Category: Olakunle Abimbola

  • Ortom’s necromancy

    Raiding the dead, to procure a mandate for the living, is not new.   Peter Obi, then sitting Anambra governor; and his then protégée, Willy Obiano, traversed that track in Anambra 2013.

    So if Benue Governor, Samuel Ortom, appears to play devastating politics with the dead, for the deadly benefits of the living, he is hardly novel.

    But the question is: when would the Benue living wake up to the dire risk of this deadly political necromancy?

    In 2013, a certain Chris Ngige needed to be defeated, by all means necessary.  So Obi, with Obiano in tow, made electioneering sorties to the grave of Dim Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, to seek the blessing of the dead, for their living candidate.

    Indeed, those Jew-versus-Gentile missions were never complete without Victor Umeh, then national chairman of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA), but now a senator of the Federal Republic from Anambra Central.  Until he died, Ojukwu was regarded as the spiritual leader of APGA.

    So, APGA’s Obiano was the Jew.  All Progressives Congress, APC’s Ngige was the Gentile.  It was all decided at the holy grave.  Political necromancy never yielded sweeter fruits, as Mr. Obiano romped into office!

    But all, it appears, is turned gall now — at least in the Peter Obi camp.  Perhaps believing, after nudging his ward to victory that the dead stay dumb, Mr. Obi found new fortunes with the then federal ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

    Four years later, Obi came hoisting a different banner.  But the old necromantic army lay in wait.  Before you could holler “Peter!”, the former governor, as a political force, was unhorsed.

    Was that the dead dishing out political death for political harlotry?  Or the miffed living, railing at unprincipled politicking?   Who knows?

    For Obi, however, it was macabre electoral symbolism gone frightfully awry, with a dire prognosis of looming political death.

    Yet, in comparison to Benue, Anambra’s was innocuous, if opportunistic, symbolism.

    The current Benue version is far more deadly, for it is devastating politics, tugging at the soul of the dead (who should rest in peace); to bait the living (whose lives are useless without peace).

    Benue has been home to unfortunate killings, traced to the high-wire tension between herders and farmers.  A party to the dispute has alleged it’s ethnic cleansing, for which it fingers the “Fulani”; and accuses the federal authorities of grave collusion, because the sitting president is Fulani.  Maybe.

    But another school of thought thinks it is nothing but brutal economic survival, manifesting as personal and collective tragedies, which pathos cut deep; assuming ethnic hues, among the common victims.

    Whatever it is — and the tragedy and blood-shedding is to be regretted by all — currying explosive sympathy, by subversive external elements, playing nothing but soulless politics, won’t solve the problem.

    Parties in the dispute, with their professional sympathizers — genuine or subversive, laying wreaths all over the place — should learn from the Rwandan experience (see the accompanying story by retired Col. Azubike Nass), where orchestrated Tutsi-Hutu hate baited nothing but avoidable catastrophe.

    Still, after all the emotional madness, the same Hutu and Tutsi have settled down in their country, probably more than ever, appreciating the worth of peace.

    Let the Benue and federal authorities learn from the Rwandan experience — which Genesis, incidentally, is another herder-farmer confrontation — to bring back the peace, so the Benue people get their lives back.

    That is the sane way to go.  Political necromancy does nothing but plants the seeds of more hideous future tragedies!

    The dead are dead.  It is the living that feel the pains.

  • From Rwanda: herdsmen vs farmers

    I am a member of Senior Course 26 of the Armed Forces Command and Staff College, Jaji, Kaduna.  I was for the course in 2006 and it was during the course that I met two very fine officers from Rwanda.  They were both Lieutenant-Colonels; and they were both Tutsis.  Both of them were battle-hardened and one of them had battle scars to show for it (lost one eye, lost many fingers).

    These two officers gave me a better understanding of the Rwandan conflict from a herdsmen/farmers perspective; and how it was resolved.  I believe we could draw lessons from them.  Below is a narrative of what they told me:

    1. Tutsis and Hutus are basically the same ethnic group.  They speak the same language and they belong to the same religion: Christianity.
    2. Traditionally, the terms Tutsi and Hutu were social classes: a class difference based on ownership of cows.  If you owned more than 10 cows, then you were a Tutsi; and if you owned less than 10, you were Hutu.
    3. Traditionally, you could move from being a Tutsi to a Hutu and vice versa, according to the increase or decrease of your cows. (Their colonial masters tried to tweak it but that is another story).
    4. Tutsis were only 15 per cent of the population, as of the time of the Rwandan conflict.
    5. The underlying factor/remote causes of the conflict, according to the officers, was the dwindling livestock; and a homeland status for the Tutsis. (Many of us know the other political, humanitarian and economic issues).
    6. A bitter conflict ensued and the Tutsis emerged victorious (if that is the correct terminology).  Paul Kegame, who is a Tutsi, became the president.

    Winning the peace

    The people of Rwanda decided to win the peace after the conflict through a “no victor, no vanquished “ arrangement, amongst other deliberate policies.

    This entailed addressing the root problems/causes of the conflict.  One of such problems was addressing the herdsmen (Tutsi)/farmers (Hutu) problem.

    It was agreed that the Tutsi were to be settled with their cows.  The government  would embrace a zero-grazing policy through a feedlot arrangement (not ranching) — feedlots are very small spaces that hold a high stocking density of livestock.  Many people do not realize that ranches occupy large spaces.  The ideal stocking density is two cows per hectare in open grazing.  A hectare is two football fields, side by side — 100 metres/100 metres or 1000 square metres).

    Steps taken

    The government embarked on land demarcation, infrastructure development and replacement of the Watutsi (the Tutsi cows, just like the White Fulani or Red Bororo), with more exotic cows like the Friesian Holstein, that had more milk yield per individual cow, at a ration of 1:3, or even, 1:4.  That meant that the Tutsis could have fewer cows with more yields. Incidentally, one of the officers was then the chairman of the Friesian Holstein Cattle Owners Association of Rwanda.

    The herdsmen (Tutsis) were then encouraged to exchange their Watutsi cows with the more exotic breeds; and to move their cows into feedlots where they could get additional government support/incentives from the government.

    Both groups agreed and the policy was implemented.  They eventually came to realize the importance of each group and their interdependence.  This created a new economy at the grassroots and it was a major contributory factor to peace in Rwanda.  I saw a similar arrangement in Ethiopia in 2010; and it was also working there.

    Rwanda has taught us that the problem of clashes between herdsmen and farmers could be solved/resolved to the benefit of all.  I believe that it could work in Nigeria, with careful planning and execution.

    Lesson learnt

    1. Herdsmen/farmers conflict could happen even amongst people of the same ethnicity and religion, for socio-economic reasons.  We should therefore avoid looking at the current challenges in Nigeria from an ethno-religious point of view.
    2. The settlement of herdsmen is a process and not an event that could happen overnight.  Governments should realize that it would take more than laws to address the challenges.  It would require careful planning by the government at all levels, building of infrastructure, development of a support mechanism, application of realistic  laws and organizing the people for mutual benefit.
    3. The challenges of clashes between herdsmen and farmers are not insurmountable. They could be solved/resolved to the benefit of all in Nigeria.

     

    • Col. Nass is a retired officer of the Nigerian Army and a veteran of the Sierra Leone conflict, where he served as one of the ECOMOG field commanders
  • Rose in the house

    She is — she insists, just Mrs: “because of this ring”; lifting her left fingers to show off her wedding ring, with the mirth and glee of the newly wed — Folorunso Alakija (FA).

    But she is known around, in the charity and well, spiritual world, as Rose of Sharon.

    Still, before charity came business.  So, there was Supreme Stitches (SS), one of the marquee players in Nigeria’s fashion world, when stark tailoring was morphing into the sheer art of design.  Of course, SS would rebrand into the tonier Rose of Sharon House of Fashion, which shaped the couture of the high and the mighty.

    And, the real deal, FAMFA Oil, the Alakija family’s oil exploration and production business.  FAMFA is somewhat reminiscent of the great MKO Abiola, perhaps a philanthropist of no equal in all of Nigeria’s history.

    Though already rich in solid billions, when he hit crude with his Summit Oil, MKO still reportedly gushed in Yoruba: “Obe ree!” — this is the read deal!

    But Mrs Alakija did not come to The Nation to discuss business, except when it interfaced with her women empowerment efforts.  So, to charity we shall return.

    Her charity agency is called the Rose of Sharon Foundation (RoSF).  Its spiritual arm, Rose of Sharon Glorious Ministry International, she disclosed, started as a house fellowship in her home, but now boasts a sizable number of worshippers.

    Even then, FA — Folorunso Alakija — would pun her initials, for yet another worthy cause: Flourish Africa (FA).  That NGO is a network of women devoted to one another’s welfare, care and empowerment, especially of widows, which led Ripples to crack a good-natured banter — who takes care of the widowers!

    Still, the most moving question,  on the day, came from Steve Osuji — ravaging hunger, and allied misery, in the North East.

    Her response was instructive.  It showed  the perils of sloppy reportage and wayward commentaries, on corruption, the nemesis of the most vulnerable segment of the Nigerian people.

    Mrs Alakija acknowledged the dire situation in the North East, but appealed to everyone to chip in their bits, adding that the so-called billionaires could not do alone.

    Still, she would wish raising money for such were more transparent, suggesting an online process, from which the likes of Avaaz and other credible international agencies, raise great sums, in small amounts worldwide, to fight specific causes.

    What drives those campaigns, she insists, is trust — trust that the fund would be used, fully and faithfully, for the cause it was raised.  Not here, where “you could be told a snake had swallowed millions!”

    That provoked uproarious laughter, by the assembly gathered, at The Nation Boardroom in Lagos.

    The snake-swallowing-millions bit was straight out of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB), that alleged Jonathan era cesspool of graft and sleaze, that its present management is trying to cleanse.

    But the reportage of this otherwise laudable effort, by JAMB’s current managers, has been so sloppy, and commentaries on it so wayward, you would think Prof. Ishaq Oleyede and co were flaunting their own decadence.

    Yet, the reverse is the case — no thanks to a media that loves to sensationalize, tantalize and demonize.

    But how does all of this affect charity, and therefore the society’s most vulnerable?  Simple.  If charities flinch from committing resources, because the process is opaque, the most vulnerable, that sorely need help, get hit.  That could make a difference between life and death.

    So, when a local charity, which is in the vortex of the crisis, gets skeptical about pushing resources, to ease a clear catastrophe, the harm becomes even clearer.

    Yet, an anti-corruption crusade ought to achieve the exact opposite: make the system more transparent, raise confidence all round and funnel help to those who need it most, either by routine government intervention or through charity NGOs.

    That is why the media should always keep in view the full picture, no matter the immediate pull to tantalize, to sensationalize or to titillate.

    But talking charity, and judging from the literature the Alakija entourage dropped with their hosts, the Rose of Sharon group would appear to have done a lot.

    On this score, FA — Flourish Africa — seems especially impressive, with the breath of its focus on every gamut of the woman’s life.

    Indeed FA, by its website, adopts a total approach, to improving the life of the modern woman: “living” (basic and motivational tips on focused living); “health and wellness” (the routine exercise, with an eye on the beauty regime); “career” (the path of the modern woman as a successful professional); “love-relationship” (the core of a woman’s life, which could make or mar).

    The other major planks includes: “inspired” (more pep talks on focus: “Cut out the noise, focus on doing the right thing, making an impact on opening doors for others to come … “, that from Uche Pedro, a female motivational speaker, under the rubrics of  ”Monday motivation”), aside from news about other impactful women: their career, fashion and styles, videos on relevant interests, and a virtual shop, to buy books and relevant information materials.

    FA would appear clearly elitist, from its subjects and packaging.  But it could be aspirational too, for lower cadre woman, working towards better their lives.

    Still, the Rose of Sharon Foundation (RoSF), with its focus on empowering widows, their children and orphans, appears in the vortex of offering raw succour — and with the fulsome testimonies, from its many beneficiaries, it would appear doing a good job.

    Especially laudable is its stress on women empowerment and skills acquisition, in bag making, jewellery designs, wig making, catering and baking, tie and dye textiles design, print technology, fashion design, tying of headgear, make-up artistry and detergent and insecticide production.

    Its grand strategy would appear making small-scale entrepreneurs out of this otherwise disadvantaged and disoriented segment of the female population — good!

    Still, a lot remains to be done, even among women not so vulnerable, but no less embattled.

    Stella Monye, ace musician and hard working entrepreneur, still runs around trying to raise money for surgery to save her only child, Ibrahim.  Ibrahim had a freak domestic accident at 13.  Years later in his late 20s, he is still bogged down, after many failed surgeries.

    Against great odds, Stella, the doting mum, is determined to save her son — or die trying.  She needs help.

    So does Moses Alabi-Isiama, 33,  a first class graduate of Energy and Petroleum Studies, from Novena University, a private Nigerian university.  The Nation Saturday columnist, Segun Ayobolu brought his plight to the fore, in his column, on March 17.

    A N609, 000 debt, owed to his former university, according to the Ayobolu column, separates him from his dream: becoming a professor of petroleum engineering.  He needs help too!

    The intervention of the likes of Rose of Sharon is not that everyone that needs automatically gets one.

    It is rather that in a caring society, some fellow citizens would always stretch a helping hand, even when not most convenient.

    That ray of hope could make all the difference — and that perhaps, is the beauty of having a rose in the house.

  • Senatorial perdition

    That coup-is-still-possible quip, by Ike Ekweremadu, deputy Senate president (DSP), echoes one Yoruba saying: ”Omo yo tan, o npe baba re l’eranko!

    A brat, at the apex of his filial hubris, dismisses his doting parents as idiots!  Surely, such surfeit munificence is nothing but supreme parental folly?

    That fairly epitomizes this 8th Senate — indeed, the two chambers of the National Assembly.  After gorging silly, from the ceaseless milk of the civil order, the prodigal, in cloud seven, now dreams military rule!

    That about captures Ekweremadu’s gaffe.

    Yet, there may be something spiritual about it all.  To start with, Ekweremadu’s subsistence as DSP has nothing to do with  the so-called “beauty of democracy”.  Instead, it is the very ugly gargoyle of opportunism.

    Bukola Saraki, desperate to sell his All Progressives Congress (APC) parliamentary mandate, to at all cost become Senate president, was clear-eyed about his perfidy.  Even then, he needed a devil-may-care collaborator-opportunist.

    Enter, Ike Ekweremadu, last-term legit DSP under David Mark but now willy-nilly DSP, procured by the rotten fruits of stolen goods!  For where else does a minority party in parliament land the DSP?

    One that scrambles to high office, by absolute dishonour, is spiritually fated to fatal mis-jives!

    Still on honour, take a close look at the two captains of the executive: President Muhammadu Buhari and Vice President Yemi Osinbajo; and the National Assembly equivalent captains: Senate President Bukola Saraki and Speaker Yakubu Dogara.

    In each bloc, one is Muslim, the other Christian.  Yet, each  group throws up diametrically opposed vibes — why?  Personal conducts.

    Call Buhari many names over, but that he is a thief, to gobble public money, is never going to wash.  Tried and tested many times, his squeaky clean image and Spartan ways have held steady, in the midst of so much decadence among his contemporaries.

    Vice President Osinbajo is rich — but not in money (still, by any standard, he’s no pauper) but in value.

    Every dime he has earned — and that’s a good many — is from his sweat as a Law professor and active legal practitioner.  In Lagos, his first port as a public servant, he left a trail of punishing devotion and high record of excellence.  His sterling legal reforms, as Lagos attorney-general and Justice commissioner (1999-2007), now being adopted at the federal level and by other states, are living testimonies.

    No wonder, the presidential duo strike the image of the straight-and-narrow, that elixir a decadent Nigeria needs to scale these trying times.

    That contemporary Nigeria deliberately underplays these stellar traits shows how too far gone, from that narrow path to salvation, the Nigerian elite — particularly the so-called (wo)men of God — may have strayed.

    But the National Assembly?  The direct contrast: glum, free-for-all, celebrated decadence.

    Saraki, the Senate president, has no conviction record.  But his politics stinks to seven heavens.  The soulless manner he sold his party’s birthright to DSP for personal profit, cutting the dishonourable PDP and its Ekweremadu a sickly slack, is brazen proof.

    Long after the spoil of office is long putrefied in the belly, that treachery and twin opportunism would define the political profile of both.

    And long after this 8th Senate is gone, its effete succumb to such perfidy would question its group essence, despite the presence, in the conclave, of a few well and truly decent (wo)men.

    House Speaker Dogara appears placid on the surface.  But with his reaction to “budget padding” allegations by Abdulmnmini Jibril, former chair of the House Appropriation Committee now languishing in suspension exile, he would appear as ruthless as they come.

    Both the Senate and the House are unrepentantly yoked to turning their so-called house rules into some big whip, to thrash the Constitution on citizens’ rights.  But can a conclave, by its rule, banish a member for a long spell, when that member, by law, represents a constituency?

    Which one is supreme — the parliament’s right to maintaining discipline among its own ranks; or the Constitution’s diktat that every citizen must have representation?

    That is one issue the courts should thrash out, for that core representation makes Parliament the first estate of the realm.

    Yet, this 8th National Assembly has exalted group norm over the grund norm.  Because that often negates its very essence, the result is perceived impunity inside its high walls.  That translates into crass opacity, to citizens outside, who have a right to know.

    Of course, such opacity breeds explosive scandals, the latest of which is Senator Shehu Sani’s sensational claim that every senator pockets N13.5 million a month, aside from other perks, in holy gravy!

    A stunned Senate might just dispatch Sani to Golgotha, for infringing on its “privileges, integrity and rights”.  No tears for Holy Shehu, Glorious and Conceited, who immaculately talks down on everyone!  Still, that would be barring the gate when the stallion had galloped clear!

    Indeed, unfazed institutional opacity breeds the many Senate escapades.

    First, it tailors public laws to its private benefits, simply because it’s charged with that chore.

    Then, it instals itself as the decadent alternative to the President’s war against corruption, with its running battles with EFCC’s Ibrahim Magu and Nigeria Customs’ Hameed Ali, two citizens, like Buhari, virtually killing themselves to deliver a better Nigeria.

    With the executive calling its bluff on Magu, the Senate throws tantrums, decreeing itself AWOL from crucial confirmation duties.  Yet, this is a job it pays itself at an obscene premium!

    The other day, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was even appealing to the Nigerian Senate to confirm some crucial Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) nominees!  A thoroughly deluded Senate dubs it “protest”.  But its political masters, we the people, call it  unpardonable subversion that must be punished.

    Besides, it’s March and this 8th National Assembly is still playing yo-yo with the 2018 budget.  Is there loading a repeat of last year, when it switched votes from crucial roads nationwide, that would have given the economy a fillip, to useless constituency projects, for brazen personal egos?

    Indeed, an opaque parliament is a blight on any democracy.  No wonder, in its arrogance turned hubris, this National Assembly has installed itself champion of anything decadent; and virulent opposer of everything diligent.  Sad!

    It is from such free-for-all decadence that an Ekweremadu would practically call for military rule, in the very hallowed chambers of the Senate!  Any further proof of how  these characters have re-shaped the house in their hollow images?

    Still, Ekweremadu is only a son, out of the too many children of perdition, plaguing the Nigerian Senate.

    They are all beyond redemption.  That is why, come 2019, they must all be swept clean, into political Siberia.

  • Grave distraction

    Grave distraction

    At a most crucial juncture, critical segments of the Nigerian elite lapse into grave — if not fatal — distraction.  They may yet live to rue a lost opportunity.

    More and more, embattled President Muhammadu Buhari looks like Eman, that tragic hero of Wole Soyinka’s play, The Strong Breed.

    Eman gave his all, to an unconscionable, insensitive, soulless and unappreciative community, just as his grander and more famous parallel, the Christ Jesus, died, so the rest of humanity — at least according to Christian tenets — might live.

    The more the president pines, the more he is scorned, if not by the quiet majority, then by a noise-some, virulent ensemble; most garrulous among whom are unfazed past wreckers, locating their own redemption in Buhari’s destruction. Yet, Buhari is nary the enemy.

    But this din is the exact opposite of the Jesus-Eman paradigm: the rest must perish for them, these noxious few, to live and thrive!

    As if bewitched, critical stakeholders of the Nigerian realm have joined this self-destruct crusade.

    In booming business are ethnic entrepreneurs, with their impassioned Fulani roasting; tribal pigeon-holing and ethnic scapegoating, their golden but empty panacea to rural banditry (read “Fulani herdsmen”), with its wanton waste of life.

    Churches live in scandalous denial of the tough economic rebuilding, play politics of the belly with their congregants’ plight and worship on the altar of cheap populism.

    Yet, that denial negates their core doctrine: purgatory before salvation — that tough path to spiritual renewal.  If you don’t purge yourself of old vices, how do you appreciate the new grace?

    A section of the media, smug, severe, all-wise and all-knowing, point fingers, lecture and hector: a very few from the position of condescending knowledge; a good many from self-yoked but badly disguised bigotry; and many, many more, just echoing the din, like some Roman plebs baying for blood, but never bothering to ask why!

    Among the commentariat, an anarchist’s manifesto would appear writ large!

    Why, even the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) appears deaf, dumb and blind to its historic mission.

    In what seems a grim revision of the resurrection order, its in-house Judases, sold to the inevitable triumph of evil over good, crow on the ascendancy; while its salvation crew, that bodes well for the country, are quiet, subdued and brow-beaten.

    Yet, this country may well sink, if the current salvage mission fails.

    The former ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)? Those suffer a power plague.   Should PDP have a sole survivor, (s)he would holler: “power! power!! power!!! till (s)he gives up the ghost. On power for power’s sake, the PDP is well and truly lost!

    In this confusion of loud nothingness, even an arid youth-old age dichotomy rages.  With no penetrating insight, talk less of solution, banal scapegoating and maligning of old age rule the roost.

    Enter some mythical “youth”, serving selves as some future deus-ex-machina, to magically resolve all issues. Crass opportunism never wears a more comical garb!

    But it so happens: Kogi’s Yahaya Bello, 43, is Nigeria’s youngest governor today.  Oyo’s Isiaka Ajimobi, at 67, is one of the oldest.  Yet, post the performance bond of each and see how distracting — if not totally irrelevant — is the age dichotomy!

    With about everyone mushy with sweet emotions, it’s no wonder everyone appears glued to symptoms.  So, the root cause(s) luxuriate without check, mutating in different crises, leading to yet more growls.  Such a vicious cycle!

    Yet, what to do is break that cycle by tasking the government on solutions.  But lo!  The media  is fixated with ethnic slurs and conspiracy theories.  So, the most vital issues receive the least attention.

    But with penetrative thinking, the narrative could change from eternal laments, with self-induced Armageddon looming nearer and nearer; to clinical thinking, which could be a glorious game-changer, like the Red Sea, parting before the rod of Moses.

    High crimes, as herdsmen killings and other violent crimes, rural and urban, are a function of mass poverty; itself, a function of thinning-out opportunities.

    Rampant sleaze is the central trigger of all these malaise.  Ethnic baiting and roasting are its notorious handmaiden, and most horrendous symptom; for the most explosive economic ruptures often manifest in ethnic tensions, where the enemy is the “other people”.

    Yet, the Buhari Presidency’s focus, since its coming, is clearly this twin-strategy: growing the real economy, to broaden economic opportunities and tackle mass poverty; and plugging the routine plunder of the public till, with its war against corruption: to free public money for public investments, economic and social.

    Both fronts have made fair progress, even with their own fair share of glitches.

    Agriculture, which posted 25 per cent of GDP in 2017, helped to power the economy back, from the recession of 2016, to a growth of 1.4 per cent, given figures from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS).  With slow but steady growth in industry (3.92 per cent in 2017) and services (0.10 per cent in 2017) and increased earnings from crude, the economy appears heading north.

    But there are glitches too.  The service sector posted 53 per cent of GDP in 2017, but it  only grew by 0.10 per cent.  This accounts for the still general sluggishness of the economy and the hunger and pains in the land.

    Besides, the increased crude earnings are neutralized by the continuing importation of refined products.  Though this is a key policy journey to nowhere from the ancien regime, full benefits from that sector are impossible without 100 per cent local refining.

    Yet, with expected better infrastructure, in roads and rail, the Federal Government is projecting a 3.5 per cent growth in 2018, compared to World Bank’s 2.5 per cent.  That means, worst case scenario, taking the World Bank estimates, the economy would grow by a further 1.1 per cent; possibly 2.1, if you take the government’s projections.

    No great leap, to be sure.  But given the near total wreck of 2015, and with far less cash at hand, it’s no little achievement.

    Besides, this is real sector growth, driven by people’s sweat; not the account-tinkering ploy of the Obasanjo-Jonathan era.  Little wonder, Nigeria is projected to become self-sufficient in rice and tubers this year.

    Parallel to developments in the real economy, the lustration of governance is on; exposing the jumbo sleaze of the Jonathan era. Yet to the nay assembly, with their media amplifiers, this lustration is nothing but an illustration of the polity’s impotence against corruption.  A nay anthem never sounded so silly!

    Yes, the regime has its own numbing scandals, not at all attune to a regime with zero tolerance for corruption.  Yet, only a skewed mindset would trumpet the latest Transparency International (TI) verdict on Nigeria as “evidence” that corruption is “rising”.

    That is nothing but sorry self-immolation.

    But then, it fits into that irrational frame, so common these days, of pillorying those working hard to salvage the sorry situation, while serenading the wreckers that dug the pit.

  • To Akinwunmi Isola, cultural nationalist

    To Akinwunmi Isola, cultural nationalist

    Prof Akinwunmi Isola (1939-2018), famed playwright, poet, academic, actor and culture icon, passed away on February 17, a young old man at 78.

    For culture lovers, particularly his protégées in the propagation of the majesty of Yoruba culture, his death came too soon, despite his old age.

    Yet, the bitter-sweet reality of it all may just serve as a timely check: the imperative to apply the breaks at that apex, before cultural pride plumbs into into cultural chauvinism and ethnic irredentism.

    That golden spot, it must be emphasized, would approximate the Isola legacy.  Prof. Isola, from his works and other earthly exertions, was an epitome of Yoruba cultural grace sans empty arrogance.

    Right now, there is too much ethnic toxin, most of it harebrained, in matters that concern the Nigerian common humanity.  It’s an avoidable slur no sane country needs.

    Somewhat, Isola would appear similar to Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), that famous Prussian-born German philosopher, with his even more famous Categorical Imperative in ethics.

    Kant, it has been recorded, never travelled beyond a hundred miles radius from his native Königsberg, then in Prussia but now in Russia.

    Wikipedia tamped that down, calling the claim a “myth”, particularly that, that he never went beyond 16 km from his home town: Kant taught at Judtschen, now Veselovka in Russia (20 km away) and in Jarnoltowo, near Mor¹g, in Poland (145 km away).

    Yet, his lack of wide travel never affected his philosophical rigour.

    Prof. Isola too was born in Ibadan, though as all native Ibadan have home villages, Labode, one of the surrounding villages, was his ancestral homestead.

    He earned his first degree in French at the University of Ibadan, and a second degree in Yoruba Literature, from the University of Lagos, before becoming professor at the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University).

    An interview, by his widow, Mrs Adebola Isola, revealed the professor had teaching stints in Lagos.  He probably had sorties abroad and back, in the course of his academic career.

    But basically, he lived his life around Ibadan which, according to his widow, was the playwright’s prime window into the world.  That window, he regarded as the best city in the world.

    Yet, that did not dim his brilliance or reduce his impact, in his global propagation of Yoruba culture, through his plays and other works, particularly his film collaboration with Tunde Kelani, TK’s Mainframe.

    Incidentally, TK himself just turned 70 (born 26 February 1948), with the performance of Wole Soyinka’s The Lion and the Jewel (directed by Segun Adefila) running in his honour, on March 4, at the Lagos Country Club, Ikeja, Lagos.

    Ripples first came across Prof. Isola, by proxy, as a teenage boarder at Odogbolu Grammar School, now in Ogun State, in the early 1970s.

    Even then, Akinwunmi Isola was but only a faint echo off Isola Ogunsola, aka I-Show Pepper, of blessed memory.

    I-Show, popular, dashing and electric, had brought his troupe to stage, in our school, Isola’s historical tragedy, Efunsetan Aniwura, Iyalode Ibadan. It was the golden age of the Yoruba travelling theatre, and their forays to schools.

    Some forty-five years after, the final flourish, of the Efunsetan-Latoosa duel, appears as vivid as it was on that stage:

    Efunsetan, ina mo o!” [Efunsetan, you’re doomed], thundered Latoosa.

    Latoosa, ina mo o!”, Efunsetan countered, charm for charm, bluff for bluff, drama for drama.

    In those young minds, gripped by the high drama on stage, Efunsetan was the clear villain, and Latoosa the hero.

    Efunsetan had forced the death of the ravishing Adetutu, her favourite slave-maid who nevertheless had run foul of the grim Efunsetan household code: get pregnant and lose your life!

    Efunsetan’s only daughter had died early; and the Iyalode would be damned, as part of the prevailing feudal tyranny, to see any of her slaves conceive and give birth!

    But even with Efunsetan’s cruelty, the hero-villain divide was never that cut-and-dried.

    From accounts in Samuel Johnson’s The History of the Yorubas, it was in 1874.  Latoosa, the post-Kurunmi Aare Ona Kakanfo, was just another power freak, who despite the Ibadan constitution, with its rigorous checks and balances, would rather grab all possible powers.

    The ill-fated Iyalode, against whom Latoosa cooked up many phoney charges, was just one of his many victims.  Latoosa would later push his luck, in his gambit to rule Ibadan as a warrior-baale, despite Ibadan’s cast-iron separation of the two.  He met with fierce elite opposition.

    Ibadan was still in the throes of this elite stonewalling, when Latoosa led his hosts to the Kiriji War (1877-1893).  The resulting stalemate not only sunk, forever, Ibadan’s military hegemony, it also effectively ended the Oyo Empire, with the British enforcing peace in the Yoruba interior, with the Alaafin himself, making the first overtures.

    Efunsetan, and its fierce power play, ought to be a great lesson to current players: that the elite penchant to grab power, and vote for impunity instead of due process, often roasts the collective, on the irrational altar of a few.

    That holds true for the Yoruba traditional polity, as it does for Nigeria’s contemporary one.

    But if Isola’s striving in Efunsetan had linguistic limitations — the play was written in Yoruba — his other forays, in films, mainly of his works adapted into film, by long-term collaborators, Tunde Kelani’s Mainframe (Opomulero), had broader appeals.

    O Leku (Mainframe’s first hit) — about students’ life at the University of Ibadan and catchment areas in the early 1960s; Saworoide (a parody of the venality of military era, with special focus on the Sani Abacha dictatorship); and The Campus Queen, a more contemporary setting, also on a university campus in the 1980s/1990s, with nubile female undergraduates, making themselves merry mistresses of the corrupt and morally bankrupt military overlords, often with disastrous consequences.

    Isola, ever the avid cultural nationalist, was reportedly thrilled by O Leku, which triggered a Yoruba urban couture, a mass throw back at the high fashion of the 1960s, where the work was set.

    But all of the films did justice to Yoruba culture — songs, dances, worship, belief system and even fashion, ancient and contemporary, bound to set every Yoruba heart heaving with pride.

    Akinwunmi Isola, a culture ambassador like no other, is gone.  When comes another, with his class and grace?

    Poetic extra

    Purgatory

    By Olakunle Abimbola

     

    A glitch,

    in the engine,

    consigns the car to rest.

    But you,

    to a purgatory,

    in the street.

     

    There,

    the heat eats you up

    like a dragon,

    sworn to ending

    the human race

    in a blazing furnace.

     

    And the rain?

    Drenches you,

    like a drowned rat,

    except that you live,

    to tell the story.

     

    It is indeed another world,

    from your comfort zone,

    of purring auto,

    all chill inside,

    all heat outside.

     

    The street!

    Fela, the immortal bard,

    once blared:

    Eko o ni gba-gba-ku-gba!*

    But not on Monday alone,

    that tough race,

    of daily survival!

     

    The truck pusher,

    to the road,

    stakes a democratic right.

    So does the Marwa** crab,

    in its serpentine slither,

    to beat every other,

    to every available space,

    on the crowded road.

     

    Nigeria, they say,

    teems with crooks.

    But all I see, in the street,

    are hardy folks,

    sworn to forcing a living,

    or die trying.

    The purgatory!

    The street!

    Until the car finishes its rest,

    for you, absolutely no rest!

     

    *Roughly, Yoruba for Lagos (Eko) won’t compromise on its hustle

    **Lagos commuter tricycle, in jerky road movement, like an iron crab

     

    Lagos, 16 February 2018

  • Tactical anger, strategic blunder

    Tactical anger, strategic blunder

    Hysteria rules the air.  Anger fumes, shutting down clear thinking.  So, a monumental mistake might just dawn.

    If that happens, the present pains, in comparison, risks turning heavenly bliss.  So, pause, take a deep breath and think.

    For starters, x-ray two key actors in the gripping drama.

    In the red corner, to use boxing imagery, is a fuming Olusegun Obasanjo, former president of the Federal Republic (1999-2007), leading the lynch squad.

    In the blue corner is Bola Tinubu, former governor of Lagos State (1999-2007), the corresponding period when Obasanjo was president.  He leads the think squad.

    How did both, from 1999 to 2007, manage the system thrust in their care?

    President Obasanjo met a damaged centre.  Yet, instead of aiming at a systemic rebirth, he focused on personal glory.  He exited as an emperor without an empire, though the final collapse won’t come until under President Goodluck Jonathan.

    Obasanjo won’t touch the debacle of Nigeria’s failed structure.  Indeed, his “reforms” were based on an ultra-central paradigm, from which diktat the states —and, in regal but combative subversion of a two-tier federal structure, the local governments — must take a cue or perish.

    Even, the suspect democratic institutions the military bequeathed he throatily subverted.  A slew of Senate presidents and House of Representatives speakers, only birthed the Obasanjo Leviathan.

    That juggernaut would later pounce on the states and thoroughly subvert them.

    If state legislatures were not muscled to remove governors by “simple minorities” — a brazen rape on the 1999 Constitution, under the guise of fighting corruption — Lagos, under Tinubu, was bruised for its derring-do to create additional local governments. Yet, that was the dictate of the 1999 Constitution.

    The result?  A near-total retardation of the Nigerian centre, despite its bulging cash, into a development debacle, rabidly mainstreaming mass poverty.

    But that was a natural sequence of the under-development orthodoxy, the regnant temper of the Obasanjo years: developmental deforms passed down as winning economic “reforms”.

    Although everything would grind to a virtual halt under Jonathan, the rotten foundation was during the Obasanjo years.

    There then is the power profile of the prime mover, now turned the chief mourner, of the Nigerian debacle.

    It is ode to how hysteria paralyses clear thinking that not many seem to link Obasanjo’s present histrionics to the developmental quicksand he left after eight years; which his successors nurtured for another eight.

    This systemic ruin of 16 years won’t just vanish in three.  Even the children of Israel, sole beloved of Jehovah who essayed that rashness, languished in the wilds for 40 years, instead of 40 days.

    From Abuja to lkeja: how did Governor Tinubu manage his then poor Lagos estate, now turned national trove?

    By military standard, pre-1999 Lagos had the near-best of military administrators.  Add that to Governor Lateef Jakande’s 2nd Republic exemplary tenure (1979-1983), Lagos already had a tremendous head start, ahead of most other states.

    Yet, Tinubu realized, from the very start, that what Lagos needed was not just some high falutin “reforms” but a complete re-engineering and financial overhauling, to prepare his city-state for its future role as Nigeria’s prime economic hub.

    He set about it with apostolic faith, even if the media — notorious back then as now to rush into some shallow judgment — summarily slammed him as failure in those crucial  (but bitter) first two years.

    But today’s Lagos is proof that there can’t be gain without pain.  The “jungle” that Obasanjo lampooned, from his high Abuja throne, is now an awesome example, at which the nation gapes, for winning models.

    Name them: urban renewal, key judicial reforms, and even fealty to a relative progressive political ideology, in contra-distinction to the bumbling conservatism of Obsanjo years, despite the absence of a cut-and-dried party ideological system.

    Want further proof on how tough change — positive change — can be?  Look no farther than present-day Lagos.  Less than a year from transiting from an old to a new city waste disposal paradigm, the city is already under the rubble of refuse!

    Yet, if by April the smelly, ugly mountains disappear — as the Lagos government is confident it would — it would not be any magic; just the result of deliberate and sustained planning and vigorous execution.

    So, if in the first two years Tinubu looked “hopeless”, trying to fix a not-so-damaged Lagos, how can a hopelessly raped centre be on the mend in less than three years?

    Yet, as Lagos went on to mend and consolidate over 16 years, earning nationwide acclaim along the line, Abuja had blundered, decayed and regressed over the same period, which climaxed in 2015.

    Nevertheless, there are cold stats to suggest that the Buhari Presidency is posting posting more returns for less revenue.

    From Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) statistics, the US $58 billion earned by the Federal Government from 2015-2017 was thrice less than the US $112.8 billion the Jonathan Presidency earned in its first two years.

    Yet, while it is common knowledge what the old regime did with its trove, a good chunk of the present earnings have been invested in productive ventures: agriculture, roads, power and even as stimulants to aid most states to clear their salary backlogs.

    Yes, after all said and done, pain still struts the land.  But the pain would appear that of a recuperating patient, not of a hopeless one fatally wasting away.

    Besides, if you must treasure gain, pain must follow wanton waste.  That is a natural cycle that must be ingrained into the Nigerian national psyche.

    That is the true position of things now.  But the tragedy is the din around seldom focuses on the fundamentals, to push a rigorous debate, that could even better purify the mending process.

    Rather, it veers off into the realms of emotive fantasy, conjuring some coming Utopia, full of magicians and magic workers.   Haven’t we, too many times, traversed this ruinous path?

    Which is why the debate should change from emotive excitements to rigorous interrogations.

    That is where the Obasanjo-Tinubu metaphor, the one leading the lynch camp, the other leading the think ensemble, must end the discourse.

    In the Bible, Solomon honed his wisdom in his adjudication between two prostitutes.  The one whose baby died wanted both babies sliced into two equal parts and given two grieving mothers.  But the one whose child lived counselled the preservation of life.

    Obasanjo’s huffing and puffing is nothing more than pulling down  a hard, yet grimly promising new order, that will wipe out the failed order he imposed from 1999.

    But Tinubu also should, ethnic heckling or no, throw everything into saving a new but gravely endangered order.  It may be all pain now.  But it portends all gain tomorrow, after all these raw emotions are gone.

    That is the only way to ensure the present tactical anger, does not birth in a future strategic blunder.

     

  • Afolabi: Ode to community value

    W ant to gauge your community value?  Fix your birthday on a Monday morning; and see how many people would turn up.

    Well, anyone of high community value would dare no such hubris.  Yet, that was what Mother Nature dared for Ayobami Oladele Atanda Afolabi (Ayo Afolabi, for short).

    He turned 70 on Monday, February 5.  His friends decided to celebrate him that same day.   The result was simply a marvel.  The main hall, of the University of Ibadan International Conference Centre, teemed with well-wishers.

    Indeed, it must be a big deal: two sitting governors (Oyo and Ondo); a deputy governor (Ogun); the secretary to a state government, with the governor’s chief of staff, plus key cabinet members (Osun); federal cabinet members (from Ekiti, Lagos and other parts of the Western Region); the South West chairmen of the All Progressives Congress (APC); professionals and academics, active and retired — gathered to celebrate a non-office holder, on a Monday morning!

    Yet, the man that triggered all this love was an Abiku — that terrible born-to-die child in Yoruba traditional belief.  Indeed when he was born in 1948, he was the fifth in a relay of nine boys; but the first not to die shortly after.

    Even then, he endured ”gbekude”, (Yoruba for: “hold death at bay”), a charmed necklacefor his first five years.  It was his parents’ final double insurance cover, that the Abiku might finally stay.

    He did — and so did four boys after him.  The Yoruba race has been the richer — and luckier — for it.

    Still, what sort of Abiku might he have been — the unfazed rebel, in Wole Soyinka’s poem of that same title? Or the one, in John Pepper Clark’s version, who could pity his plaintive parents?

    Perhaps, a bit of the two!  Still, his 70 years have manifested something of a perpetual rebel — dating back to his earliest years.

    A time was, he reportedly mocked a neighbour with facial scarifications.  But that triggered, from his mom, his own tribal mark tale.

    A day before he was to be scarified, the toddler fell ill.  On the eve of the second attempt, he fell ill again.  One the third try, the scarifier was determined to have his way, let the heavens fall.  But lo, on the eve of that now-or-never attempt, the traditional surgeon himself died! That scared off everyone.

    But beyond the Abiku-rebel-in-the-cradle, Mr. Afolabi would rebel, all through his life, against social trends that tend to retard his immediate and extended Yoruba environment, even if by that, drawing grave personal danger.

    That fetched him his intrepid reputation, echoing back to his Owu nativity, of fearless warrior-ancestors, from his native Ode-Omu.

    But unlike his more famous Owu cousin from Abeokuta, Olusegun Obasanjo, who seems rather cool towards Yoruba interest, Ayo Afolabi presses his Owu valour to Yoruba service, at the slightest opportunity, in the best Awoist and Afenifere progressive tradition.

    Yet, save a youthful blunder into politics when he was 17, in secondary school, he never played politics when Awo was still alive, in the 2nd Republic (1979-1983).

    It would seem, then, a gripping irony: one of the best Awoists ever never raised the flag, when the avatar himself was alive!  Yet, not a few zealots who did, have long betrayed the cause!

    Indeed, as the saying goes, it’s not how long but how far!

    At 17, out of youthful exuberance, the young Ayo served as accidental polling agent at Tonkere, in today’s Osun, to the local candidate of the  United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA) — a 1st Republic electoral alliance between the rump of Awolowo’s Action Group (AG) and Michael Opara’s National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), in the 1965 West regional elections.

    But that turned awry — indeed, near-fatal — when the losing candidate, of the  dreaded “Demo” — shortened and corrupted form for Nigerian National

    Democratic Party (NNPC) — seized his Dane gun and started shooting from his house, all through the polling precincts, sending everyone scuttling for dear lives!

    His post-secondary school years he would spend building a career as a sales, marketing and advertising professional, so much so that during the 2nd Republic he was apolitical.  But all that would change, with the  12 June 1993 presidential election annulment by the military.

    Indeed, his fiercest political battles would be the post-June 12 challenge to the Sani Abacha dictatorship, pitching rogue military elements from the North, that nevertheless had cells all over Nigeria, against nationalist elements among the Yoruba.

    It was the era of incendiary posters and organized protests, standard civil resistance menus, which nevertheless put the nervy military on edge.

    It was also the era of political prisoners of war (POWs), the harried military’s term for detained agitators, pushing for justice for MKO Abiola.

    These elements, with the late Bola Ige firmly on the saddle, in Mr. Afolabi’s sector of the “war front”, felt the annulment of MKO’s mandate was a thunderous slap on the Yoruba face.

    That, they insisted, must be resisted, even if the foot soldiers died trying.  That was the epic war that vanquished military rule but didn’t quite deliver democracy.

    Nor did it deliver justice for the slain MKO, even if his fellow Egba-man, Gen. Obasanjo, ended up as prime beneficiary.

    That was how Mr. Afolabi earned his pips in the many fierce battles for just Yoruba causes, with Nigeria’s pseudo-federal fronts providing the battle ground.

    This same trajectory has powered his partisan politicking and political activism, all through the advent of the 4th Republic, from 1999 till now.  Even when the battle appeared so hopeless and forlorn, the intrepid warrior was always ready to give it his all.

    Still, the February 5 show was much a personal celebration of Mr. Afolabi as it was an ode to community value.

    In that hall, the celebrator was a link with the past, just as he was a beam into the future.

    The master of ceremonies was Muyiwa Ige, son of the late Cicero of Esa Oke, that charismatic politician and 2nd Republic governor of Oyo State.  Mr. Afolabi was one of Ige’s trusted ideological foot soldiers.

    Afolabi’s tutelage under Ige, on setting up progressive cells and organizations, to push fairer deals for everyone, has yielded tremendous harvests: the NADECO years’ “Idile”, New Generation and Heritage groups; and post-1999 Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG), whose brainchild is the Yoruba Academy, which later birthed the Development Agenda for Western Nigeria (DAWN), which commission is the present foremost regional policy think-thank for Western Nigeria.

    His birthday also inspired sweet community service, hallmarked by how his protégés, led by Kunle Famoriyo; and other younger friends, like Niyi Akintola, SAN, masterminded a most befitting birthday bash.

    But even as Mr. Afolabi becomes one of the youngest old men in town, he would be especially pleased that a posse of youths are poised to inherit his spirit of service.

    Right there, Awa Bamiji, and his Grand Council of Yoruba Youths, honoured the celebrator with a special award at 70.

    An ode to community value never sounded sweeter — and more reassuring.

  • Between IBB and Atiku

    Between IBB and Atiku

    “May your road be rough, may you have a hard time this year” – Tai Solarin (of blessed memory), 1 January 1964

    In this season of emergency messiahs, it is meet to x-ray that Nigerian penchant to chase shadows, when common sense — hardly ever common — dictates you stick to the substance, no matter how grinding.

    Might that have inspired the late Tai Solarin’s iconoclastic wish, quoted as prelude to this piece, as relevant today as it was on 1 January 1964 when it was released, in lieu of the conventional “happy new year”?

    Indeed, may your road be rough!  In there lies any grain of natural progress.

    But most times when that happens, and Nigeria seems at a serious crossroads, a flighty ensemble gallops into town, and with thunderous roar from the dim, start vending fake magic.

    Most times, however, that easy way always forms the root for a future gnashing of teeth, in a vicious merry-go-round.

    Former President Olusegun Obsanjo’s latest fancy, the “non-partisan” Coalition for Nigeria (CN) fits pat into that umpteenth pattern — and Ripples gave his take on the Owu fox’s latest gambit in this column last week.

    Still, that would appear a crescendo to a well-calibrated mirage, masterfully conjured to hook the unwary and sucker the simplistic.  Unfortunately, the Nigerian space teems with such in their millions.

    That brings the discourse to the day’s main menu: between IBB and Atiku.

    To Gen. Ibrahim Babangida (IBB), former self-named “military president” and Abubakar Atiku, former elected Vice President of the Federal Republic, Muhammadu Buhari would appear a constant.

    In Babangida, it is how, after Buhari, a past got so frightfully awry, with a mess that climaxed in 2015; with both IBB and new, self-promoting messiah, Obasanjo, playing more than active roles.

    In Atiku, it is how, again after Buhari, a future could turn so spirally wrong; so much so that it could well nigh be beyond redemption.  Again, an Obasanjo is huffing and puffing; pawning old poison as new elixir.

    During the military era, IBB postured easy comfort, from the Buhari-Idiagbon Grim Republic, after emerging new “military president”, after a palace coup in August 1985.  At the end, he delivered nothing but sweet peril, that forged this present lament.

    Before Obasanjo barged into his party, with his CN Hobson’s choice, Atiku was staking his claim as some rosy future, after Buhari’s grim present — if not a contemporary Nigerian Pericles, the greatest of the Greek old lawgivers, then certainly a Solon, the wisest of them all.

    Indeed, Atiku postured as the latest neo-Fulani progressive-liberal in town, at home with state police (the battle cry of the fringe of those craving a rebirth of Nigeria’s skewed federalism); is comfy with “resource control” (the war cry of the Niger Delta) and absolutely in love with “restructuring” —  the turn-defeat-into-triumph gamble of the Afenifere grandees of the South West.

    In this high-pitch Atiku circus of colourful nothings, you could never lose!  Whoever gains anything from the rainbow of a soap bubble — except the thrill of its final pop?

    Perhaps the “new” Atiku sent Baba Iyabo scampering to his new CN gambit.  Perhaps it was, from the Buhari angle, that eternal panic of being out-shone by anyone in the contemporary Nigerian cosmos, especially on the anti-corruption front, that stampeded Baba into the fray.

    But whatever it was, something is escaping the duo: the high presidential institution they sunk in the mud, by their roforofo fight based on nothing but empty ego, is being restored to its full lofty heights, by quiet grace, by an incorruptible duo.

    With Baba sounding so hollow on the anti-corruption front, “federal character” in presidential appointments is his new game — hardly a crime!

    But back to IBB and Atiku in the Nigerian economic debacle.

    As a University of Ibadan undergraduate in 1984, Ripples never liked the Buhari junta’s political policy.

    The treatment of the ousted politicians was too draconian, back then hallmarking the most vicious face of military rule ever.  The arrests were also lop-sided, with a penchant to punish, just for punishment’s sake.  Thirty-four years after, that impression remains unchanged.

    But not so, the economic policy.  Back then as at now, the thrust was self-sufficiency, no matter how hard at first, to build a real local economy.  But the avant-garde experts back then, pumped full with self-underdevelopment theories, courtesy of their Western teacher-ideologues, balked.

    Buhari lost out.  IBB, charming the gullible — which was about everyone, including the media — sided with these Nigerian “expat experts”, to echo Prof. Wole Soyinka’s sarcastic pun in The Interpreters.

    In the very first week of the structural adjustment programme (SAP) in 1986, the Naira forever(?) crashed as a viable currency.

    That economic debacle, of totally surrendering to imports, while playing yo-yo with the Naira parity, hoping gushing petro-dollars would absorb the shock, had lasted all through military rule (1986-1999), and spanned the 4th Republic Obasanjo presidential establishment (1999-2015).

    Of course, there were “reforms” (that highfalutin jazz word of Obasanjo-era high orthodoxy): some of them critical (like the pension reforms); others laughable (like liberalizing petroleum downstream by refined fuel import); and yet others, trip to ego land, as Chukwuma Soludo’s NEEDS (National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy) which, in full golden triumph, beckoned the states to come up with their own SEEDS; and the local governments, with own LEEDS.

    It was the golden age of empty sloganeering with raucous applause!

    Even when the Buhari Presidency in 2015 changed tack, and instead settled for massive agriculture to power back the local economy, these same “expat experts” pronounced a dire verdict on the new government.

    Yet, less than three years down the line, rice importation, by figures from the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics (NBS), is down by 90 per cent.  By year end 2018, according to the same NBS projection, Nigeria should be self-sufficient in rice and most other grains.

    What SAP and Obasanjo era reforms could not even touch in 30 long years, a government delivered in less than three years — and some lobbies still claim that government knows no economics!

    Atiku’s link to IBB?  Simple.  As IBB took Nigeria on an economic wild goose chase 32 years ago, followed by administrations that succeeded him, so would the “new” Atiku take Nigeria to a future economic quicksand, away from the current fast-forming firm grounds.

    If those grounds are consolidated and built upon, a robust economy would logically result, other things being equal.

    And Baba Iyabo and his CN gang?  Just empty drama and vacuous grandstanding — hardly a democratic crime!  But it could well turn vicious distraction, with its parasitic tactics of preying on current pains, only to sell a far worse future anguish.

    That is Nigeria’s current crossroads, with equal opportunity messiahs stalking the gullible.

    But as their past records have shown, over the past 32 years,  theirs is the wide and merry way that leads to perdition, not the straight-and-narrow that leads to salvation.

  • Again, Baba Iyabo thunders

    Again, Baba Iyabo thunders

    Olusegun Obasanjo, former president of the Federal Republic, has thundered yet again!  But it is nothing but jaded deja vu.

    Those swooning over Obasanjo’s latest Coalition for Nigeria (CN), would do well to remember his Association for Democracy and Good Governance in Nigeria (ADGN).

    He ghosted that body amidst the uproar that greeted Ibrahim Babangida’s annulment of MKO Abiola’s 12 June 1993 presidential mandate.

    Among the many starry-eyed that descended on his Ota farm, searching for leadership, was a certain ramrod Muhammadu Buhari, outraged by IBB’s ultra-recklessness.

    But as the naive were focused at doing justice by MKO, Obasanjo was priming himself for crass opportunism.

    That journey, in patriotic perfidy, landed Obasanjo in gaol.  It also cost Shehu Musa Yar’Adua his life.  Still, Obasanjo would end up the prime beneficiary of the Abacha debacle.

    It is ode to Obasanjo’s essential gracelessness that though MKO’s martyrdom ensured his second coming, he not only struggled to completely bury MKO throughout his presidential years (1999-2007), he also ogled an illegal third term which ended in a fiasco.

    So, those swearing by Baba Iyabo’s latest CN gambit, especially after strafing both the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the power-obsessed People’s Democratic Party (PDP), are entitled to their naivety.

    By the way, does Obasanjo’s old “Abiola is no messiah” mantra gel with his present “APC and PDP have failed, so try my CN” new war cry?

    The foxy Owu chief, pushing a so-called “third force”, brimming with patriotic zeal to save Nigeria, might just be pointing to nobody but himself!  Call it neo-third term through the bad door!

    Now, to Obasanjo’s January 24 press release on the present state of things.

    Do the counting, at least in the democratic era: Second Republic President Shehu Shagari (1979-1983), President Umaru Yar’Adua (2007-2010) and President Goodluck Jonathan (2010-2015) — all were victims of Obasanjo’s tumbling adjectives, in explosive letters, similar to the present press release on President Buhari.

    Yet, all three were Obasanjo’s power protégés.

    The Obasanjo military junta aided and abetted Richard Akinjide’s twelve-two-thirds joker that sprung Candidate Shagari from a looming presidential run-off, as the 1979 Constitution ordered.

    As outgoing president, Obasanjo declared Yar’Adua’s election a “do-or-die” affair; and inflicted such on the polity, producing the most brazen rape on democracy Nigeria ever saw, making even Yar’Adua so ashamed of his own “election”.

    Of course, Yar’Adua’s fatal illness (hardly a secret) made the sorry Jonathan a fait accompli, that would nevertheless collapse the Obasanjo presidential house of straw, of which the PDP, which he robbed of its soul, was only a grand victim; and Jonathan, poor soul, the grand fall guy.

    Tracked back to 1979, therefore, the Nigerian debacle has had but one constant: Obasanjo.  He handed over to Shagari; but that government’s collapse, after one democratic term, hallmarked Nigeria’s most virulent military rule.

    That started with Muhammadu Buhari’s stone-age despotism; featured IBB’s brutal and wayward power-wield, chalking the first annulment of presidential mandate in Nigerian history; and hit the very nadir in the stark, thieving and murderous Abacha, who had to expire for his country, which he brutally raped, to progress.

    The Obasanjo-led 4th Republic (from 1999) has followed the same regressive pattern — with Obasanjo’s successors sinking steadily in the mire, until the threatened collapse (not only of Obasanjo’s house of straw, but of the whole ruling class) of 2015, which rallied that class to rally around a clean name, to save them all.

    It is again tribute to Obasanjo’s holy illogic that his sacred Pope must consistently produce profane priests — to borrow an image of the Catholic Church.

    That, at least to the acute, captures Obasanjo’s latest media grandstanding on the present state of affairs.

    Yet, give the devil his due.  Of all charges Obasanjo laid against Buhari, the only valid one would appear the president’s ultra-narrow appointments, on the security front, along northern lines.

    Normally, since the appointees are no foreigners but Nigerians the president deems fit to do the job, Ripples won’t raise much eye brows.  This is especially so when these are evened out with a southern phalanx, on the economic management front.

    Still, there are cries that these appointees, by their alleged ethnic agenda, undermine the president and cast him as an ultra-narrow ethnic champion.  The president must address and correct these grave allegations.

    But aside from this sole point, the other allegations, coming from the former president, are tantamount to pure gas: they are logical legacies from Obasanjo’s ruinous foundation, as first president of the 4th Republic.

    PDP: That PDP is rotten, coming from Obasanjo, is simply rich.  Did anyone, living or dead, contribute more to crippling that party than the former president?

    Corruption:  Given the progeny of his Presidential Library as unfazed shrine of brazen extortion (with a sitting president and oil minister suborning the cream of Nigeria to “donate”, it’s amazing Obasanjo would have the nerves to pontificate on corruption.

    Petroleum queues: a natural result of Obasanjo’s “brilliant” policy of liberalizing petroleum downstream by product importation, instead of local refining.  The Buhari government has a sounder policy on that front than Obasanjo’s.

    Killings and tension: Much as a section of the media has fraudulently coloured herdsmen killing as novel and exclusive to the Buhari presidency, that is arrant nonsense, for herdsmen-farmers tension is nothing new.

    It happened under Obasanjo.  So did it, under Yar’Adua and Jonathan.  Instead of emotive finger-pointing and ethnic scape-goating, therefore, it is time to find lasting solutions, instead of playing to the gallery.

    Economy: Obasanjo roars on the poor management of the economy.  But pray, what were his own records, apart from wholesale pandering to Breton-woods, that gorged Nigeria of its “real economy”?

    From the Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala days of structural underdevelopment of the local economy, a government is mining the golden opportunities in agriculture, much more than any in Nigeria’s 4th Republic. Despite its huffing and puffing, that was beyond Obasanjo’s eight-year presidency.

    One term: Is it not laughable that the one that hankered after an illegal third term, now decries another’s right to a legal second?

    Obasanjo is at his usual pastime, when things are tough, and his conceit spurs him to posture to plebeian roar.

    But ask yourself, since 1979, which Obasanjo-led movement has left Nigeria better than it met it?

    Baba Iyabo is an integral part of the Nigerian mess.  If you think he can be part of the solution, you’re entitled to your democratic delusion.