Category: Olakunle Abimbola

  • Again, Ajaero pushes his luck

    Again, Ajaero pushes his luck

    Joe Ajaero, president of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) — not a great one for introspection –rolls out the big guns again, in a battle he is not in any way sure to win.

    This is clear from the latest drama out of a simple Police invitation which Ajaero and gang just flipped into some slur against NLC as a body, letting off insane threats of a Labour meltdown, should the police arrest Ajaero.

    Pray, does the NLC President, as His Excellency, the Workers’ President, now enjoy immunity from arrest and prosecution under the 1999 Constitution?

    Still, like Ajaero’s other past skirmishes since the dawn of the Tinubu administration — all of them needless — he is avid at fluffing whatever goodwill he has left.  Some blokes are just quick — too quick — to push their luck!

    At the end, choices are free.  So, Ajaero can hang himself on own whims. But he has no right to hang organized Labour with him.  There, lies the rebuke in this latest gambit.

    But again, organized Labour must decide — why cry more than the bereaved?  If Ajaero spurs Labour to gallop with Joe, in his joy ride of doom, it’s their choice too! 

    If workers are short-changed — and they will, you can be sure — let them blame no one but selves.  Ajaero has shown to be more than enough distraction, in self-driven gambits that use Labour as opportunistic cover, for his electors to have thrown him off. 

    But if they still indulge his rabid journey to perdition, maybe collective suicide of organized Labour would make logical sense.  Again, their democratic choice!

    How did this latest excitement start? 

    It was an August 7 raid-and-search of a rented shop, on the second floor, at the NLC Abuja Headquarters complex.  But you could clearly see the bad faith, as Labour  — wilfully? — conflated that as raid on its office proper, on the 10th floor.  By the way, the two facilities are eight floors apart!

    Incidentally, Benson Upah, who released that initial press statement (per The Punch August 8) just doubled down on his original fib, in his emotive bluster against a second Police invitation to Ajaero, this time with Emmanuel Ugboaja, the NLC general secretary, fixed for September 5.

    Why, when asked by The Guardian (September 2 ) that reported his bluster, if the duo would honour the invite, he waffled: “some programmes have already been fixed”!  Meaning: entertaining Police invites is now at the discretion of NLC! 

    Femi Falana, SAN, had better correctly advise his clients!  Yeah, government impunity is bad.  But even worse is Labour — and sundry — impunity.  That’s knocking on the door of anarchy.

    But it all issued from the first invite, by which the Police asked Ajaero to report at Force Headquarters, Abuja, on August 20.  But Ajaero, with his lawyers, picked August 29 to appear — and triumphantly marched on Force Headquarters, with lawyers and sundry activists in tow. 

    So, you can pardon Upah for hallucinating over “some programmes have already been fixed”.  It’s one hubris NLC may yet sorely regret should, after a long waiting game, the Police decide to hang Ajaero and co with own long ropes.  Hubris!

    Still, this route of bad faith is a lose-lose.  What does it take to play the civil citizen, go to the Police as invited, then use the same democratic institutions to establish your innocence?  Aren’t there enough systemic checks and balances to do that?

    Shortly after that first visit, Ajaero bragged: the Police had nothing on him — which may well be.  But a second invite might just show the man had bragged too soon. 

    Either way, it really doesn’t matter — the relay of interviews.  What matters is a clean process to firmly establish allegations for a fair trial — or non-evidence to close the case.  Both parties should be committed to such.  Nevertheless, bad faith makes it unnecessarily complicated.

    In fairness to Ajaero and co, though, Labour isn’t the only organized body that takes advantage of its set-up to impose citizen impunity.

    Anytime a journalist runs into a storm, the media are all too eager to jump into the fray to defend “free speech” and “human rights”.  It’s an instinctive jump, powered by preening dogma, with little objective analysis of the facts of the case.

    The other day too, a former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) was in the dock for alleged failure to declare correct assets — a routine call that comes with his high office. 

    Many a petal in the flower of Nigerian Bar all but told the embattled ex-CJN to resist trial; and spit at the same law that created his office to sit in judgment over fellow citizens — co-citizens that are the CJN’s equal, in the eye of the law. 

    Might the CJN then be above that very law that exalted him above others? Arch-folly!

    Thank God, though: good sense prevailed.  The ex-CJN got convicted at the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT). But the jurist stays alive to fight his appeal, before the courts right now. 

    That’s due process: submit, even if you have a doubt. Then, prove your innocence.  If Ajaero had followed this process, this distraction wouldn’t have arisen. 

    He — with NLC — would have found quality time to fight the cause of workers whose check-off dues gift them their huge salaries and generous allowances.  But no!  A play to the gallery is irresistible! But how does that advance workers’ cause and welfare?

    Read Also: Police re-invite NLC Chief Ajaero for questioning

    In truth, Ajaero’s self-distractions have caused workers dear — and not the least on the N70, 000 new minimum wage.  After making much row about an outrageous N615, 000, and filibustering over N250, 000, NLC eventually accepted N70, 000, pretty much as a face-saving measure.

    Had Ajaero not picked too many needless battles before then, perhaps he could at least have secured N100, 000 for the lowest earner?   By the time the NLC agreed to N70, 000, the threat of strike, NLC’s most potent weapon, had all but lost its sting.

    Before then, Ajaero had attempted three failed strikes: one after he was battered black and blue at Owerri, for using NLC to strong-arm voters, to favour the Labour Party (LP) candidate, in the Imo State gubernatorial election.

    That ended as double — or even treble? — jeopardy: the LP candidate didn’t only take an electoral hiding, Ajaero himself has since become a near-personal non grata in smart Alec, Julius Abure’s LP.  Add Ajaero’s Owerri drubbing, and it’s a clear treble.

    During another strike, some desperadoes switched off the national grid — a clear security and economic sabotage that the government just let slide. 

    But it might just be as the Yoruba say: the child abused the Iroko and flushes with early victory.  Does the poor lad think the Iroko crushes traducers in the immediate?

    No one — but deluded Labour itself — frets over insane threats to go on strike at the drop of a hat.  It won’t stop anything if plausible evidence exists against Ajaero.

    But the government too must be fair to Ajaero.  No government worth its democratic name would frame any citizen — even the most unreasonable of all gadflies.

    But a parting advice for Ajaero and co: untrammeled rights lead to blatant wrongs, which coast to anarchy.  Anarchy itself swallows democracy and its flower of rights.

  • MAWA

    MAWA

    Donald Trump trumpets Make America Great Again (MAGA).  But you need no especial discerning to figure out what he craves is Make America White Again (MAWA).

    But even if you trump that racist trope — every pun intended — what sort of “White” does Trump have in mind?

    Indeed, trumping a racist motif is imperative here, to hit the crux of the matter. 

    White, Black, Red, Brown — as US Vice President Kamala Harris dubbed her late mum, the Indian immigrant Shyamala, at the Democratic National Convention (DNC) at Chicago, Illinois — Yellow, or any sundry colour, are all shades of US rainbow demographics.

    Democracy is all about numbers; and the persuasions and negotiations to make the numbers count in votes.  So, heckling Trump, just on White “racist” sentiments — no matter how true that is — may be great for emotions. But it falls short in cold logic.

    Trump, as much as current presidential opponent Harris; and glorious predecessor, the ever-dazzling Barrack Obama, has as much right to appeal to White votes, as Harris to pitch for Black votes (from her Jamaican father), and “Brown” votes.

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    So, on that score, Trump is no devil any more than Harris or Obama are saints. All is fair in war!

    Still, what sort of “White” does the often sore and grumpy Trump appeal to — and often galvanizes with foul language — against the many others in the US rainbow? 

    For an answer, look no farther than Trump himself — but apply no less a treatment to Harris.  What does the Bible say — by their deeds (and words) we shall know them?

    Trump dubs others: Crazy Nancy (former Speaker, Nancy Pelosi), Sleepy/Crooked Joe (President Joe Biden), Corrupt Hillary (Hillary Clinton), Lyin’ Ted (Ted Cruz, Republican US Senator), Little Marco (Marco Rubio, Republican and US senator), Ron DeSanctimonious (Florida Governor, Ron DeSantis), Laffin’ Kamala (Kamala Harris).

    His is a peculiar cave, from which pit-darkness he sees only the worst in others.

    But wait a minute: are these not a series of Freudian slips, exposing the raw vices deeply buried in Trump’s troubled psyche?  Also, might “Laffing”, which Trump mocks in Kamala, be a natural instinct Trump lacks but badly craves? 

    Pray, who tells lies more than Trump?  And aside his convictions, who is more crooked than Donald — jailhouse mugshot and all, awaiting trial, for election interference, in Fulton County, Georgia?

    Besides, someone once asked if Trump was capable of a good laugh — as natural as a good cry — adding that all he evokes in the public eye are frozen grimaces!

    Harris, at the DNC; and ever since President Biden pulled out and she ricocheted top of the Democratic Party ticket, gave as much in Trump-bombing as she received in Harris-mauling.  But none for her Trump’s infantile name-calling for childish mockery.

    “In many ways, Trump is an unserious man,” Harris quipped at the DNC to rapturous applause. “But the consequences of putting Donald Trump back in the White House are extremely serious” — simple, forceful, devastating: because it rings too true.

    Contrast that clinical maturity from a 59-year-old with the eternally wayward infant-belching from a 78-year-old! 

    Is Trump then facing his worst nemesis: an accomplished and polished woman much more relatable to America’s current — and future — spectrum, than the griping Trump and MAGA outpost, irredeemably chained to the past?

    And ouch: she’s Black! — or in Trump’s MAGA cave view, an Indian-just-turned-Black!

    It’s even more amazing how Hillary Clinton flipped sleepy-crooked-corrupt against Trump at the DNC: “Donald Trump fell asleep at his own trial, and when he woke up,” she mocked, “he made his own kind of history — the first person to run for president with 34 felony convictions!”

    Blistering!  But the cruel sweetener came as the crowd roared: “Lock him up! Lock him up!” — the same “lock her up” the Trump crowd screamed, on the hustings in 2016! 

    The big difference is that Trump is likelier to be “locked up”, already convicted for 34 felonies in New York — awaiting sentencing: a far cry from Trump’s fond wish of 2016! 

    What you wished for others could easily turn your portion — beware!

    The two Obamas — Barrack and Michele, the star-quality couple — also poured chilled water on Trump’s cheap racial condescension after he suggested, at a controversial interview with rather hostile Black journalists, that Latino immigrants from South America, often took away “Black — read: menial — jobs”.

    “Who’s going to tell him that the job he’s currently seeking might just be a Black job?”  The crowd roared to this bruising pun — she should know: Michele was First Lady and hubby, Barrack was President: and they were both Black — and proudly so — but Blacks that built a rainbow coalition, relatable to modern America!

    But that was only a clincher to a brilliant premise — an all-too-obvious insecurity that fuels Trump’s MAGA derring-do: “His limited and narrow view of the world made him feel threatened by the existence of two hardworking, highly educated, successful people who happened to be Black.” 

    That was smack — to MAGA — in the face!  The crowd went berserk!

    Notorious fact: Both Obamas are Harvard Law School-trained — and counted the best among the rest.  But what cut really deep here, in Michele’s “Black job” scorn, is that whereas Barack has a pint of White blood, Michele is as Black as they come!

    In a brilliant turn of phrase, the brainy former First Lady had ruptured two gangling Trump vanities: generational wealth that made him a rude billionaire; and vanishing White privileges — and resultant grudges — that fuel Trump’s MAGA support base.

    Untold tale: none of that — only hard work — will matter in America’s evolving rainbow!  Even more poignant: White panic, after the Obama presidency, spurred Trump and his MAGA.  No wonder the base teems with non-college educated Whites, virtually left behind in contemporary skill-set realities.

    Still, aside self-destruct personal frailties of which Trump boasts a surfeit, how can you place Trump’s bid for a White House encore side-by-side with his 6 January 2021 war on Congress, to claw back the election he clearly lost?  Isn’t peaceful transfer of power America’s global bragging right?

    Which returns to the original question: to which “White” does Trump appeal?  It can only be the dregs — and the disgruntled — despite Trump’s generational wealth.  No country triumphs with dregs — not even Uncle Sam, except he hugs a decline.

    Which is why, for a racist, chauvinist and misogynist, Donald Trump might have met his ultimate nemesis in Kamala Harris.  But that’s not because she’s Black, Brown, Yellow or Red.  It’s because every nation ought to embrace its best to reinvent itself.

    Whichever way, America will make a choice on November 5.  Beyond basic human decency that exalts all, Ripples has no dog in this fight.

  • Community value

    Community value

    Community value as core driver of patriotism?  Why not? 

    If you love your community, why should you hate your country?  If you rally to build your home town, why would you tarry to build your country?

    But that should be no one-sided question.  If leaders are earnest and trusted, why would followers dither when love of country or duty to fatherland calls?  A case of positive or negative symbiosis that delivers perfectly logical results either way?

    Those thought flashed through the mind at the 19th yearly convocation of Ilese-Ijebu people, in Ogun State.  At that rally, the natives and invited friends gathered to joy and track the town’s development graph, from when they left it the previous year.

    For friends of Otunba Kunle Kalejaye, SAN, aka KK — like Ripples, Prof. Akinyemi Onigbinde, the philosopher academic, Foluso Adelaja, himself a native, Taofeek Adewale Bello aka “Aji se bi Oyo”, famed broadcaster and eternal compere at the yearly gathering, and Idowu Odedidran, broadcaster with Eagle 102.5 FM, Ilese — it’s pretty much a yearly pilgrimage to Ilese, on October 10 and 11.

    Does this yearly rally blossom because Ilese leaders have earned the trust of Ilese people — young and old — who look forward to the August home-coming?

    Could such symbiosis be replicated in all Nigeria’s local government areas, the entire 36 states?  Can it peak as a national ethos — with folks too immersed in positive communality, to have time for negative vibes about other folks?

    With community development as serious business, would there be less public anger? Is public ire rampant because leaders often lack community value?

    A belt of questions!  Yet, they are thought-provoking because each year you returned to that town, you saw something new.  This year was even more startling. 

    In 2017, the Ijebu-Ode-Ilese-Ijebu Mushin-Ijebu Ife road, which courses through the Ilese town centre, suddenly flared into a four-lane affair, with a wide median.

    It was the closing years of Governor Ibikunle Amosun, with his much-vaunted “Ogun standard”: its proud covenant to doughty and modern roads — and why not? 

    To the classical-minded however, that “flare” was a 21st century open sesame that thrust, upon Ilese, the Appian Way of old Rome!

    But the snag was that the Amosun government never completed that road, much as one of its top hierarchs pledged at the 2018 Ilese Day.

    Only one side of two lanes, of the four-lane road, was tarred — and even that in fits and starts, not covering the entire stretch.  So, the yearly rally with its peak human and vehicular traffic; aside the many carnival floats pulling stunts in road shows, always buried Ilese in a cascade of dust.

    Not anymore this year!  But for a little patch of work-in-progress, around the the Ogun State Polytechnic of Health and Allied Sciences, it had all been tarred — both sides!   Again, a yearly visitor would whoop in pleasant surprise: whodunnit?

    Vital linkages — issuing from community value — did: as KK explained, at the turn of one of the honourees, Adedamola Kuti, a civil engineer and top civil servant at Abuja.  Engr. Kuti, though an Ijebu Imushin native, was instrumental to tarring that vital road.

    The tertiary school that Ilese hosts also morphed from the Ogun State College of Heath Sciences, into a full-fledged polytechnic, between 2013 and now. That too wasn’t happenstance. 

    Again, llese leaders had converted personal capital (influence) with the Ogun State government to social capital (community value) — to the glory of their town.

    Otunba Gbenga Daniel (OGD), former Ogun governor; now Senator for Ogun East under which Ilese falls, was there too — hinting, during his speech, at even more goodies for the town, as constituency project. 

    Again, someone, somewhere, has earned Ilese a good deal, undescoring umpteenth community value.

    Why, a town heroine, also glowed to high heavens!  Ilese girl, Selimot Olugbemileke, then a young Police officer, presented the Police flag to new President Nnamdi Azikiwe on 1 October 1963, when Nigeria became a republic.

    KK, also the new chairman of the Ilese Development Council (IDC), crowed over how the town’s elite back then, swooning with pride, mopped up — and filed away — copies of newspapers that published that iconic picture. 

    KK himself was four back then in 1963!  But he got the glorious tale from his parents.

    That young cop of old, since a retired Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP), was the honoured chairperson for Ilese Day 2014.  Talk of the glorious return of the native — a prophet(ess), to flip that biblical quip, with honour: in her own country, among her own people!

    But the one that literarily brought down the roof in thundering cheers was home boy and Chief Launcher, Oladapo Oguntayo, chairman, Arsenal Technologies Ltd, who donated N10 million — and he wasn’t even there!  His spouse announced the gift.

    Read Also: First Dangote PMS delivery set for September

    Still, that buy-in story — inside and outside Ilese — is incomplete without the golden mites of the 118-strong Ilese natives (individual and corporate), listed in this year’s brochure, that pooled their odd Naira and kobo to the glory of dear home town.

    Can this Ilese model work in our public space, were the government more credible and trust-worthy?

    But even with 2024 business still rolling, KK was already pointing at future projects. 

    One: to electrify the new “Appian Way” with be-fitting street-lighting, to beautify the town and secure it at night.  Two: to tackle erosion, always Ilese’s prime headache, shredding its stock of roads, as some over-starched, ragged old shirt!

    Is someone, somewhere thinking of a special federal environmental intervention, similar to the great works at Okemesi, in Ekiti State?  Don’t rule it out!

    It was, therefore, a fulfilled Ilese monarch, the Elese of Ilese, Oba Owolabi Obayomi, himself a retired Ogun permanent secretary, that read out a long speech, thanking everyone — after which he named KK the new Asiwaju Ilese, with thunderous cheers.

    Indeed, between the Ilese Traditional Council, over which the Elese presides; and the IDC, which KK chairs, the Ilese elite, traditional and modern, have struck a synergy which should continue to drive the town’s development; and serve the folks well.

    In that well-woven fabric is Otunba Sola Mogaji, FCA, chair of the Ilese Day Planning Committee, the engine room that yearly puts on the Ilese show.

    For KK, the journey to Asiwaju Ilese has been well-storied.  Ten years ago — or so –Ripples noted branded borehole projects in the town, courtesy the illustrious silk. 

    Now, it’s Eagle FM, Awodi TV, the radio’s television arm that just secured its licence, the Eagle Amusement Park, in the same compound, moving the venture from just broadcasting into an integrated fun hub.  The three employ qualified Ilese youths.

    Of course, there’s the coummunity’s Catland Microfinance Bank — in which he’s heavily involved, just as he is in the Polytechnic.  One employs.  The other admits.  Winners are qualified Ilese youths.

    Yet, this silk is no politician — only a driven native, with immense community value, that loves his town so dearly.  When will Nigerians begin to love Nigeria that deeply?

  • Re: Armageddon army

    Re: Armageddon army

    • By Pius O. Omachonu

    Your “Armaggedon Army” piece (July 6) tingled as always.  A number of take-aways:

    Bayo Onaguga’s shock treatment: principle of force compliance; well designed, measured and tailored.

    Release Kanu, while at the same time messing up his case: we’ll see how it pans out.

    Sore losers and sour grapes — and politicians’ capacity for nefarious multi-tasking.

    The penchant for creating new establishments to solve even ancient problems: from OMPADEC to NDDC, and now regional Development Commissions.

    The North and the politics of Nigeria.  The North — or at least a part of it — went bitter against the government it largely enthroned. Do you think PBAT needs to find out why?

    Economic policies and what comes in their wake: I like neither subsidy removal nor the floating of the Naira.  Ha Joon Chang, the South Korean economic buff, called the minders of Bretton Wood Institutions “Bad Samaritans” — they sure are!

    Temporary food import: but why import food at all? Temporary? Niger Delta Amnesty programe, with all the huge costs, was “temporary”. But it has come to stay. Reminds me of what Prof. P.F. Drucker calls “the longevity of the temporary”.

    Read Also:273 Army officers begin senior staff course exams in Jaji

    Instead, let’s free our farms from banditry.  Can’t we talk to bandits as we did to militants?  Banditry, militancy: each is a crime in a democracy.

    All in all, BAT needs to infuse affective and effective management into his policies.  He should also take a closer look at policies that amount to multiple taxation.

    He should also know that policies in themselves do not develop economies.  Management does.  But in Nigeria, management is not managing at all levels. That is the crux of the matter.

    • HRH Pius O. Omachonu, the Ata Oja II of Olumbanasa, writes from Anambra State.
  • Hunger protest, sinister agenda

    Hunger protest, sinister agenda

    • By Azubike Nass

    Protests are part of the civic rights to draw leaders’ attention to issues, which a section of the society are opposed to — a legitimate way for citizens to express their feelings.

    Whether the citizens or the authorities are right or wrong, in a given instance, may be a matter of differing perception.  Peaceful protests are legitimate.  But riots are criminal.

    Nigeria has always had a vibrant civil society and media, even before the present social media generation with its new class of influencers.  They moderate the society and raise public awareness to hold the leadership to account. They protect public interests and make the leaders think out of the box, in solving problems and facing challenges.

    The saying that power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely, remains correct. Those in power can easily lose touch with the situation at the grassroots.

    Thus, civil society groups and sundry activists come in to protect public interest. But like any other aspects of the society, they too have the good, the bad, and the ugly.

    Idealism, on how to get things done, is always far away from practical actions. So, the civil society and anxious citizens often hold simplistic answers to solving a problem.

    That’s why the citizens must also understand those in government. Seeking a viable solution to longstanding problem is like cultivating a farmland and tending it to harvest time. It is not like pressing a button on the computer keyboard and the pictures would immediately disappear from the screen.

    Sometimes, it’s like becoming an anarchist to be a rights activist in Nigeria. Yet, such activism can only happen in peace; not in anomie, which breeds violence and arson.

    The Federal Government just completed a digital skills acquisition hub in Kano  — a World Bank-supported project that took a lot of efforts to achieve; designed to train thousands of youths on marketable digital skills for empowerment and employment. 

    But under the guise of a hunger protest, some misguided youths massed up, broke in, looted and destroyed that facility!

    Many of the supposed activists, and social media influencers, saw nothing to condemn in that action; and in the widespread looting of private businesses.  But they are busy attacking the government: warning against harm to “unarmed peaceful protesters”.

    To social media influencers, that appears the only way to retain high traffic and virtual mob followers.

    Therefore, it’s not too hard for an open mind to see that sinister political agenda had capitalized on the socio-economic condition that drove the original call for the protest.

    This writer is non-partisan. But everyone knows the political forces are the same that, after fairly losing the 2023 presidential election, were very bitter. Each one claimed to have won.  They threatened to stop the inauguration of the then President-elect, by mass protests; and were “begging” the military to take over.

    Their plan was countered, and it failed woefully.  But they have pressed on to illegally remove a duly elected sitting President, even if it means bringing the roof down; and plunging the nation into crisis that could generate a military take-over.

    In the early years of Barak Obama’s presidency of the United States (c. 2009/2010), the United States faced severe economic downturn that affected most sectors of the economy.  The international financial crisis of that time blighted Europe and America.

    Read Also: Playing politics with protest

    Because of that crisis, President Obama faced hostile political and non-political attacks from the opposition Republicans; and even from some high-ranking members of his Democratic party, aside from sundry White Supremacist and racist groups, some of who regarded him as the worst misfortune to befall the United States, and called for his removal through any available means.

    Popular US pollsters rated his public acceptance as very low. The Secret Service tightened measures against possible assassination attempt. But by the third and fourth years of his presidency, economic indicators had changed to remarkable recovery and growth.   That provided the key campaign issues that handsomely won his re-election for the second term.

    In Nigeria’s present situation, the rapid reforms instituted by the Tinubu administration, in its first year, have been favourably assessed by credible global financial institutions and development rating agencies — all indicating a positive outlook.

    The results are daily becoming visible at home with positive indicators which only the biased minds would refuse to see. But food prices remain high at moment and that is what generates complaints from the masses.

    One clear fact is that the present situation is as a result of a longstanding retrogressive trend.  Present efforts to redress the situation come with some seismic shocks before things could later stabilise.

    By the third and fourth year, the on-going reforms would have produced more visible and positive results that would power the President to a second term — similar to Obama’s US experience.

    I think the vicious opposition can sense that, and are fighting hard to stop the president in his tracks before he goes the distance. 

    I don’t see them succeeding. I rest my case.

    • Col. Nass, a retired officer of the Nigerian Army, writes from Enugu, Enugu State.
  • Armageddon army

    Armageddon army

    The Armageddon Army (AA) promised a sweeping, nationwide blitzkrieg.  They instead delivered a northern volcano.

    Still, it parlayed no less tragedy: with child hoodlums looting and burning, in Kano, Kaduna, Borno, Katsina and Jigawa. 

    This anti-protest point bears making and remaking: you can’t bait street chaos and call it civil protest.  The chaos in the North just confirmed that explosive mischief.

    But it could have been worse, given the EndSARS experience of 2020.

    That violence on August 1, the very first of the 10-day “Days of Rage”, proved the protest was a bad idea. But hey, it’s a democracy!  In there, the demons of sense and nonsense often squeal for space!

    Still, that regional — against national — intensity, and reduced casualty, were ode to the shock therapy of Bayo Onanuga, tested guerrilla journalist of the IBB/Abacha era.

    The AA has a standard operational procedure (SOP).  Their mealy-mouthed lawyers, activists, cash-vitists and equal-opportunity anarchists, coo peace under civil rights.  But they crave war, under anomie, powered by lawless “rights”.

    It’s classic right without duty, privilege without responsibility.  But Bayo Onanuga would not have that crap.  So, he named names; and forced a cacophony of baleful denials and distancing that, day after day, defanged the coming Armageddon.

    By the time the hurricane touched down on August 1, it was much cultured.  But make no mistake, that wasn’t the intent.  Imagine if August 1 had been a nationwide orgy!

    So, naming names was a coup that jolted the faceless planners, nay plotters. 

    While Peter Obi and Pat Utomi distanced themselves, threatening jumbo suits, the Obidients — that loud, rowdy, raucous, irksome, rude and crude army of cyberspace — suddenly turned gentle lambs that couldn’t even come to the streets to rage!

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    The lawyers ensemble told even a more dramatic tale.  Ebunolu Adegboruwa, SAN, made a last-minute show-up for the so-called Take It Back Movement.  But even he was hollering, at his clients, to take back the lunacy of “10 days of rage”; and reduce the raging to one — or max: three days.

    Yele Sowore, who four years ago was dashing around Lagos streets, drawing his “Revolution Now!” graffiti on public walls, salted himself away to faraway USA, from where he continued his infantile row.

    Why, from his US haven, Sowore even pushes the banging of pots and pans for homes as protest against hunger!  Some excellent idea for an asylum! Does this fellow think everyone is unhinged?

    Then, the Sowore-Adegboruwa face-off!  While Adegoruwa, in-situ, calls for a halt to protests, Sowore, far-away, screams more protest, including a hallucination about a nationwide mob storming Abuja’s Unity Park! 

    Are we seeing, in Sowore, a much defanged Nnamdi Kanu who, four years ago, was pointing, to his demented goons, property to burn and assets to raze? 

    You bet those now clamouring for springing this blessed IPOB “pacifist” have all forgotten his satanic exploits during EndSARS!  Some of us still remember! 

    And just as well: one of the demands, of the present protest, was Release Nnamdi Kanu! For us, a perfect memory jog.  For them, a costly Freudian slip!

    Still, thank God.  It could have been worse, but for Bayo Onanuga’s shock therapy; and the Tinubu government that rallied opinion leaders to rally against the rally; and the security agencies that have stood doughty against the subversive plots. 

    Had the entire country been burning now, these same double-faced peaceniks that goaded the simplistic to mayhem, under the ambit of “human rights”, would be the same calling out the government for “incompetence”.

    Now, where is that balance that preserves the people’s rights but also checks anarchy and destruction? 

    Despite loud posturing, that appears non-existent in the doomsday dictionary of this AA, eternally feasting on people’s angst and woes.

    That’s the grim challenge facing a delicate democracy, after decades of junta rule.

    Still, from the North, the riots have been an eye-opener.  How come the bulk of the rioters  — Governor Babagana Zulum of Borno State put it at 95 per cent — are kids and early teens, who barely understand the issues?

    Hand of Esau but the voice of Jacob — the satanic hands the clear work of the vile opposition simmering with bile, fed into the shrill voices of impressionable kids?  The security agencies must dig deep to ferret out these clear subverts. 

    But that subversion could well be across party lines: for whoever is lord of the manor in Abuja could also be grumpy opposition in the states!  The Police and DSS owe us a duty to root out these devils, to face the law, before they cause greater havoc.

    The North!  These protests just confirmed that region sits on a keg of gunpowder!  Those now busy trading development commissions, as some sickening national pork, had better direct them to the regions that need them most: North East and North West. 

    The violence out there is umpteenth living proof.

    Still, the immediate spark of the protests — and violence in some states — is the double-whammy of removing fuel subsidy and floating the Naira to find its parity. 

    That has resulted in massive inflation — especially in the prices of staple foods — that has fired hunger — and anger. 

    Yet, from the presidential speech of August 4 in response to the protests, not much would change in the administration’s policy framework, beyond the six-month buffer of zero duties on imported grains and drugs.

    Though the president intoned “in the first instance” (an ad-lip?) in that speech, it had better not be true — for a wider window beyond six months would toss Nigeria back to pre-2015 reckless food imports.

    That not only robbed willing Nigerians of farm work (but instead employed foreign farm hands), it would also endanger post-2015 investment in rice mills, which sprang up to face the new but pleasant challenge of Nigerian rice. 

    Besides, it mocks the large expanse of fertile and cultivable land.  How can you have such vast tracks of land and yet claim you can’t feed yourself?  Grow what you eat and eat what you grow — simple!

    So, what follows now is a tight short-term control.  The policy thrusts are good for the long run.  Selling crude oil to local refineries in Naira is a smart move.  If that can pour a decent volume of crude into Dangote Refinery and others, that might just tamp fuel pump prices. 

    But the President, as Oil minister, must root out those powers and principalities inside NNPC Ltd.  Or else, his government would labour in vain.

    CNG — compressed natural gas — is even sweeter: for the cheapest petrol is costlier than CNG.  That’s why the President needs to fire, full blast, Dangote and co, in the short run.  After, petrol can exclusively earn forex.  That should strengthen the Naira and enhance its parity.

    The snag though is CNG cannot be mainstreamed till say another three years.

    So, let President Tinubu get cracking with his short-term policy tactics, and tweak his communications back to 2015, instead of 2023.

  • Jega to the rescue?

    Jega to the rescue?

    How different: President Bola Tinubu’s livestock reforms with the creation of a Federal Ministry of Livestock Development from the Buhari-era Livestock Transformation Plan/RUGA — rural grazing area — proposal?

    That may well lie in the thickness of your bias; or for regime spin doctors, in the acuteness of your spin!

    But the basics: both plans toast ranching.  That means nomadic herders, who move from place to place to find fresh grazing for their cattle, will settle for a confined space.  In there, they can feed and nurture their bulls and cows.

    Thanks to routine technology — no resort to rocket science — the grass can be green for all seasons, water can be piped to slake bovine thirst, and processed dairy — milk, cheese, cream, butter, yogurt, etc — can fire sundry agro-cottage industries, all from that paradise regained: ranches!

    The economics of it is simple enough.  But the politics?  Not so!

    So, when RUGA was proposed, ethnic champions and their media confederates, with the willy-nilly army of thick prejudice and noxious bias, started foaming in the mouth!

    But maybe, the acronym RUGA was a grave communication error?  Perhaps it was too close to rugga — Fulani for human settlement — for folks: particularly in the South and the Benue/Plateau areas of North Central, not to go ga-ga with worry?

    Besides, was RUGA not of the Fulani power hegemons, for killer Fulani herdsmen, coveting and corralling other ethnics’ lands and homestead, by a “Fulani” president?  Kai!  We no go gree!

    Not even the policy history of RUGA could have dented that angst.  The Obasanjo regime, when Major-Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua was No. 2, first bruited RUGA.  But then, wasn’t  Obasanjo — the arch-skeptics, if not cynics, would likely have sneered — a client of the “North”?

    But now that a “Yoruba” president just re-bruited the idea, what has really changed?  The bias: from nay to yeah — because the president has changed, so ethnic feelings must alter?

    Or maybe the anti-Fulani paranoia just got cooled off, since a Fulani is no longer president?  Paranoia!

    At the height of the RUGA bedlam, in which the Fulani herdsmen dissonance reached a crescendo, some social media Solons from the South West, and Solomons from the South East, hollered for the boycott of beef — to push the hated killer “Fulani herdsmen” out of business!

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    Not a bad idea.  The snag though was even if Yoruba households could boycott beef and sustain it — brave souls! — what would happen to the famous Yoruba weekend Owambe shindigs? 

    Imagine an Owambe without beef and its sundry orisirisi! Though the rain pours and the sun blazes, nothing stops the Owambe groove!  Imagine that without beef, its soul!

    But the exclusive link of the Fulani to livestock business just exposed the troubling ignorance of many — if not most — of the impassioned commentators and crusaders.

    True, northern Nigeria might have enjoyed comparative advantage in cattle and sundry animal husbandry.  But it was no monopoly, given the plan Premier Obafemi Awolowo, who governed the Western Region from 1952 to 1959, executed.

    Prof. Adewunmi Taiwo, in a revealing video clip, has told that rich story; and how the military killed the home-bred cattle market of Western Nigeria.

    Awo’s Agriculture Minister, Chief Akin Deko, had attended an agricultural show at Hampshire College of Agriculture, England, at which a Nigerian was one of the fair guides.  The minister invited him home to power the region’s animal farming policy.

    At the heart of that was the 1, 200-hectare Fashola Breeding Farm, near Oyo.  The Awolowo government imported the Ndama cattle breed from Mali.  This hornless species resisted a mass cattle-slaying disease, spread by tsetse fly, which made cattle-breeding perilous in the tropical forest belt, near the coast.

    These hardy Ndama were the grandparent stock.  They bred the parent stock, which bred the commercial stock.  Neither grandparent nor parent stocks were sold.  They just bred.  Only the commercial stock hit the market.

    Fashola, the chief ranch, fed other ranches: at Odeda, Onise-Ire, Iwo-Oloba, etc: with their vast and many paddocks; and feeding and water troughs.  The cattle grazed from paddock to paddock — from grass grazed thin; to fodder fresh, lush and thick.  The grazing was purely organic.

    The result was remarkable.  The hornless Ndama — lean, strong bones, thick, rich meat — bred in the Western Region weighed some 500 kg, against its other bovine cousins, which weighed some 150 kg.

    But the military governments and cronies in the West, after 1966, killed the industry by eating off the grandparent stock! 

    That stock was quite pricey — N1.5 million, compared with parent stock: N500, 000 or commercial stock (the actual ones readily sold): N100, 000, according to Prof. Taiwo, now of Igbinedion University, Okada, Edo State.

    Why this not-so-brief detour into Western Region cattle history, anyway?  Just to prove that every part of Nigeria can invest in cattle breeding and sales — and it need not be nomadic.

    If it is business, and there is legit money to be made, there ought not have been any row over RUGA.  Nor should there be unease over a Federal Ministry of Livestock Development, on the excuse that it’s a mere fob to placate the “North”. 

    It’s not.  Every part of the country can take advantage of it.

    Even if it were, mainstreaming ranching, away from itinerant grazing, with grim herder tale of vanishing grass; and curdling farmer tale of blood and gore, is certainly worth trying — without profiling innocent herders for the crime of a few; or insulting Fulani heritage because their folks are herdsmen.

    Still, dislodging fixed minds won’t be easy: which is why making Prof. Attahiru Jega to drive the ranching process opens a window of opportunity — even if slightly.

    He seems to have a cross-over appeal rare among the Nigerian elite.  He was radical enough to be elected ASUU president (1990), yet trusted — if not conservative — enough to be appointed vice chancellor of Bayero University, Kano in 2005.

    Before Jega came on the electoral scene in 2011, Maurice Iwu, who conducted the grand heist that was the 2007 election, had turned that civic exercise into a war of fake ballots, hewn limbs and cracked skulls. 

    But under Jega from 2011, INEC started making incremental improvements in poll conduct, peaking with the defeat of PDP, as federal ruling party, in 2015.

    Will Prof. Jega’s “cross appeal” galvanize his northern folks to buy into ranching; and wean southern cynics off their gruffness — with both sides seeing ranching and cattle business as a win-win, of which everyone can take advantage?

    We wait and see.

  • Doomsday as paradise

    Doomsday as paradise

    Doomsday as paradise?  That’s a violent contradiction in terms! 

    Still, that is the permanent state of people who flee hard thinking to fantasize over fashionable — and inevitable — doom.  Sounds familiar?

    That would appear the picture-perfect Nigeria.  Its thinkers.  Its media.  Its opposition figures. Its prophets-turned-cheap pundits, projecting permanent woes.  Its baleful social media warriors.  Its ethnic champions, posing as a reformative army. 

    Its academics: bristling “strikers” sans thinkers.  Its lawyers, that bawl rights but crave chaos.  Its students, gangling simplistic soldiers of Aluta. Its retarded organized Labour, shackled to the past.  Not to talk of its much abused hoi polloi, primed to wallow in their misery, in utter hopelessness, by fake messiahs.

    What an ensemble!  But no quake of sweet droning can make up for hard thinking!

    But let’s break it down.  Do a content analysis of newspapers, radio talks and TV shows: Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, Jonathan, Buhari and now Tinubu — and what do you find?

    Hunger.  Squalor. Poverty. Joblessness. Hopelessness — all 25 years from 1999.

    Yes, these are gripping drama of life on which the media must report.  And yes: the government always lags behind the people’s expectations.  In any case, democracy — as against junta rule — is celebrated oomph of pent-up pains.

    Still, must negative hyperbole always rule the roost, because that sounds “woke” to milk ever-present misery for whatever motive?  Must our past always be adjudged better than our present — and are they really?

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    Take Lagos.  In 1999, there was neither Blue nor Red rail.  Today, Blue is doing daily shuttles.  Red is rearing to go.  In 1999, there was no Bus Rapid Transit (BRT).  Today, BRT is routine.  In 1999, mountains of filth were all over.  Today, they are all vanished, converted to venture wealth, that feeds households, via sustainable jobs.

    But more critically on the ideas plain: the punishing thinking and audacious vision, that fired all these policies and programmes, were all post-1999.

    Now, beyond Lagos.  In 1999, there was no Lagos-Ibadan standard gauge rail.  No Wasimi rail wagon plant.  No 2nd Niger Bridge.  No Loko-Oweto Bridge over the River Benue.  No rice-milling plants that sprang up, recalling to life long-dead — and buried — local rice. 

    And definitely no Dangote refinery, on which about everyone waits for petrol pump prices to crash: to tame inflation and reset the post-oil subsidy economy.

    Sadly, all of these were visible post-2015 projects, though to be fair, the modernized rail network plans had their genesis at the tail-end of the Obasanjo Presidency. 

    The PDP politicians of that era, though, were too besotted with naked power — PDP … PAWA! — and too comfy with easy money to bother about chores as infrastructure! Now, these blokes, supreme masters of cant, pose as romantic and new messiahs!

    Now, you’d understand the government and the opposition playing cat and mouse.  That’s legitimate.  It comes with the democratic territory. 

    But why would otherwise deep thinkers, within or outside the media, just latch on to this eternal, mournful hubbub, instead of engage, with rigour, those in power?

    A simple answer.  These folks are no — and never can be — magicians.  Yet, they bitterly resent those in government for not snapping their fingers and conjuring magic! 

    It’s the ancient Israelites again, screaming and screeching manna, yelling at Moses to take them back to slavery in Egypt!  And old Pharaohs, of the PDP era, wait with zest!

    Now, a close x-ray of extant policies, vis-a-vis the present pains.

    The Tinubu order must take it — “on its full chest”, as that cheeky, street pidgin lingo goes — that its policy choices are driving the current hardship in the land.

    The twin-elephants in the room are clear: the removal of oil subsidy and the floating of the Naira.  But then, in the regnant economic thinking — or lack of it — which swarmed the 2023 presidential election campaigns, what superior alternatives were out there?

    But instead of rigorously engaging the government on policy, and forcing it, by sheer force of reason, to adjust where necessary, everyone is clambering onto the easy lane of droning without end; and docking those in government as wicked and soulless.

    Those who personalize policy are out of their depths — and that’s about everyone, emotive and loud.  Hardly a crime, though, except that that din distracts folks hard at work to get us out of the jam.

    The other day, the Buhari order too was branded as wicked, incompetent, reckless, clueless and antediluvian — for taking loans!

    Now, which one is more redemptive: Obasanjo forking out US$ 12 billion to buy “debt forgiveness”, rather than invest that cash in critical infrastructure that can be worked to pay off the debts and after, keep the economy humming? 

    Or Buhari — “grow what you eat and eat what you grow” — getting those loans, in periods of harsh adversity, to kickstart that hard infrastructure fight-back?

    Why, Chukwuma Soludo, Anambra governor, even blurted Buhari left behind a “dead” economy, near-exclusively on Buhari’s monetary policy.  But how so, for a government that rallied infrastructure and agriculture?  Amusing paradox, isn’t that?

    But that’s the normal hubris of the economist.  As lawyers that brand only selves as “learned”, economists dismiss anyone that can’t boast their esoteric theories, as having sawdust for brain.  Hubris!

    Sam Omatseye dubs Soludo “boom of the Anambra orchestra”.  Well, Dave Umahi was boom of no orchestra as Ebonyi governor.  Yet, in three years, he had transformed Abakaliki (read the entire Ebonyi) from a dusty destination to an emergent model state, rural and urban!  He’s an engineer who knows infrastructure is the prime driver of the economy.  Not an economist that fetishizes monetary policy!

    In tactical error, many a high priest of the Tinubu cathedral had run with the Soludo quip, to sate the sentiment of the moment, demonize the immediate old order, and de-couple the Tinubu order from rational continuity in infrastructure and agriculture!

    But lo! Even now, immediate relief winks from the long, hard work of the Buhari years — Dangote refinery for one!

    Yet, the administration need not panic. 

    Hardly any government, since 1999, had applied more critical thinking; and pushed out more creative ways to get us out of the hole: new super-highways, CNG to exclusively power the local economy, leaving refined petroleum to earn foreign exchange, consumer credit, student loans, and a reformed power market, though still work-in-progress — if only its driving minister, Bayo Adelabu, would think less of the cold market, but more of the people in whose veins blood flows.

    As for anarchists looking toward Kenya for (mis)direction, let them have their say, even as the security agencies, eagle-eyed, put them in check. There’s no right without duty.

    Kenya President William Ruto is intriguing, though.  Headless youths, on social media, powered him to power.  Same headless youths, on same social media, swear to push him from power.  And after then, what?

    It’s sweet journey to nowhere, for modern governance is more grit, less caprice or magic.  One way or another, Kenya will be all right.

    It’s time to challenge the Tinubu order with hard thinking, not distract it with ceaseless droning.  There is no quick fix anywhere!

  • Kongi!

    Kongi!

    Whenever the nation plumbs its self-destruct mode, Prof. Wole Soyinka, our own WS, is always there — either as a callow young man; or as a hoary old man. 

    It’s a life-long, cradle-to-grave, chore with multiple barbs.  Yet, the Nobel Laureate is no Coriolanus of William Shakespeare — their own WS! — that would show his scars!

    When Samuel Ladoke Akintola and his “Demo” vote storm-troopers, in the 1st Republic   Western Region, were gifting the Biblical stones instant life to replace living voters, he faced down the bullies, against terrible odds.

    If you doubt, consult his Ibadan: The Penkelemes Years. 

    It was indeed a peculiar mess — a long season of anomie (incidentally the title of WS’s second novel), that plunged the old West into anarchy, which bred military rule: that long spell, and heavy cross of disaster, Nigeria had to bear, on and off, for 28 years!

    In all of this troubled epoch, WS’s principled humanity shone through and through.

    When Nigeria and Biafra would go on a fratricidal war — dubbed “civil” but indeed incredibly savage — he lurched himself into creating a very dangerous Third Force: neither for Nigeria nor Biafra, but totally against the war. 

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    By the way, eons after, WS’s Egba step-kin, ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo (WS calls himself “Ijegba”: a graft of Ijebu and Egba) tried to finagle the idea for crass political opportunism — to forge a so-called political “Third Force” outside APC and PDP!

    Just as well: the original remains fresh in sweet memory. The counterfeit is vanished and forgotten.

    But back to Biafra.  While the hitherto kith-and-kin prepared for war, WS went on a long drive to Enugu, to seek out of Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Biafra secessionist leader, in search of dangerous peace. 

    Christopher Okigbo, one of emergent Nigeria’s most euphonic poets, stumbled on Soyinka in Biafra, and unleashed one last poetic screech of joy!  He would die in battle, a few days later, in a war WS had risked own life to avert!

    But that was not all.  He made it back to Lagos in one piece only to be clamped in jail — technically no jail but military detention without trial — by Nigeria’s wartime leader, Major General Yakubu Gowon, first in Lagos, later, in Kaduna.

    Again, if you doubt, get Kongi’s prison account, The Man Died — in him that keeps silent in the face of tyranny.

    That was WS living his famous quip: Justice is the first condition of humanity.  It was a hard road to travel, a bed of rock and stones.  But the flint-hard soldier of justice would have it no other way!

    By the way, in prison, the genius in WS chided his “casing” for morphing into a virtual “cotton wool”: consuming everything, producing nothing!  Well, The Man never died, nor was even idle, though temporarily shackled by extant powers! 

    The ever-living proof, for future generations, even after the present has become ancient history, is the prison memoirs, The Man Died.

    When in the doomed 2nd Republic (1 October 1979 – 31 December 1983), President Shehu Shagari’s ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN) stole re-election in 1983, WS opted for a more popular — if dramatic — musical genre, to express his outrage.

    Enter, the studio album on vinyl: Unlimited Liability Company, with Tunji Oyelana’s The Benders on the bandstand. 

    That protest album, with its provocative wit and jarring humour, had hardly hit the ears before the military enfant terrible sent Shagari and co hurtling!  That was sweet sour though: for the military doctor killed — instead of healed — the patient!

    When the military overlords essayed their most reckless crime yet — annulling the 12 June 1993 presidential election that Basorun MKO Abiola won — WS lost no time to hit the trenches, with the pro-democracy forces.

    His NALICON — the National Liberation Council of Nigeria — and the pro-democracy network, NADECO — the National Democratic Coalition — not only sent the annuller, Gen. Ibrahim  Babangida, scuttling from power (even as the tragic sustainer, Gen. Sani Abacha, suddenly expired along the line); it also sent the political military, scurrying back to their barracks, with barely any honour left!

    For proof of a bit of that, you can reach for You Must Set Forth At Dawn, WS’s old age bio work, told in dramatic plots — the third of an exciting triad: Ake:Years of Childhood (childhood and adolescence); Ibadan: The Penkelemes Years (early youth and mid-age); You Must Set Forth At Dawn (old age), even if all WS radiates is eternal youth!

    You can add to that a fourth: Isara: A Voyage Around Essay, a creative tribute to Pa S. A. Soyinka, his father, and his Isara, Ijebu Remo, nativity.

    By the way, Dawn echoes “Death in the Dawn”, a 1967 poem that would eventually crystallize in Soyinka’s campaign against the wanton waste of lives on our roads. 

    His “maja-maja” exploits on the Ibadan-Ife express slaughter slab — no thanks to outrageous driving habits — would culminate in the establishment of the Federal Road Safety Commission (FRSC), of which he was first chairman.

    So, with Unlimited Liability Company and the Shagari ouster, grafted with the IBB-Abacha errant rascality of June 12, you would pardon WS for chiding Peter Obi and his Obidients.  That Gbajue army — so christened by Kongi himself — after losing the presidency, tried to goad the military to a take-over!

    Yet, those loud barbarians, banging on the gates of Rome, are not just the rude and crude social media children of anger, bred on insults and gangling ignorance. 

    They also include — very, very sadly — otherwise celebrated literati lending image and prestige to brainless rumours, at best; wilful fraud, at worst; all in blind support of ethnic kin, fairly and truly beaten!

    But then, that’s a fitting contrast between WS’s lifelong constancy, and reputation vanished mid-life, leaving the wilful victim gasping, bitter and directionless.  Choice!

    But beyond public affairs, how about the master playwright’s forte: his unceasing drama of life, in constant dialogue with his troubled reality, local and global?  Death and the King’s Horseman, The Jero Plays, The Lion and the Jewel, The Beatification of Area Boy, King Babu, The Strong Breed, The Road, Opera Wonyosi, Alapata Apata …?

    Is there anyone, more fecund and more profound, in these humanizing works?

    And the poems — the very crux that exemplifies WS’s  Kongi moniker — crunchy poems that don’t suffer gladly wandering minds and lazy brains!

    True and true, WS has been a Titan of his age, reminiscent of Gani Fawehinmi, Tai Solarin, Beko Ransome-Kuti, the young Chima Ubani cut down in virtual noon, Prof. Ayodele Awojobi — true Titans that remained true to principled advocacy.

    Which contemporary Olympians would take over?  Opportunistic Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG) hustlers?  EndSARS veterans that sold white lies and ran with them till they could run no more?  The social media ensemble of empty din?  Or rogue clerics?

    At 90, Wole Soyinka has impacted his world as 10 extremely rich lifetimes!  Happy birthday, Prof!

  • Kanu: much din, little sense

    Kanu: much din, little sense

    What really do the boisterous Free Nnamdi Kanu South East ensemble want? 

    Are they begging for the freedom of that uncouth fellow?  Or pressing arid bluff that has kept Kanu firmly yoked to DSS chains, since his dramatic re-capture from Kenya?

    Some clarity on that front.  Begging for mercy is one thing.  Bluffing, with the double jeopardy of Kanu in the can; and the South East under IPOB anarchy, is another.

    Again, which is which — for both are diametric opposites.

    For context, Kanu’s direct legal tactics hit you smack as romantically confusing.  In one breath, his lawyers are triggering a negotiation clause in our laws.  In another, Kanu is instituting a fundamental human rights cause in another court which, by its summary dismissal, would appear hare-brained, hollow and shallow.

    Again, why all these cross-purpose signals?  If they are to muddy the waters, to confuse and confound, just to slip in a “political solution” — whatever that means — be sure not everyone is (or will ever be) confused or confounded!

    Actions have consequences.  If you must beg, then have the humility — natural or forced — to show contrition and penance. 

    If you must justify your actions, then let your attorneys vigorously argue your case and prove your innocence in court.  You don’t mix mercy with desert, without something terrible giving at the end.

    Besides, on a strictly legal front.  Alleged crime is alleged crime.  Treason is treason; and it doesn’t wear the toga of Yoruba, Hausa, Igbo, Edo, Efik, Angas, Tapa or Kanuri.

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    So, why are these blokes, who sat near-quiet all through the Kanu years of lunatic boasts and manic taunts of other ethnics, act as though such anarchical conduct is acceptable, just because Kanu is their kinsman, prodigal or worthy?

    Wouldn’t they have prevented his present bind, had they promptly warned him to gird his tongue and abandon his perilous ways?

    Since the renewed “release Kanu” campaign, a lot of toxin has blighted the air: half-truths, brazen lies and outright fantasy, suggesting the fellow is more sinned against than sinning. 

    That’s absolute crap — except if the yarn spinners lived in Mars, not here, during Kanu’s halcyon days of fierce, equal-opportunity anarchy.

    One of those old wives’ tales is that Kanu’s is “unlawful and illegal detention”.  That’s a white lie.  Many times, Kanu has challenged his detention in court.  Many times his bid has failed.  Even the Court of Appeal verdict, which found for his release, has been erased by the Supreme Court.

    So, who determines legality — sedate courts that deal with cold facts?   Or a loud propaganda ensemble that hustles to scam the unwary with hot, wild emotions?

    Still, this is democracy; and it is within the rights of crusaders for Kanu’s freedom to push their cause with as much vigour and trenchancy as they can command.

    You must admit some stoicism in Enyinnaya Abaribe, the Abia senator, over the Kanu cause.  But for the calm of the Muhammadu Buhari Presidency, Abaribe — and others that stood surety for Kanu — would have been thrown into the can, in lieu of the vanished suspect.  Why Abaribe wants an encore of that quagmire is left to him.

    The garrulous Kanu not only jumped bail, he belched reckless fire, from his safe redoubt abroad, goading his goons to a spree of destruction, inside what he dubbed a “zoo” — just as Kanu-wannabe, Simon Ekpa, the self-declared Biafra Prime Minister, does now, lobbing at the South East a cocktail of ruin, from his safe haven in Finland. 

    When he too is dragooned home to answer for his crime, let no one start shedding crocodile tears, and bawling political solutions!

    Still, by writing a Free Kanu letter to President Bola Tinubu, the Ikenga Ugochinyere-spurred federal lawmakers (Labour Party: 23; PDP: 10; APC: 9; All Progressives Grand Alliance: 3; and New Nigerian People’s Party: 1, according to a Premium Times survey) have committed no crime. 

    That the mostly Igbo lawmakers hinge their campaign on the “mere anarchy now loosed upon the East” is hardly illegitimate.  Anything that can stem the bloodbath in Igboland, which puts millions of law-abiding Igbo common folks at risk, is welcome.

    Yet, the campaign must be founded on basic honesty — not infernal lies: condemnable grist for cheap propaganda.  That brings to the fore the MASSOB take.

    In its tango with the Arewa Youth Consultative Forum (AYCF), which took exception to the clamour to release Kanu, the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) — the Ralph Uwazurike nest that spawned the Kanu gargoyle — claimed President Tinubu should “ … release Nnamdi Kanu as he did for Sunday Igboho in Benin Republic prison” — a lie, immaculate white!

    Old man and Ijaw leader, Chief Edwin Clark, has woven own facetious verbal tapestry, suggesting that Kanu and Sunday Igboho are the same.  No, they are not.

    Still, you’d pardon both MASSOB and Clark for their selective amnesia, deliberate or inadvertent.  Both were in the great southern anti-Fulani orchestra, putting a Fulani president in the boisterous dock of the great southern media; and handing down summary guilt for the crime of some Fulani felons, swearing such “Fulani conquest” was the fundamental principle of the PMB government.

    Why Buhari would set his own government on fire, to please a few Fulani criminals (as illogical as that sounded) was unclear. But that preening, ringing unreason did not faze the all-thumping southern media, just because they could bark so and get away with it.

    Even then, that Kanu and Igboho drank from the same anti-Fulani pond, wild and visceral, was the only similarity. 

    While the Igbo elite hee-hawed over Kanu’s outlandish behaviour, some critical Yoruba voices condemned Igboho’s excesses — including Asiwaju Tinubu himself, who cautioned his Yoruba folks to be less sweeping in their “Fulani herdsmen” accusations. 

    Ripples also constantly warned against gangling Yoruba nationalism, as it unfolded live and hot. Readers of this column are living witnesses.

    But if you still doubt that the Yoruba would ever allow a Kanu-induced self-consuming tragedy, the latest evidence is the sorry Yoruba Nation “take-over” at Ibadan — and how everyone disowned the comics, forcing Igboho and co to multiple disavowals.

    Besides, the Igboho case, with his “Yoruba Nesan” cup overflowing; and he fleeing to Benin Republic, where his hoped-for cover became a grand and sobering delusion, was strictly between him and the PMB government.  He came back to Nigeria after the Benin justice system had run its course.  Tinubu had absolutely nothing to do with it.

    Honestly, right from the Chinua Achebe release of There Was A Country, which visceral accounts inflamed neo-Biafra agitations, this tragic Kanu gambit would have been averted, had Igbo elders dutifully cautioned their youthful hotheads.  But no!

    Kanu may well stew in his juice. Still, if the Tinubu order settles for mercy, so be it.  But the terms of that mercy must be rigorous and clear, preceded by clear penance.

    Kanu’s conduct is too heinous to be glossed over by some “political solution”, without creating an ultra-dangerous precedent, that would come back to blight the polity.