. Journalists must seize the moment offered by the ongoing transition to regroup and recommit to a viable media practice, founded on humane principles of professionalism, nationhood, citizenship, and nativism.

    To achieve this, we must purge ourselves of inclinations to redefine our reality according to foreign interests: digital satellite television channels, foreign consulates, arts, literature, and humanitarian agencies’ plots to stifle Nigerianness or redefine it in tune with obscure, pathologic civilisations from abroad must be resisted henceforth.

    The story of the colonised often remains untold due to censorship and social amnesia enforced in crude or subtle ways, notes Bulhan. It’s about time Nigerians penned their own stories, not as the alternative stories, but as the unimpeachable, national narrative.

    The local media must quit winnowing out our reality to reject all that some foreign actors deem too radical or proof of idiosyncratic compulsion to challenge their dominance or excavate a long-forgotten past too uncomfortable to recall.

    It’s about time the media espoused progress relatable to the Nigerian reality. To what end are finely crafted homilies and treatises on the youths’ newfound political awareness if they won’t inspire the youths to participate creditably and constructively in the political process?

    It is never enough to parrot some foreign consulates and non-profits’ fosterage of Gen-Z’s virulent politics and their disregard for historical context, what are the likely consequences of such toxic partisanship?

    Progressive citizenship requires more evolved and purposeful engagement in politics than wanton theorising and spouting on barrel heads to be seen.