Category: Tuesday

  • Trouble with Ruga

    Truly, failure is an orphan. Like the famed abiku, the authors of the Ruga Settlement initiative ought to be ruing the day their pet initiative – conceived in the wake of the simmering herdsmen/farmers clashes – was made public. Talk of things going terribly awry; between the office of the vice president, which, in the ensuing outrage that followed, swiftly washed its hands off the initiative; the Federal Ministry of Agriculture which although initially claimed its authorship and which has since settled on playing the fall-guy, and, President Muhammadu Buhari which promptly scuppered the charade before things got out of hand. Now, Nigerians must wonder how an initiative so utterly misguided, looking as it were, like a lifting from the Miyetti Allah playbook, could find its way into the arena of public policy in a country of multiple ethnicities.

    So much for the semantics of whether the word ‘Ruga’ means Rural Grazing Area (RUGA) or is actually a Hausa concept for cow settlement; there is a sense in which Nigerians would ordinarily wonder whether an initiative, to be funded solely by the federal government, and which seeks to carve out settlements exclusively for an occupational group would stand the test of equity, considering that the federal government neither owns an inch of land nor a trustee of same under the laws of the country. For even if we permit the federal government’s expansive definition of the ruga concept to embrace all shades of animal husbandry; the question that naturally follows is whether the scheme would embrace colocation with pig farmers since the ambience so described in the Ruga plan would equally do their own business a world of good!

    Let’s look more closely at the federal government’s definition of the age-old problem of herdsmen/farmers clashes which, in recent years, have grown, not just in frequency but also in intensity with sophisticated arms freely deployed. In this, a lot has certainly been said of how climate change which berthed in desertification has compounded the problem of the herders, particularly with Lake Chad – the main artery of the Northeast economy – almost now nearly dried up. In the same vein, a lot more has been said of how the problem could be addressed scientifically without necessarily rupturing the fragile fabric holding the Nigerian federation together. Among such was the offer by Rivers’ Governor Nyesom Wike last week. Although meant to be a joke, he was reported as offering to supply water from Bonny to wherever it was needed in the North to boost the development of pastures whenever they finally makes up its mind! Though meant as a joke, it certainly offers a different perspective – far useful than the one-track approach being pursued by the federal government.

    By far, the Achilles heel of the policy is the character of today’s herdsmen. I am not here talking here of our old time Fulani herdsmen brothers and sisters with whom we once lived together in peace and harmony. I am talking here of the AK-14 wielding pastoralist which though Fulani by association, could be from Mali or wherever. Whereas nothing has been said about the farmers being the aggressors, the exact opposite is known to be true of the new itinerant herdsmen. From Plateau to Benue, Taraba to Oyo, from Kogi to Enugu, the stories are virtually the same: entire villages being sacked as they marched on, families throwing into mourning in mindless orgies of killings and mayhem sometimes over disputes that could range from nothing to serious.  While there have been instances of the farmers matching terror with terror in cyclic reprisals, over all, it has been, mostly, one sided with the visitors having the upper hand.

    Yet, the federal government, in its wisdom, thinks that these unknown  ‘visitors’ deserve much more than accommodation; that they need to be appeased so the country can have peace. Never mind the farmers, the hapless victims of their terror; not only are they are expected to give up their ancestral lands to the bargain, theirs is an added burden to find the milk of kindness for belligerent visitors soon to be settled in their neighbourhoods to be supplied with modern appurtenances that the federal government deems fit to put in! Those reading sinister motives to the policy are simply reminded that the Sahelian drought is not only as real as the African sun; and that the herders, being endangered species, deserved shelter from the merciless drought stealthily coming upon them.

    Not a word about the fears or concerns of the farmers. Suffice to say that they would have their protein needs in meat and fura de nunu met in the new framework in addition to assurances that no stray cattle goes beyond the ruga gates to their farmsteads!

    Nigeria!

    For a federal government that had long perfected the art of robbing Peter to pay Paul, I do understand that such one-sided propositions are a familiar territory. I also understand the ease with which politics can get in the way of well-meaning initiatives. It explains why a federal government that would not touch the open grazing law in operation in Samuel Ortom’s Benue State with a long pole would seek a federal fiat to expropriate lands for its own version of solution to the same problem. And here, we are talking about farmers whose own cries of oppression have gone unheard being required to give up their ancestral lands in the sweet poison packaged variously as livestock transformation programme or Ruga.

    That anyone can seriously imagine that a policy conceived in bad faith can deliver the peace in an environment where, the one party is known to insist on the primacy of their interests, as opposed to those of their compatriots surely beats me.

    Good thing that the federal government has now suspended the Ruga Settlement policy. Let it remain so!

  • Osun: time to catch up

    When history records the present 4th Republic, Osun, with its impassioned elections, could earn a special chapter.

    But so would the intense fray between the captains of development and commanders of retardation, grappling for its soul; with the people themselves seeming self-condemned, as democratic prisoners of war (POW)!

    Still, shorn of that rather dramatic combat symbolism, the Osun situation is universal truism.  The masses have never changed anywhere in history.

    Those who have are lean and mean forces, of light or darkness; of progress or regress. The winners just corral the rest, and mould them in own images!

    So, a polity or society that progresses or regresses is a function of the critical mass that holds it in thrall.

    When positive forces triumph, society soars. That is a manifestation of happy thrall, with all its ringing paradox.

    When negative ones are victors, the society sinks.  That is a manifestation of mirthless thrall, with all its grim folly of wilful self-stabbing.

    In electoral and democratic terms, it’s the majesty of choice.  Make the right one and soar.  Make the wrong one and sink.

    To parody John Milton in Paradise Lost, you got free choice.  But you must stand by the wisdom — or folly — of that choice.  It is the severe beauty of self-making or ruining!

    So, it was with Osun; and its bitterly fought gubernatorial election, just judicially resolved on July 5, in favour of sitting Governor, Gboyega Oyetola.

    Now, the governor has his job cut out for him.  Out of a term of four years, nearly one is gone, on bitter feuding on the judicial front.  Yet, governance couldn’t stop.  Neither did voter expectation.

    So Governor Oyetola though now flush with victory, as the Supreme Court just affirmed his victory, is condemned to upping the ante, to make up for lost time.

    That is as easy as executing a sprint during a marathon; and yet retaining well-managed breath to finish the race with aplomb, splash and dash!

    That’s a hard chore, fit only for the brave and nimble.

    Between Governor Oyetola and feisty opponent, PDP’s Ademola Adeleke, who symbolizes progress or regress, light or darkness, solid deal or titillation, hope or despair, may well be marooned in the emotive plain of politics.

    In a cynical, value-neuter polity, both could well be pitches from two ends of the same continuum.  It’s a happy-go-merry ruin that condemns the voter to sweet nothings, during electioneering.

    In that ultra-cynical street lingo, it’s just all politics.  Let everyone pitch; and let the most cunning take the day.

    But to the development-minded — and development ought to be the purpose of governance — it’s not that fluid or empty.  There has got to be definitive value ingrained in governance, which must guide choice.

    In Osun, since 1999, there appears a distinct but contrasting pattern, between the forces of politics for politics; and politics for development.

    By that frame, there appears two distinct tendencies; and quite frankly, the Osun voters must begin to take themselves much more seriously; and decide a definite path to follow, to make good by their state, given its peculiarities.

    For politics for development, you could track the continuum, since 1999, as Governors Bisi Akande-Rauf Aregbesola-Gboyega Oyetola.

    For politics for politics, you could track pretty much only Governor Olagunsoye Oyinlola, though Ademola Adeleke, had he won, would have fitted pat into that counter-continuum.

    Now, this classification is no holy writ, valid only because Ripples had pronounced it — no!  It is rather the columnist’s honest interpretation, based on close study and understanding of the policy thrusts of the two tendencies.

    Of course, readers and partisans are free to agree — or demur.

    Yes, there is also Iyiola Omisore, an ever-constant and recurring thrust, since 1999.  Omisore was part of the Akande government.  Before the split in that regime, he was the first Deputy Governor.

    Omisore would go on own different political trajectory, becoming a PDP ranking senator, and unfazed opposition figure to the Akande-Aregbesola tendency — until the Oyetola-Adeleke stalemate, when he weighed in on the Oyetola side; and helped to swing the extended election the new governor’s way.

    If therefore Akande-Aregbesola-Oyetola symbolize a thrust, against the Oyinlola counter-thrust, which of the two black-or-white will Omisore’s grey eventually fit into?  That stays in the belly of time!

    Suffice it to say the two major tendencies have had to contend with bruising post-election tiffs. Oyetola just lost eight months to distractions, borne out of a judicial challenge to his election.

    Oyinlola, on the other hand, enjoyed almost a full four-year illegal tenure as re-elected governor, until the Court of Appeal sacked him six months to full term in November 2010, when Aregbesola was sworn in as duly elected governor, in those best-forgotten “do-or-die” elections (apologies to former President Olusegun Obasanjo) of 2007.

    Irony of ironies: Omisore that threw his lot with Oyetola vehemently opposed the Aregbesola triumph, not really out of any strong judicial foundation but out of bitter partisan fealty.

    Even Oyinlola, before Obasanjo’s ADC Trojan horse and CUPP, its giddy mutation, was part of the Osun APC order, after the presidential win of 2015.

    Old Greek, Heraclitus the philosopher must sure have had Osun in mind, when he philosophically decreed you can’t step in the same river twice!  Osun politics would appear Heraclitus’s constant state of flux!

    Still, between the Akande-Aregbesola and the Oyinlola thrusts, it is clear which side was development-driven.

    Baba Akande came with Spartan, if painful policies; preaching the gospel of for their future, we give our today.  But that was seldom popular, among friend or foe.

    He was scalded out of power by emotive politics, though the Osun Alliance for Democracy (AD) partisans, back then in 2003, swore trademark Obasanjo-esque guile and cunning fiddled the vote.

    Rauf Aregbesola’s eight-year governorship scaled new heights in developmental policy, chalking hitherto unattained marks in infrastructure, physical and social; and giving the Osun rural economy a healthy jab in the arm.

    But no thanks to the regime’s wilful media-roasting (especially on the salary crisis), and bitter division among the Osun APC cadre, Adeleke hit the scene as a tragic comic — a Maltina Dance All virtuoso, gunning for the Osun governorship, with no especial credential or any rigorous policy thrust, except free-style, consummate dancing!

    It was disaster averted — the political equivalent of boxing’s “saved by the bell”!

    But even as the high drama peaked, the Osun electorate appeared no more than POWs — dazed and stunned; even as Adeleke was wildly gyrating towards becoming the Osun equivalent of Ekiti’s Ayo Fayose: an unfazed mascot of retardation, to undo the gruelling work of the eight previous years!

    Adeleke’s close shave defines Oyetola’s historic duty.  He appears the latest of the critical mass for progress, against that for retrogress, baying for Osun’s soul.

    If he succeeds, Osun soars.  If he fails, Osun sinks.  His job is well cut out; and time is not on his side.

    It’s time, therefore, to play vigorous catch-up!

  • Abbo as metaphor

    Senator Elisha Cliff Abbo, representing Adamawa North, should hide his head in shame. But more importantly, the senator should be charged to court for assault; and the victims he assaulted should also bring an action against him in torts of assault and battery, claiming exemplary damages against him in both cases. Of note, while in criminal law (I will use criminal code act to illustrate here) assault also connotes battery; in the law of tort, assault and battery give rise to two different actions.

    Section 252 of the Criminal Code Act defines assault thus: “A person who strikes, touches, or moves, or otherwise applies force of any kind to, the person of another, either directly or indirectly, without his consent, or with his consent, if the consent is obtained by fraud, or who by any bodily act or gesture attempts or threatens to apply force of any kind to the person of another without his consent, in such circumstances that the person making the attempt or threat has actually or apparently a present ability to affect his purpose, is said to assault that person, and the act is called assault.”

    Senator Abbo, realising that he was caught red-handed in the video evidence now a universal property, has owned up to committing assault and battery against the ladies. In section 253 of the code: “an assault is unlawful, and constitutes an offence unless it is authorised or justified by law.” On his part, learned author, Gilbert Kodilinye defined assault as: “any act which puts the plaintiff in fear that battery is about to be committed against him.”

    With respect to battery, Kodilinye defined it as: “the intentional application of force to another person.” Without doubt, the undistinguished senator committed assault on the two ladies in the video, and also battery on the one he pummelled with his miserable hands. Considering the weighty evidence available in public domain, the senator may prefer to settle out of court. Such a move should be allowed on the principle of restorative justice.  To strike such a face saving deal, the ladies should ask for at least a hundred million naira in damages, considering the gravity of the unprovoked assault and battery visited on them.

    In Read vs Coker (1853) 138 ER 1437, also reported in Law of Tort by Ese Malami, the defendant had a business disagreement with his partner, who then ordered his workmen to throw out the plaintiff. They surrounded him, rolled up their sleeves and threatened to break his neck, if he doesn’t leave the premises. Considering that there was threat of violence, with intent to commit battery, the court held there was an assault.

    On battery, in the case of Ballard vs MPC (1983) 113 NLJ LR 1133, reported also by learned author Ese Malami, the court held there was battery. There the plaintiffs who were feminists were attacked by police during a demonstration. One of them was felled down and carried away, another was felled down and poked with a baton in the stomach and over his eye, while the third was hit on the head with a baton. From the video evidence, Senator Abbo, evidentially assaulted the ladies and battered one of them.

    Since the senator has accepted his misdemeanour, what should be negotiated is the quantum of damages payable, whether the matter goes to court or not. In Ya’u vs Dikwa (2001) F.W.L.R. 1833-2039, (Part 62) the Court of Appeal held that: “(general damages) are implied by law in every breach of legal rights, its quantification however being a matter for the court.”

    The court in Dikwa’s case further held: “Due to the indeterminate nature of the quantum in general damages, what will be awarded in one case by the trial court may vary from that awarded in another. The award would differ from individual to individual, being dependent on the trial court’s discretion.” It is my considered advice that in negotiating the quantum of damages Senator Abbo should pay to the victims, the report by Senator Shehu Sani in March 2018, about the humongous earnings of senators should have a weighty influence on what should be paid.

    According to the distinguished senator, “I think what we can say is that the running cost of a senator is N13.5 million every month.” He went on: “Though no specific instruction on what the fund should be used for, lawmakers must provide receipts to back up their expenses from the running costs.” He also informed the general public that “The running cost is in addition to funds earmarked for each senator for constituency projects.” So there will be more than enough for Senator Abbo to pay his victims handsomely.

    Only after such an assault on the senator’s pocket will common sense return to him. If he prefers to have his day in court, I believe the courts would be minded to grant humongous damages, as there is no sign yet that the 9th senate will not collectively assault our common treasury like their predecessors. If the court slams Abbo with a nine figure in damages, there is no doubt he can afford to pay. After all, by the report of Senator Shehu Sani on the 8th senate, a 100 million naira paid out in damages would be recouped in a matter of months.

    Of note, Senator Abbo’s sins are no more grievous than those committed against our public treasury by members of the senate and House of Representatives. What the senator did to the ladies is no different from what his colleagues in the national assembly are doing to our public treasury. For no just cause, without any form of provocation, public officials in our country take pleasure assaulting Nigerians by plundering their common treasury.

    For me, such assault is as serious as that done on the poor lady in the video. At the root of the reprehensible behaviour of senator Abbo is the culture of impunity. It is impunity that had hindered our country from making progress on all fronts. When public officials turn public treasury to private vaults, it is impunity. For them, like Abbo, the Nigerian laws are ineffective, and so they ride roughshod over it without consequences.

    The truth is Abbo almost got away, if not for technology. Even his police orderly condoned the impunity, because his superiors also engage in impunity. The orderly enjoined by law to prevent the commission of crime, choose to engage in criminal act at the behest of the senator, because he sees other persons engage in acts of impunity without consequences. Not long ago, President Buhari ordered a serving Inspector General of Police to proceed to Benue state to perform a public responsibility. In an act of impunity, the then IGP ignored the president, without consequences.

  • The good herdsmen

    As the battle rage over the proposed RUGA settlements, it is interesting to note that the father of faith, Abraham owned herds, and back then there were clashes over grazing rights. According to the book of Genesis 13:7, “there was strife between the herdsmen of Abram’s livestock and the herdsmen of Lot’s livestock.” Why? Verse six says: “Now the land was not able to support them, that they might dwell together, for their possession was so great that they could not dwell together.”

    At the bottom of the herdsmen-farmers’ clashes that have led to inter-ethnic crisis in the country is access to land. To solve the problem between him and Lot, Abram proposed in verse eight: “Please let there be no strife between you and me, and between my herdsmen and your herdsmen, for we are brethren.” He went on: “Please separate from me. If you take the left, then I will go to the right; or if you go to the right, then I will go to the left.”

    While our farmers and herdsmen may not have the luxury of going their separate ways as Abram and Lot did, there is no doubt that unless there is a change of tact, history may record the Buhari presidency as a tenure of crisis. That would be very unfortunate, and a huge set-back for the country, considering the hope that Buhari can reclaim the country from the buccaneers masquerading as political leaders. Of note, a country severely blighted by overwhelming corrupt practices and humiliating poverty, cannot survive a severe inter-ethnic crisis.

    So, the proposed RUGA settlement should  be explained to the nation, and as one of the opponents of the programme demanded on Channels Television broadcast, the scheme should be open to all and sundry, and also incorporate other animals, apart from cattle. Those who really love President Buhari and who wish history to be kind to him, must tell him that his opponents have cast an ethnic slur on his integrity, and the RUGA settlement has been painted as an ethnic agenda, which must be resisted.

    The effort to keep the participating states under rap is an effort in futility, as you cannot hide a pregnancy. What is required is transparency, openness and information. There is need to explain what the federal government intends to achieve, apart from just saying it is a way to stop farmers-herdsmen clashes. Also, who can participate and how can any Nigerian willing to meet the set standard, sign up to the programme?

    If it is made an exclusive programme for the Fulani-herdsmen as is speculated, then the proponents must perish the thought, unless they don’t care what happens to our dear country. Clearly, the opponents of the programme believe it is an agenda to establish Fulani settlements across the states, and eventually extend the Fulani Empire. While this column considers such accusation an outlandish possibility in the 21st century, there is no need for the Buhari presidency to keep feeding the fire that could burn down the country.

    Indeed, many consider this writer naïve, when discussing the so-called Fulani agenda. Each time one tries to push the argument that the Buhari presidency should be encouraged to fight corruption, which in my humble view is the greatest scourge of our time, the counter argument is that it is an ethnic agenda that is masquerading as a fight against corruption. To stem all the noise about an ethnic agenda, the Buhari presidency could rejig the headship of the security agencies, one of the offered examples of the ethnic agenda.

    There is no doubt that Buhari’s presidency inherited a messed-up country, from those who could not differentiate private properties from public properties. But while stealing public property was the scourge of the past regime, I enjoin the Buhari presidency not to give armour to those who argue that he wants to replace that with a more potent scourge of inter-ethnic crisis, which can bring the country to its knees in a matter of days.

    So, the challenge before the Buhari’s presidency is, how can the herdsmen be separated from the farmers in such a fair-way that peace will return to our country? The president should act like Abram, who offered a fair deal to Lot. Abram proposed a fair, transparent and equal opportunity to his brethren. He gave him a choice, between going left or right. He didn’t go to survey the place, choose the better side and give the second option to Lot, whom the Bible recorded was following him.

    Apparently, Abram didn’t abuse or take advantage of his leadership position, rather he surrendered the first choice to his follower, who the Bible recorded made an informed choice of what he considered the better part. But after Lot left him, the Bible recorded that God blessed Abram and granted him more success than when he was with Lot. So, President Buhari being a Fulani should tread with caution, so as not to give the impression that he is giving preferential treatment to his brethren.

    One of the audacious legacies I thought President Buhari would have pursued vigorously is how to reclaim the desert areas of the north. Indeed, he should use his moral authority to galvanise international capital to restore the Lake Chad and greenery across the Sahel region of our country. That would be a more peaceful way to provide pasture for the herdsmen, and stem their southward movement in search of pasture for their cattle. Of course, another is the cattle ranching programme, so as to stem the nomadic life-style of the Bororo Fulani herdsmen.

    The other legacy our dear president should pursue is to disarm those who possess arms unlawfully across the country, whether Fulani or Kalabari or Ijaw or Igbo or Yoruba or Hausa or Edo or Itsekiri or Nupe or whoever. The potent of herdsmen hankering around with AK47 rifles, represent an omen of herdsmen as evil. It is a weapon in the hands of those who see the potential of an ethnic game plan to overwhelm the rest of the country, with ‘a command from the proposed dedicated radio that will broadcast only in Fulani’.

    Those who are close to the president should urge him to stop giving weapons to his opponents to convince Nigerians that there is an agenda to hoist evil-herdsmen on the rest of Nigeria. This RUGA programme may just be one such weapon. Any of his lieutenants who say to him that he can use our national resources to set up a successful programme across the country that would benefit only one ethnic group is lying to him. The chances are that they will just misappropriate the money for the RUGA settlement, and create one baleful legacy for the Buhari presidency.

  • Brewing tragedy

    A reportage and private discourse prompted this piece.

    In the Yoruba country, plebeians (who don’t know) and patricians (who should know and guide) appear yoked in passionate ethnic-goading.  It’s a brewing tragedy.

    When passion runs high, reason takes a dive.  It’s often the wide and merry way, to borrow that biblical phrase, that leads nowhere but avoidable catastrophe.

    First, Gani Adams, as “Aare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland”, warned South West governors against ceding any part of Yorubaland for any Fulani ranching settlement, otherwise known as ruga.

    While interrogating the propriety or otherwise of this diktat, the tragic Afonja of Ilorin cropped up, prompting a friend and top editor to join battle.

    Ripples’ stand was simple: Adams clearly over-reached himself, purporting to give orders to elected governors.  Beyond the honorific Kakanfo title, Adams has nobody’s mandate.

    Besides, Adams’ rash and stark “orders”  only exposes the Kakanfo title as a historical farce — at least, the claimed “Yorubaland” of it.

    There was Kakanfo of Oyo Empire.  But Oyo Empire never covered the whole of Yorubaland.  Indeed, the coastal Ijebu were never part of it.  Neither was Eko (Lagos), with its Awori aborigines.

    Even efforts to suck in the Ekiti/Ijesa, beyond imposing the Oyo “Ajele” (viceroy), crude envoys of war and plunder extracting tributes, sparked the Kiriji War (1877-1893), which though raged for 16 years, ended in a dreadful stalemate.

    Only superior British arms broke up that stalemate.  But British force not only stopped the belligerent parties, it also degraded the Alaafin from the unquestioned and unquestionable empire sovereign (Kaabiesi o!), to a British vassal-King.

    The same British might tamed the rather aggressive Ijebu, in the Anglo-Ijebu War, that saw the then reigning Awulaje, the Ijebu paramount monarch, banished to neighbouring Epe.  All these facts are in the Oyo-centric History of the Yorubas by Samuel Johnson.

    So, if the Kakanfo was limited to the Oyo Empire, what then is the progeny — nay propriety — of a “Kakanfo of Yorubaland”, dishing out orders to South West governors on state matters, beyond pitiable historical farce?

    Even within the Oyo Empire, was it ever heard that the Alaafin shared state powers with the Kakanfo (beyond giving and receiving battle orders), to the extent the Kakanfo would tell the Alaafin how or how not to wield his powers, even with the strict check-and-balance in the Oyo feudal system, best epitomized by the council of Oyomesi?

    At least two Kakanfo, consumed by hubris, tragically over-reached themselves.  One was Kurunmi, the great Ijaiye General.  His tragedy was well captured in Ola Rotimi’s play, Kurunmi.

    The other was the perfidious Afonja, and the dire curse of Aole.  That curse not only doomed Afonja to a tragic end, it also cost the Yoruba Ilorin, which they lost to Alimi and fellow Fulani, Afonja’s anti-Alaafin confederates turned fatal foes.

    If even in the Oyo Empire, the Kakanfo would share political spotlight with his sovereign, the Alaafin, only at his own perils, what makes Gani Adams think he could order governors around in a modern setting — a setting more democratic than feudal; where the Kakanfo is more honorific than real?

    By his happy starkness, Adams appears gravitating towards the well-paved self-destruct tragedies, which have plagued the Kakanfo title till the modern era.

    But while that is a free and democratic choice Adams can embrace or shun, not slamming his reckless orders would be tantamount to bowing to mob rule, in a duly constituted polity ruled by law.

    That is why the governors should assert their mandate on state matters — except, of course, they want to yield space to mob rule; from which nobody gains.

    But it was on Afonja, the top editor’s point of intervention, that plebs and patricians appear merged, in a Yoruba ultra-nationalistic army, against a looming Fulani occupation army, real or imagined.

    Ripples’ interpretation of Afonja was that by dabbling into matters beyond his ken, and trading off his sovereign for personal gain, he courted tragedy and earned his doom — a fate Adams, the Kakanfo modern caricature, appears too stark to grasp and learn from, given his rash South West gubernatorial diktat.

    But the editor had a diametrically opposed interpretation: he alleged present neo-Afonja were aiding and abetting the capture of Yorubaland, by Fulani modern-day occupiers!

    Same tragic historical figure.  Contrasting interpretations.  How interesting!

    But that goes to the crux of the matter: the anti-Fulani hysteria is just the blinding tribal smoke.  The real crux is an election lost and won; and plotting losers who won’t let go!

    What are the facts, though starkly out there in the public space?

    For starters, the editor’s neo-Afonja theory is rather rich, for it is nothing but a fabulous, if not outright mischievous, colouring of the South West-North West entente that in 2015 sacked the PDP and drove Muhammadu Buhari and Yemi Osinbajo to power.

    But the real gist is the South West political mainstream broke into two.  A faction, led by Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and Baba Bisi Akande won.

    The other faction, most epitomized by Baba Ayo Adebanjo’s Afenifere faction lost — and justly so.  Both 2015 and 2019, they have proved the democratic minority, despite thunderous barks and doomsday howls, on behalf of the “Yoruba”, whose mandate they don’t even have.

    Even Adams that now postures as some rebel-general with suspect cause, on behalf of the Yoruba, marshalled his Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) thugs to sack Lagos, in aid of Goodluck Jonathan’s doomed presidential re-election.

    That barbarism was bad enough if it was genuine hustle for democracy.  But alas!  It was cynical hustle for cheap, near-illicit pipeline security contracts that the new PMB government promptly voided.

    Now, the same Adams is hankering for anti-Fulani ruga war, on behalf of the Yoruba!

    The ruga controversy is only the latest in the series of schemes by the electorally vanquished, who nevertheless clutch at rogue activism, that can only sucker the dumb, on the Yoruba ultra-nationalist front.  That path leads nowhere but perdition.

    Let the ruga ranching question be clinically debated.  After, let the governors take decisions that best tally with the interest of their people, and of course, pan-Yoruba interest, in a federal Nigeria.

    That task is for clinical thinkers that understand the issue in all its ramification, not rabid ultra-nationalists who spew nothing but ethnic hate, because naked fear, phantom or real, has captured and paralyzed their thinking.

    In these stark times, the Yoruba must draw inspiration from Awo, the avatar himself.  In his titanic battle against the North-Eastern Region order of the 1st Republic, he deployed his acute mind, not some rabid and scalding tribal appeal, to trump his enemies on the high shrine of ideas.

    That’s why he lives today, while most of his traducers are dead, buried and forgotten.

  • Powers of CCB

    The Code of Conduct Bureau (CCB) is created under the Third Schedule, Part 1A of the 1999 constitution (as amended), and is principally empowered to enforce the responsibility placed on it, by the Fifth Schedule, Part 1, paragraph 11 and 12 of the constitution.

    The responsibility include: to receive and keep custody of the declaration of assets form of public officers, investigate the declaration, enforce compliance, investigate non-compliance and on terms make such asset declaration forms available for inspection by Nigerians upon terms as the National Assembly may prescribe.

    The CCB is empowered to refer any breach, where appropriate to the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), which itself is a quasi-judicial body also created by the constitution, under the Fifth Schedule, Part 1, Paragraph 15. In furtherance of its powers, the CCB had dragged such eminent persons as the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Walter Onnoghen, former Senate President, Bukola Saraki, former governor of Lagos State, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu and many others before the CCT.

    Between the CCB and CCT, are enormous constitutional powers to rein in corrupt practices amongst public officials. Perhaps the quasi-judicial powers invested in the two special administrative bodies are to circumvent the herculean challenges posed by the criminal procedure laws in criminal trials. Granting it limited powers on the punishment it can mete out, the constitution created the specialized bodies to tame the desire to see public service as avenue for personal aggrandizement, and to prevent its convicts from using unlawfully acquired wealth to perpetuate themselves in power.

    The sanctions or punishments clearly target the unlawfully acquired assets and further opportunity to hold public office. The sanctions as provided in paragraph 18(2) of the Fifth Schedule to the constitution, include ‘vacation of office or seat in any legislative house, disqualification from membership of a legislative house and from holding any public office for a period not exceeding 10 years, and seizure and forfeiture to the state of any property acquired in abuse or corruption of office.’

    To show clearly the limitedness of the sanctions prescribed by the constitution, paragraph 18(3) provides that “the sanctions mentioned in paragraph (2) hereof shall be without prejudice to the penalties that may be imposed by any law where the conduct is also criminal.” From the above provision, the CCB and CCT is to aid public accountability, without lowering the higher evidential burden required to convict in a criminal charge. Recognising the general responsibility of all in the fight against corrupt practices in public life, the responsibility of ensuring compliance is vested in the Bureau as well as the general public.

    So, any request for information on the declaration of assets by public officials is constitutionally guaranteed. The responsibility vested in the general public can be inferred from the provision of paragraph 3(c) of the Third Schedule, Part 1A of the 1999 constitution (as amended). It is therefore unconstitutional for the CCB to rebuff the demand by the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) for the details of the asset declarations of the former presidents and governors from 1999 to the present submitted to it, on the laughable excuse that the declaration is private information.

    Far from that. The asset declaration forms are public documents which any Nigerian is constitutionally entitled to access on fulfilment of “such terms as the National Assembly may prescribe.” According to media report, the CCB has refused the request from SERAP on the ground that “asset declaration form is a private information,” and “would offend the right to privacy of presidents and state governors.” If the report is true, then the CCB may have read the constitutional provision upside down.

    To determine what constitutes a public document, we only have to look at the S. 102 of the Evidence Act 2011. It provides: “The following documents are public documents: (a) documents forming the acts or records of the acts of – (i) the sovereign authority; (ii) official bodies and tribunals, and (iii) public officers, legislative, judicial and executive, whether of Nigeria or elsewhere; and (b) public records kept in Nigeria of private documents.” Like a multiple trap, the document in question is caught by both paragraphs ‘a’ and ‘b’ of the above section.

    So, to contend that the document requested by SERAP is a private document is to offend the provisions of the constitution and the Evidence Act. Ordinarily without much ado, the assets declaration form filed with the CCB should be available on fulfilment of basic administrative condition, to enable the public to enjoy a constitutional right, as aforementioned. However, to forestall unnecessary inhibition to public access of public documents or private documents in public custody, the Freedom of Information Act, 2011 was enacted by the National Assembly.

    Section 1 of the Act provides: “Notwithstanding anything contained in any other Act, law or regulation, the right of any person to access or request information, whether or not contained in any written form, which is in custody or possession of any public official, agency or institution howsoever described, is established.” Clearly the purport of the act is to ensure the free flow of any information that will regulate public conduct. According to media report, the CCB refused to accede to the request, claiming prohibition under section 14 of the FOI Act.

    A perusal of section 14 of the Act shows that it is not an omnibus provision seeking to take away what the Act gave by its S.1. Moreover the act not being a repeal of the Evidence Act, cannot by the provisions of S.14 redefine what a public document is. Indeed, by no estimation can the act have the power to restrain a right granted by the constitution, which is the grundnum on which our constitutional democracy rests. Interestingly, S.14(3) provides a further exemption on the restrictions listed in paragraphs a-e of the section.

    The said sub-section 3 provides: “Where disclosure of any information referred to in this section would be in the public interest, and if the public interest in the disclosure of such information clearly outweighs the protection of the privacy of the individual to whom such information relates, the public institution to whom a request for the disclosure is made shall disclose such information ….”

    It is therefore difficult to appreciate why the CCB did not accede to the request from SERAP when clearly the disclosure of that information would be in public interest, considering the debilitating effect of corruption on the nation.

    Moreover, in Marbury vs Madison 5 US 154 (1803), Chief Justice John Marshal of the United States held: “Certainly, all those who have framed written constitutions contemplate… that an act of the legislature repugnant to the constitution is void.” Everything considered, the CCB must under no guise deny a constitutional right, hiding behind an ordinary statute.

  • Enter state police?

    Not unlike the Biblical thief in the night, state police has stolen back into public discourse.

    Suddenly everyone — or well, almost — seems to realize how integral it is to the federal security infrastructure.

    Since the rather misleading report that President Muhammadu Buhari had “approved” state police; the Presidency’s almost instant disavowal to say the president had only set up an advisory panel on the matter; and the somewhat cheery news that state governors were approaching some unanimity on the matter, the polity had been in a whirr.

    For protagonists, it’s a whirr of great expectations (to echo one of the classics of English novelist, Charles Dickens) — at last!

    For antagonists, however, it’s grim brace-up for the final, do-or-die push against  a subject that, under the federal doctrine, ought to be trite; but which got infected with needless bile — no thanks to opportunistic “restructuring” campaigners.

    On state police, the polity would sure experience serious fireworks in the following weeks, if not months!

    But first thing first: it is not presidential business to “approve” or reject state police.  If one president could approve, then another could reject.

    State police is too fundamental to be condemned to such presidential yo-yo.  Rather, it is a constitutional matter that, once resolved, must be binding on all.

    Still, it’s gratifying that PMB, not the most fervent federalist by any stretch; and certainly a command-and-control mind by his military training, appears nudging towards state police.

    You could, therefore, say state police appears an idea whose time has come.  But that would be in the clouds, where myth and concept mix in a puzzling mist.

    Terra-firma, however, it’s the futility of meeting federal (read far-flung local) problems with a distant, one-shoe-fits-all unitary solutions.

    That pathology is manifest in the current nationwide security scourge.  But more and more, across all spheres, Nigerians must learn to develop local antidotes to peculiar local problems; rather than eternally await some central Leviathan to come work some magic.

    That draws the discourse to the controversy likely to dawn, in the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF), with opposing strands led by razor-sharp minds, among their ranks.

    Ekiti Governor and new NGF chairman, Kayode Fayemi, symbolizes the pro-lobby.

    Dr. Fayemi might be relatively young.  But long before restructuring became convenient, emergency crusading, which neophytes speak in passionate tongues, the Ekiti governor had long been in the trenches for state police, as imperative to Nigeria’s re-federalization process.

    Kaduna Governor, Nasir El-Rufai, one of the most cerebral among the governors’ rank, would likely champion the state police nay-lobby.

    Though Malam El-Rufai boasts a tick-tock mind, brilliant and dazzling, he has already availed himself the luxury of that popular, if nauseating, Nigerian cliche — “Nigeria is not ripe”, on the state police question.

    Now, proponents of state police are no saints any more than opponents are devils.  Both are just a product of their socio-political evolution, even if both are bred in Nigeria, though in different parts.

    Ironically, that very dichotomy in thinking should settle the argument: that Nigeria’s re-federalization is inevitable; and the present gloried unitary system is futile, since different parts of Nigeria boast different socio-political evolution.

    Besides, Nigeria is huge and vast.  Beyond the commonality of being Nigerian, its people are different and complex in their own ways.

    Federalism, therefore, provides excellent tools for navigating these complexities, without necessarily dismantling the common strength: a powerful, hugely populated, big and vast country.

    So, in the NGF, let both the Fayemi and El-Rufai strands bring it on!  Let’s have the fireworks!

    But let everyone know this is strictly no democratic contest (though it dawns under democratic tenets); where the majority must carry the vote.

    It is rather a contest of rigorous ideas; where a tiny but critical mass may well trump a flabby majority, scared stiff by change; and willing to paper over its ruins.  That would be a grave disservice to the future and its generations.

    Students of literature know English Romantic poetry accounts for one of the most evocative: providing succeeding generations with excellent pathos and even bathos.

    But even with the perils of climate change, what would modern living have been without the gains of the Industrial Revolution, which Romantic poetry rued with such evocative cries, pleasurable pains and sweet grief?

    There is pain in change.  But from such pains come gains. So, let it be for Nigeria’s re-federalization. At least, the security front has shown the present central system is clearly at the end of its tether.

    So, let equity, not majority opinion, guide the NGF debate.  Let the federal question be settled; and the place of state police in it.  But let each state exercise its right to own police at its own convenient time.

    For the federal authorities, please shun the “Nigeria is not ripe” orchestra.  Like other cliches, that would appear another convenient cover by those who have not given — or won’t give — the subject a serious thought.

    So, let the Federal Government do the needful; and push to parliament an enabling bill — an enabling bill that would not only amend the Constitution to allow state police but also set up rigorous procedures to avoid past abuses, that forced a sole central police on the polity.

    For states, having own police is neither burden nor prestige.  It is simply a tool to do urgent security work.

    Though state police is not yet official, Lagos has different “police”, tackling different urban challenges: the Lagos State Traffic Management Authority, LASTMA (traffic), Lagos State Environmental Sanitation Corps, LASESC (environment) and the Lagos State Neighbourhood Safety Corps , LSNC (neighourhood safety).

    All three perform some “policing” function.  Lagos, tiniest in land mass but one of the most populated, has devised a means to protect its own environment.

    So, should it be for every state.  With the sad turn of events, it is clear the central Nigeria Police is ill-suited go it all alone.

    Still, state police should shunt aside the last barrier against Nigeria’s full re-federalization.  States should work own resources and control most of them, subject to tax laws in the land.

    Had that been so, Zamfara would have mined its gold and other costly stones; pay the Federal Government the agreed share in taxation and royalty, as a way of sharing its good fortune with the rest of the country; and used its wealth to put in place a police that could secure its citizens against bandits.

    That is the federal way. That is the way to go, if Nigeria must realize its full potential.

  • When PMB met Talon

    Guess who came calling – Nicodemus-style – at the Aso Villa the other day; Benin Republic’s President Patrice Talon. Another strongman seeking to carve democracy in his image and after his likeness in his country coming to meet President Muhammadu Buhari behind closed doors at the Presidential Villa, Abuja Thursday last week. Although reports said that the meeting came moments after he arrived at the forecourt of the presidential villa at 11.35am, the agenda was not made public. Coming however in the wake of the April 28 parliamentary election which shut out the opposition parties and the accompanying clampdown on their leaders culminating in the restrictions imposed on former President Boni Yayi – a development which notable leaders in the sub region have since condemned – there can be no guessing what the discussion was all about.

    Chair of Wole Soyinka Centre for Investigative Journalism, Professor Ropo Sekoni, also a visiting member of this newspaper’s editorial board first drew home to me the unmitigated travesty going on in Benin via an open letter titled – Call from the international scientific community to Patrice Talon, president of the Republic of Benin. The missive,  penned by scholars and activists drawn from the international scientific community and the international community of artists and intellectuals which include himself, Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, Henry-Louis Gates Jr. Sekoni and nearly two score others was a clarion call on Talon to end the charade.

    Months after that letter, Talon continues to play deaf. More than that, he has, thus far, done well to hold down any challenge – including getting his soldiers to mow down demonstrators who dared to protest. By the way, this individual was elected in 2016 at a time his predecessor was supporting another candidate. Think of this happening in a country whose practice of multi-partysm – once upon a time – could have been deemed a model.

    Today, the country sits, precariously on the edge. Only 11 days ago, Olusegun Obasanjo, and his Ghanaian counterpart, John Kufuor, had rallied for the intervention of the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States. The duo, while acknowledging the “general feeling of violation of the individual and collective liberties which has invariably culminated in the restrictions currently imposed on former President Boni Yayi and some other opposition leaders”, concluded chillingly: “The ongoing political crisis appears to be worsening the security and humanitarian situation which might open a floodgate to terrorist incursion that will lead to further destabilisation of the West-African sub-region”.

    Until last week, the country’s Big Brother and neighbour, was practically (at least officially) missing in action. Not a word on the political travesty or the killings that have accompanied it; not on the threatening anarchy – perhaps a case of Big Brother choosing not to fight other people’s fires when its abode is engulfed in conflagration. Yet, much as one would readily acknowledge the feelings of those who would baulk at the idea of the country poking its nose into what is going on next door at a time the country’s hands are already bloodied fighting banditry, kidnapping and other variants of insurgency, (no matter the dire situation in that enclave of 11 million people), one is quickly reminded of the proverb about feigning indifference while one’s neighbour gobbles a suspicious insect; the same would require more than a pill of endurance to keep from staying awake all night when the full effects of the toxic intake inevitably sets in. That is assuming that the country has not already, suffered enough in the hands of this listless, parasitic neighbour whose destiny, though inextricably linked to ours, continues to make good feeding on our flesh and blood.

    Sure, the situation in Benin calls for drastic action. Getting former President Yayi out of the jailhouse will be an important first step. And then for President Talon to dismantle his democracy of exclusion and to undertake a fresh credible and transparent process; after all, what is democracy without a vibrant opposition and an open and transparent process?

    Now, I understand why the Big Brother will be dragged in to quell the fire stoked by that wayward actor next door; which of course explains the shuttle to Abuja last Thursday. One can only hope that our president was frank and brutal in conveying the expectations of the entire civilised world to the wayfarer, hoping that reason prevails and all goes well in the end.

    Remember, this is about Benin Republic a country whose relationship with our country is as insufferable as they are toxic. Never mind that Big Brother is routinely summoned to help pull their chestnuts out of the fire as exampled in the delinquency currently ravaging their polity; their leaders think its fair game to keep setting our own economic backyards on fire!

    I speak here to the menace of smuggling and cross-border banditry which the country aids and abets; the associated subversion that have undermined our trade policies and in the process, reduced the swathe of our common borders to an ungoverned space; the slow, agonising death visited on our farming communities and our textile industry – all of which can only guarantee that our national aspirations would never be met.

    Surely, no one could have put things better than Africa’s foremost industrialist, Aliko Dangote: “There is no country that can survive with Benin Republic as a neighbour”.

    He did not exaggerate. Ask the rice producer, the palm oil producers, the textile manufacturers; all, without exception share a common story of how their businesses have wilted under the menace of smuggling with our darling ECOWAS neighbour tacitly providing facilitation.

    Does anyone see why the official indifference to the existential challenge posed by the country’s policies on our country’s well-being is so galling? It seems such a long time ago when Obasanjo shut the country’s borders against Benin Republic. I couldn’t now recall the roof caving in; instead, Nigeria actually got some reprieve with smuggling and cross-border banditry taking a dive.

    Sure, President Buhari couldn’t have brought up these issues at that short meeting. Or did he – considering that the matter is not only grave but has become an existential one?

    Yet, the conversation is long overdue if ever the country desires to make progress. Guess it’s time to rethink elements of the farce called ECOWAS under which grave injurious, toxic trade practices are perpetrated against Nigeria; for enablers like Benin, time for the Big Brother to demonstrate that injury to her can attract severe consequences.

  • No Excuses APC

    The All Progressive Congress (APC) chairman Adams Oshiomhole surely has his faults, but he also has the courage to dare. Some say he is abrasive and rash when pushing his view. But regardless of what one says about the petit former labour leader, it is dangerous to take him for granted in any contest, where being loquacious is an added advantage.

    Politics is one such contest, where being bombast could be a bomb against your opponents. In the run up to the 2019 general elections, the APC chairman was up and about shredding the reputation of the opposition PDP and asking Nigerians to move unto the NEXT level. Again, as the National Assembly prepared to elect their leaders last week, the APC chairman was so upbeat about the chances of his party, that he declared all the leadership positions a no go area for the opposition.

    He warned that any legislator who sells any piece of the family silver would be severely punished. His warning came when there was palpable fear that the PDP could take advantage of the potential division within the APC camp, to gain one of the four coveted seats. Luckily, with President Muhammadu Buhari and the APC national leader Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu flexing their muscles, the party cleared the senate president and the deputy, as well as the speaker and deputy speaker of the House of Representatives.

    In his usual loquacious manner, the APC chairman has warned the ruling party that having gotten the legislative and executive arms in their firm control, there would be no excuses not to deliver the dividends of democracy to Nigerians. This column identifies with that warning and urge the Buhari presidency to save Nigeria before it is too late. Let the truth be told, Nigeria may not survive its present trajectory of the onslaught of globalised terrorism combined with self-induced poverty that has become a potent cataclysm for our dear country.

    The war in the north arising from enormous security and socio-economic challenges facing the region cannot be won with bullets alone. It requires the creation of viable alternative socio-economic programmes to absorb the teeming youths attracted to the rogue opportunities created by the insurgency and Muslim extremism in the region. If the Buhari presidency does not wish to offer excuses why it failed at the end of its tenure, then it must recalibrate its modus operandi, since time is not on its side. For instance, the list of its proposed ministers ought to be ready by now.

    And in choosing the ministers, competence must be the watch word, and not where you come from or the religion you practice. Part of the legacy President Buhari must work to leave behind is that he doesn’t pander to tribe and religion, as opposed to competence in making choices. He must know that because of the lop-sidedness in his appointments in the last four years, the general believe especially among his political opponents is that he is ethno-centric.

    While his admirers will deny that he is partial in his appointments, unfortunately the performance of his team has been less than stellar, despite their best efforts. So, he has to look beyond the confines of his narrow political environment to pick his next ministers and assistants. He should seek assistance from within and outside his party to get quality candidates to work with him to save Nigeria from going under.

    Like Oshiomhole said, there will be no excuses to fail this time, as the legislators are on standby to approve the list of ministers and special assistants. The only thing required of the president is to be broadminded to cast his net wide enough to catch quality persons, regardless of tribe and religion to face the onerous task of repositioning Nigeria for better. President Buhari should note that the poverty indices under his watch have been scary, perhaps because of the freeloading of the past era.

    But his government has had four years to lay the foundation for a Nigeria of his dream, and as some have said, since his 2015-2019 regime is now the immediate past regime of his new 2019-2023 regime, he can only blame himself and his team for any shortcomings. While that may not be entirely correct, President Buhari must realise that time is seriously running out on him, if he wants history to attribute any serious achievement to him.

    If Buhari’s government should end today, there will be few achievements to ascribe to his government. While no doubt he has fought off Boko Haram attacks, his achievement can be obliterated within few weeks of attacks, as the bandits can burn in a jiffy all that his government helped the region to rebuild. Moreover, without an alternative viable economy or even alternate re-evangelisation, the susceptible youths of the area would easily join a Boko Haram movement in the absence of sustainable alternative.

    Perhaps Buhari’s best effort is the war against corruption. In fairness to him, he has tamed the excitement about engaging in corrupt practices by public officials. Apart from the initial slur on some of his privileged kitchen cabinet members, there has not been subsequent allegation around him or his inner circle. The EFCC under his watch has also made huge recoveries and substantial convictions in the past four years. Unlike under his immediate predecessor, there are also no stories of free loading.

    But the problem with war on corruption in Nigeria is that no regime effectively wages it against itself. So, it is only if the successor regime doesn’t find skeletons in the cupboard after Buhari’s government, that he can beat his chest that he succeeded in that area. While taking plaudits for his efforts in that direction so far, the president must raise the transparency level of his government. For example, it should be public knowledge what every minister earns, whether as salaries, emolument or other allowances. The same should apply to all appointees in the executive arm.

    If President Buhari is able to rein in those directly answerable to him from corrupt practices, it will become easier to deal with the legislators who have brazenly been stealing from the public treasury. As argued on this page last week, any income by whatever name or alias that the legislators earn without the approval of the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) is unlawful earning. But the presidency would have to first remove the log in its executive eye before he can ask the legislators to clear the specks in their own eyes.

    Since Oshiomhole has been thumping his chest about party supremacy following APC’s victory in the contest for the leadership of National Assembly, Nigerians are waiting to see how that supremacy will influence Buhari in his next political appointments.

  • June 12: a postscript

    Done deal – 2019, and June 12 formally became Nigeria’s national Democracy Day!

    But the strong ripples of just desert, clashed with the no-less-rippling currents of futile denial, in an exhilarating drama of good finally trumping evil.

    First, the news hit the wires: all the former heads of state were absent at the epochal event; the apocryphal “owners of Nigeria” – Olusegun Obasanjo, Ibrahim Babangida, Abdulsalami Abubakar and even Ernest Shonekan, the craven head of the pitiful Interim National Government (ING).

    Even the one that should be part of them; and yet was clearly not with them on the June 12 debacle: Gen. Yakubu Gowon.  Good, old Jack was reportedly undone by old age flu!

    Aside from Gowon who made his own stand very clear with an earlier statement, were the rest unpleased with June 12’s beatification; and so stayed away?  Who knows?

    The anti-Buhari lobby, with a penchant to play politics with everything, could convert to warmth that cold comfort, in these excruciating wintry times, for a totally lost cause: the so-called “owners of Nigeria” were displeased!

    Still, that stay-out could be a quiet but powerful rite of passage.  Can you be present at your own burial?

    The old order fadeth — and its religious minders fall quiet!

    Little surprise: on June 12’s rehabilitation, mum has it been; from the once rambunctious polemics chamber of Father Hassan Kukah, Catholic Bishop of Sokoto.

    The bishop’s was one of the most luminous minds, all through military rule; and through the Obasanjo-led old order of the 4th Republic (1999-2015).  It appears the holy priest is getting progressively mute – and muted.

    Changing seasons, changing voices!

    Still, among the fading order, you just must think of Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar.  On the June 12 debacle, his is a mixed bag.

    MKO Abiola died under his watch, after Sani Abacha’s sudden expiry, in what many have alleged was calculated killing to clear the deck.  But then that honourable, if painful, death earned MKO the martyrdom that hauled him right back to glorious life today.

    Also under Abdulsalami’s watch, Obasanjo got sprung from gaol; and raced, after a pardon, to a two-term elected presidency, in what the inimitable Fela would have dismissed as Army Arrangement (AA).  Yet, the same Obasanjo endures life; but hardly enjoys seeing all he erected get trashed!

    It is a powerful paradox that must tame the mighty, excite the witty, and buoy the weakling!  Yet, Abdulsalami may yet earn the soft side of history.

    His post-power grace-cum-carriage is a model in comportment; for many less endowed but far louder.  Then, the military would perhaps have wished an Abdusalami, not an IBB, or an Abacha.

    His short-and-sharp transition could have left a military-fleeing-from-power with some institutional grace; but hardly curbed it of its tragic messianic delusion.  Again, it’s Abdulsalami sweet and sour!

    But all sour – no sweetness? – was Gen. Obasanjo, mourner-in-chief, as Carnival June 12 hit town.  Yet, the old fox pointed towards another direction: the brewing political crisis in neighbouring Benin must be nipped in the bud.

    That is no bad call, for tiny Benin taught mighty Nigeria the democratic ethos.  Its sovereign national conference (SNC) still fires here, many a federalist romantic; while delivering, in Benin, a seamless democratic transition, in which government and opposition alternate power.

    Yet, latest beneficiary, Patrice Talon, after trumping the ruling party’s Lionel Zinsou in a run-off, just sunk an anti-democratic talon – an amendment to the electoral law that all but banned the opposition from bidding for parliament.

    To boot, a protesting former President, Thomas Boni Yayi, is clamped under house arrest!

    For once, a good call from Obasanjo, even if Talon appears a Benin manifestation of Obasanjo’s own grave anti-democratic flaws — witness his “do-or-die” general elections of 2007.

    Ghana’s John Kuffour, his advertised partner in this new Benin campaign, is a study to Obasanjo himself, in how a former president must comport himself – calm, graceful, dignified and non-meddlesome.

    Boni Yayi’s restriction might just be a crafty Obasanjo projection, of what he fears just might be his lot, should his reckless meddling continue, even as his political world crashes in a cascade!  But the Nigerian government must not take the bait.  In this business, nothing is as satisfying as self-burial!

    But away from the fading order, to lobbies that cannot even claim their glory, no thanks to bad politics and politicking.

    Enter the Afenifere, who as a vibrant part of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO), were much as anyone, brave, battle-tested and well-decorated June 12 veterans.  Yet, victory came, and all they could muster was a moan, not a whoop.

    But God, in His infinite mercies, gave them Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, to vent their spleen – Kingibe, the co-owner of the MKO mandate that abandoned the battle midstream, yet shared in June 12’s full glory!

    A leading voice of that lobby, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, pummelled Kingibe without let – and fairly so; for reaping where he did not sow.

    Yet, better to admit the unworthy than entirely deny honour that is due.  Didn’t the Bible say it was better to let go a relay of the guilty, than punish a single innocent soul?

    Still, a strain of Yoruba ultra-nationalism tried to find its voice, at the peak of the June 12 carnival, staging what it called the “O to ge” rally.

    It was the voice of the natives against kidnapping, banditry and allied violent crimes, which had spiked in Yorubaland, as it had in the rest of the country.

    Yet, that rally, as legitimate as it was, would have mocked the June 12 principle.  June 12 earned its golden stripes precisely because some evil forces tried to ethnicize – and therefore bury – the Yoruba protest against a flawless presidential mandate handed MKO.

    Now, 26 years after June 12, some Yoruba lobbies tried to ethnicize a national plague: painting kidnapping as a sole Yoruba menace, deliberately inflicted by the Fulani.

    Just as well it all turned a damp squib; for it was a big negation of the June 12 spirit.

    After the June 12 experience, that is no way to go.  Justice – as crime – has no ethnic flavour.  It is a blessing – just as crime is plague – to all!

    Besides, the kidnapping story, hitherto a fanatical anti-Fulani tale, has mutated in twists and turns: Yoruba pastor-turned self-kidnapper for ransom; Fulani herdsmen-turned rescuers of Yoruba captives from home-brewed kidnappers!

    Kidnapping, nationwide, has turned an all-comer, equal-opportunity criminal racket, which the local authorities, must partner with the federal authorities to crack.