Category: Tuesday

  • Awo, followers ex-rayed

    Awo, followers ex-rayed

    Contrast life from the “mantle of Awo” to instant death from the “terrible mantle of Akintola”, and all the drama, the manoeuvre, the crass opportunism, the intrigue, the gallery play and the banana peel (apologies to the late Chuba Okadigbo) of the Yoruba “lifeworld”, which drives its politics, hit you in full Technicolor!

    As in John Keats’s long poem, “Hyperion”, an old order is dying.  A new order is waiting to be born.  The pain of death coheres with the mirth of life.  There is pre-renewal tension in the land!

    That is the long and short of this wonderful new book, Yoruba Elites and Ethnic Politics in Nigeria: Obafemi Awolowo and Corporate Agency, by Wale Adebanwi, a Nigerian don and scholar’s scholar, who teaches at the University of California, Davis, in the United States.

    But beyond the “Kiriji War” for Yoruba political ascendancy, among Awo’s disciples, Yoruba Elites also symbolises the nationwide “civil war” for or against Awo’s ideas.  That war opened before independence.

    Though Awo died in 1987, the war — over the best philosophical plane to propel Nigeria to its manifest destiny, between federal and anti-federal forces — will rage on: until Nigeria finds its feet as a productive federation; or makes difficult peace with the present mediocre template, particularly at the centre.

    Before Awo’s death, the Yoruba archetype of political hero and anti-hero was well established. The meltdown of the Action Group (AG), the  party that catapulted the old Western Region to untold glory, settled all that.

    Awo was the undisputed hero, aside from being the signifier of the modern Yoruba nation and unifier of the once badly fractured ethnic group.

    Samuel Ladoke Akintola (SLA), his estranged former deputy, became the anti-hero, plunging like the Biblical Lucifer, the brilliant child of the morning and the most favoured of angels, from his celestial throne into the pit of hell.

    In the Awolowo Vs Akintola battle of perception and counter-perception, the idea is that the Awo column, with its solid legitimacy, was one solid and united phalanx.  Not true!  Yoruba Elites x-rays the how’s and whys.

    Even while alive, the fierce manoeuvre to inherit Awo’s throne was on.  SLA’s perceived treachery is well recorded by history.  But SLA branched out on his own, leading conservative elements out of the old AG.  That was the First Republic, when Awo was still evolving.

    Post-First Republic, when Awo had been formally canonised Asiwaju Yoruba (Yoruba Leader), the battle to inherit his mantle assumed fiercer levels.

    Alhaji Lateef Jakande (Baba Kekere), the populist and hugely popular Second Republic governor of Lagos and Chief Bola Ige (Arole Awolowo), the razor-tongued, sharp wit, public intellectual par excellence and governor of old Oyo State (now Oyo State and State of Osun) were the top contenders.

    But both stumbled, allegedly, according to investigations in Yoruba Elites, for being too much in a hurry to inherit the “Awo mantle”, even while Awo was still alive.

    But the real “Kiriji War” started after Awo’s passage, when each combatant or even blocs of combatants tried to corral what Dr. Adebanwi called the “politics of heritage” or better still, politics of Awo’s memory, to seize political ascendancy.  And you would be amazed at the warring camps!

    The biological Awos appeared divinely settled on milking the political franchise of their great paterfamilias, no ideological questions asked.

    Then, there were close confidants of Awo, led by the pair of Pa Olaniwun Ajayi and Pa Ayo Adebanjo.  Alleged traducers-in-chief of the late Bola Ige, Ige himself verbalised the Ijebu Four, a put-down tag which added the late Pa Abraham Adesanya (later to become Afenifere leader) and Pa Solanke Onasanya, to the pair of Ajayi and Adebanjo.

    The quad was regarded as leading the Ijebu Mafia, against other blocs, in the contestation for Awo’s political throne.

    While both Ajayi and Adebanjo were reportedly jeered at, by Second Republic Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) governors as the Park Lane ensemble — non-political office holders always with Awo at his Park Lane, Apapa, Lagos residence — the pair has, after Awo’s death, transformed into fierce guarantors of the Awo franchise.

    Also in the fray, for Awo’s progressive mantle, were post-Awo era politicians, some products of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s “new breed” politics, led by Asiwaju Bola Tinubu.

    Though Tinubu earned his stripes in the war zones of re-validating MKO Abiola’s June 12 mandate; and has inspired a breed that has replicated, in concrete terms, Awo’s progressive heritage in the present South West, the old guard still regards them as ideological grand pretenders and rank outsiders in the Awo patrimony.

    Yet, in the relay of grim comedies in the book, about everyone took a hit.

    Awo himself fell for the subversive praise of IBB, in the letter (ghosted by Chief Olu Falae, then secretary to IBB’s government) that — not incorrectly — declared Awo the issue in Nigerian politics.

    That letter also fetched Falae a toe-hold on the progressive heritage, so much so that he got preferred over Ige in the D’Rovan Hotel, Ibadan, Alliance for Democracy caucus presidential candidate (s)elections of 1998.

    The Awo family fell for the subversive generosity of IBB in secretly accepting 120, 000 pounds sterling for burial expenses, even as the late Bisi Onabanjo, Second Republic governor of Ogun State, publicly but innocently boasted Awo would frown at such.

    And the whodunnit that followed Ige’s AD presidential ticket ouster, put the trio of Chief Olusegun Osoba, Dr. Femi Okurounmu and Prof. Bolaji Akinyemi on the spot!

    In accounting for Ige’s final vote, both Osoba and Okurounmu said they voted Ige at D’Rovans, but the author appeared to have his doubts.  Akinyemi said that final vote was his.  The author appeared to believe him.  But Ige himself didn’t, reportedly, till his death, accusing Akinyemi of treachery!

    And the partisan efe (wit) on the stumps!  Otunba Gbenga Daniel (OGD) became Ojiji Omo (sudden child) to partisans ridiculing his reported sudden claim to Sagamu as paternal home to gain the Ogun governorship.  But the crafty OGD renamed himself Ogidi Omo (precious child).

    Still, neither Ojiji nor Ogidi would appear to have mattered to the Awo dynasty.  OGD delivered on the Awo franchise.  While it lasted, he was in return vested with Awo’s reincarnation.

    Ige’s terrible hubris drove him to a tragic end.  But he escaped the “terrible mantle of Akintola” allegedly laid out for him by the Ijebu Four.

    Yoruba Elites, published by Cambridge University Press, is a classic on Awo and progressive politics in Yorubaland and Nigeria: the glory, the intrigue, the drama.  Though it is worth every inch of its N20, 000 launch price, it risks being read only by the financial “holies of holies”.

    But this pearl of a book should be mass produced for mass readership, if its illuminating shaft must not be buried under a bushel.

     

  • Chibok Haram and state’s seeing business

    Chibok Haram and state’s seeing business

    In his Presidential Media Chat on Sunday May 4, President Jonathan in response to a question about the allegation of missing $20 billion had replied that in Nigeria, we talk about billions in a manner that clearly shows our inability to appreciate what huge sum a billion is in monetary terms. He is absolutely right! But his next curious statement is: “if someone stole even five billion, the United States would have seen it and told us this is where the money is”.

    The following Friday, the President publicly denied the report that the abducted Chibok girls had been taken to Cameroon. His reason, according to Reuters is this: “if they move that number of girls to Cameroon, people will see …”

    But the same President had admitted in his media chat that the government did (and still does) not know the girls’ whereabouts. So, how can a president who does not know where the girls are possibly know they have not been moved across the border?

    The President’s logical answer to this is that people, and not the government, would have seen this large number of girls being moved. This is precisely the problem, and our tragedy as a nation. Why? The state is an idea that must have existential reality on people’s lives. And the government is tasked with giving substantive meaning to this idea.

    To be sure, the state is in the seeing business. It is in fact part of the fundamental duties of the state to be able to see far beyond the citizens’ imagination and appreciation of the dangers that threaten them, and to also nip these in the bud whenever and wherever possible. Put differently, the state’s raison d’être is to see to the citizens’ welfare, well-being and primarily their security. Hence, seeing is integral to the state’s functioning and constitutes an unavoidable task of government.

    But what we are being made to believe is that President Jonathan is presiding over a blind state; a state that cannot see. And the government is comfortable contracting its seeing business out to another country –the United States – and the ordinary people. If the United States had failed in its own seeing business, it would hardly have qualified for that contract; just as the people would have had no need for government if they had the capacity to see better than it can and should.

    The President had admitted in the same media chat that the capacity of the country’s security forces had gone into precipitous decline, and his government was just trying to rebuild it. This is affirmed by a senior military officer, according to Amnesty International, that “There’s a lot of frustration, exhaustion and fatigue among officers and (troops) based in the hotspots … many soldiers are afraid to go to the battle fronts”. Further evidence of this capacity decline is the Amnesty report that the military headquarters in Maiduguri was alerted of the abduction plot some four hours before the Chibok attack took place,

    But the question to ask is when this security decline was discovered; yesterday or since the inception of this administration? After all, this President has effectively been in charge of this country for about four years now. If there had been a determined action to fix this decline over a period of four years, this shameful tragedy could have been averted. How more grievous could it be for our country that a handful of demented insurgents could hold a whole country – and we are talking about the largest country in Africa with a population of 167 million – to ransom?

    The state perforce is an overseer that must see to its citizens’ need for welfare and a guarantor of their requirement for security. Consequently, in pursuit of these aims, a state must develop the keen and broad vision of an eagle, complemented by the sharpened and ready fangs of a tiger. It’s called state capacity. However, the question for us is whether a state that cannot see beyond its own nose can see to the protection of its citizens. The brazen abduction of the Chibok girls, and the ensuing helpless ineptitude, is an eloquently negative answer of this government to that question.

    The President was quick to cite the example of Pakistan to rationalise the sorry state of our security incapacity. That was in bad taste! He ought to have been told by his advisers that with Pakistan, nothing is as real as it seems. That country’s apparent problem with insurgency is largely its own making; it is less of absence of capacity than a deliberate political decision by its rulers. Of a truth, Pakistan (through its Inter-Services Intelligence, ISI) trains, arms, funds and directs the insurgents on its soil (the Akani Network, Lashkar-e-Taiba, the Taliban etc.) in its war with its arch enemy, India, and in its double game with the West. Hence, Pakistan’s insurgents know where to draw the line.

    Once in 2009 when the Pakistani Taliban decided to push that limit and advanced to within 60 miles of the capital, Islamabad, the military crushed the insurgency with unmitigated swiftness and ruthlessness. In its insurgency war games, the Pakistani state calls the shots.

    In any case, in governance and statecraft, the models to look up to are not those states that fail in their seeing business; but those that have the capacity and the will to demonstrate that no individual or group can toy with their security brief.

    Whereas it is the leadership’s task to raise the quality of governance to the best global standards; Jonathan’s presidency has been defined by a reduction of governance to catastrophic ineffectuality in the face of mounting menace to the country’s well-being and integrity.

    It’s time for this President to act on his admitted failure and confounding dereliction by seriously focusing on governance in order to save us from witnessing more ChibokHaram-like national disasters.

     

    • Jimoh is a Graduate student at University of Ibadan
  • Chibok and power sans responsibility

    Chibok and power sans responsibility

    The Chibok girls kidnap crisis (unplanned negative publicity) and the World Economic Forum (WEF) for Africa held in Abuja (planned for huge public relations mileage) have combined to show the vacuity in Nigeria’s public space.

    Until global outrage took the Chibok affair from their effete hands, the Jonathan power family would not be bothered about what the hullabaloo was all about.

    At the very genesis, when the girls had just been kidnapped, President Goodluck Jonathan was busy dancing Azonto in Kano.  For all he cared, his own repeat presidential quest was all that mattered, not some allegedly missing girls.

    At mid-plot, the president was at his clueless worst, telling a hurting country that he had no idea where the girls were, in his latest presidential (mis)chat.

    With the permanent grimace on his face, even with the paddy-paddy questions thrown at him, even the president seemed embarrassed by how simplistic he sounded and how watery his grasp of issues appeared.

    Indeed to parody James Joyce’s A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, it was, with all due respect to the man and his high office, a highly embarrassing portraiture of a president as simpleton!  No wonder: The Economist, high brow but highly chauvinistic Western voice, just declared: “Jonathan is hurting Nigeria.”  It hurts, but it is the bitter truth!

    True, at his best, President Jonathan’s forte is not analytical rigour.  But the Chibok crisis, vis-a-vis his obsession with a presidential encore, has brought to the fore his low emotional intelligence.  How can a personage lack both rigour and compassion, yet insist on retaining power — power for what?

    But apparently, all of these are a mere claptrap to the Jonathan power ensemble, even with its female wing.

    For starters, Kema Chikwe, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) national women leader, let it slip that she doubted the authenticity of the claim that the girls are missing.  Interpretation: it’s all politics to discredit Goodluck and his future power endeavour.

    First Lady, Patience Jonathan, pushed this claim to an abject nadir with her tragi-comic circus on television, making herself a butt of global jokes.  The lexical challenge of the First Lady is well rumoured.  Still, her lexical anarchy on that TV show confounded not a few, especially those who, like Ripples, had always thought Dame Jonathan’s reported lexical hiccups were satanic exaggerations.

    Even then, that was not the most damning.  It was rather Mrs Jonathan’s crass presumptuousness that having authority flows from being authoritarian.  On what law, in the Constitution or outside of it, is the office of the First Lady founded?

    And if that office is founded on the genteel convention of honouring a presidential or gubernatorial spouse, what part of that convention empowers the beneficiary to summon fellow citizens to summary TV trials?

    Or order arrests of fellow citizens because Her Royal Majesty, the First Lady disagrees with their constitution-guaranteed right to assembly and protest, as Mrs Jonathan was alleged to have done to two Chibok female protesters, on the excuse that neither was the biological mother of the missing girls?

    And Dame Jonathan’s stentorian tone on her TV show, something to the effect that the First Lady has summoned you to help you find your missing girls!  So, it’s their girls now?

    Whatever happens to the presidential duty of protecting every Nigerian, which has gifted her the privilege of First Lady?  Or is it a case of privilege without responsibility?  Indeed, Wole Soyinka’s laconic quip that you must first be a lady, before becoming first lady, is pregnant with meaning!

    If the presidential spouse believes the Chibok girls were a Borno, not her husband’s problem, what would she say of the global clamour for the girls’ release  — sympathisers howling louder than the bereaved?

    Of course, Dame Jonathan’s ill-fated show would appear designed to shield her husband from the charge of culpable lethargy, but put the Borno Governor Kashim Shettima on the spot, to make inviolate her husband’s presidential re-run.  Just as well, it blew in her face!

    President Jonathan, of course, has re-found his voice and is brimming again with Dutch courage, since more serious governments, and the global community, have mercifully decided to do his job for him.  But let the one with the child-like glee be informed that there are always serious fallouts  from surrendering your sovereignty because of sheer incompetence.

    Still, presidential incompetence did not start — and the way things are structured now, will not likely end — with Goodluck Jonathan.  For all his fierce projection of power, former President Olusegun Obasanjo is hardly made of more stellar quality than President Jonathan.

    Still, it is to Jonathan’s eternal discredit that Nigeria under his charge suffered the ignominy of surrendering its sovereignty to foreign powers because of creeping state failure.  What Nigerian students gained in the anti-Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact protests of 1962, Jonathan has gleefully surrendered in 2014!

    That is Nigeria’s good luck of giving power to Goodluck!  In no time, Uncle Sam would hoist his flag here, with the triumphant message: “Nigeria, latest bastion of global sodomy, under curious universal human rights guaranteed by America”!  It would be a hefty price to pay for freeing the missing girls of Chibok!

    Though no price should be too severe to pay for freeing those Chibok innocents, for they have no hand in the manoeuvre that has landed Nigeria in this sorry pass, whoever is in charge must take the can.

    Still, from the WEF for Africa, which Nigeria just hosted, has come impressive vignettes of Nigerian excellence.  Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, minister of Finance and coordinating minister for the Economy, showed impressive grasps of issues.  So, did Omobola Johnson, Jonathan’s minister of Communications Technology, and former Accenture country managing director for Nigeria.

    Even before, Akinwunmi Adesina, minister of Agriculture, the one of designer suits, designer eye glasses, designer rings, designer moustache and even designer elocution, has proved his mettle, even if not a few think his suave policy showmanship does not quite equate robust policy implementation.

    On the media front, Reuben Abati had proved himself a patrician when the issue is public intellect, with his commentaries in The Guardian corralling rave reviews; and millions of readers lapping them up as the de-rigueur in progressive thinking.

    You might not agree with each and every one of these Jonathan aides; but in their individual capacities, you somewhat felt they could hold their own against the very best in the world.

    So, how does such excellence cohere with the unbridled mediocrity that is the Jonathan presidency?

    The tragic paradox of Nigeria is that leaders lag behind their followers; yet are expected to offer direction.  When a laggard is captain, how can the team compete?

    But this structured mediocrity is no accident; and Jonathan, Chibok et al, will probably not be the last power guinea pig, served as the latest new deal.

    To avert Nigeria collapsing under its own violent contradictions, it is time to look beyond the power puppets and gun for the puppeteers.

  • Absentee  Commander-in-Chief

    Absentee Commander-in-Chief

    If you watched Labaran Maku’s encounter with the ace CNN journalist, Isha Sesay, last week, you will understand why the Information Minister, and even more, the Jonathan administration on whose behalf he purports to speak, deserve neither our empathy nor understanding on the handling of the insurgency. Not that anyone ever doubted the handling of the insurgency as anything but flawed. Certainly not with the serial misjudgements and endless dithering that has defined its approach to the crisis.

    But rarely does one find an official spokesman of a government so pathetic and flatfooted before a global audience as we saw of Labaran Maku on CNN last week.

    Asked to respond to the finding by Amnesty International that the federal government actually had prior warnings before the abduction of the Chibok 276, the minister described the charge as “incredible”. When confronted with the statements from eyewitnesses which suggest something to the contrary, he could only stutter and waffle; at some point, he would attempt to blame the “regional government” for the initial “misinformation”. And when prodded further, he could only mumble something to the effect that the crisis area was far-flung from the seat of the administration something that made it nigh impossible for it to get first-hand reports. In a fit of exasperation, he even dared to ask the CNN correspondent whether the administration was on trial!

    For all its unfortunate twists and turns, there is at least some good that this latest tragedy has taught us all.

    First is that the administration is incapable of guaranteeing the safety and security of lives and property of citizens. From the midnight hacking to death of 59 hapless pupils of Federal Government College Buni Yadi in Yobe State on February 25, the spectacular attack in the Abuja suburb of Nyanya on Monday, April 14, followed by the daring come-back barely two weeks after on May 1, all of which left their trails of broken dreams and shattered lives; and now the abduction of 276 girls from the dormitories on April 14 in spite of a blanket of emergency rule; it seems only a matter of time before the entire nation unravels under the watch of its absentee commander-in-chief. The administration would appear to have resolved that the problem was best kicked down the road having long persuaded itself that the insurgency has come to stay.

    Second, aside the episodic mouthing of the we-are-top-of-the-situation refrain, the administration does not even pretend to any understanding of the complexity, let alone the enormity of the problems on the basis of which it could proceed to solve them. Nigerians are simply asked to accept the fact of the existence of safe havens for the Boko Haram– in the vast and un-governed mass on the Nigerian territory – inaccessible to the security forces – as the reality we must live with perhaps till kingdom come.

    Now, this is an insurgency that is known to have gulped something in excess of three trillion naira from the exchequer in the last three years.

    That is why I believe the global spotlight has done a lot of good. First, no longer is the traditional indifference to the farcical motions described as governance in Abuja. A commander-in-chief who opted to play the victim while his homestead was literally on fire obviously deserves more scorn than the outraged world can ever pour. Nigeria may not have qualified for the pariah status as yet, or its current leaders among the unwanted guests in global capitals, they are unlikely to remain on the A-list of leaders that really matter after this episode. Imagine US Senator John McCain telling his countrymen and women:  “we shouldn’t have waited for a practically non existing government to give us the go ahead before mounting a humanitarian effort to rescue those girls”.

    That is what President Jonathan’s absentee government has cost us; loss of respect and pride as a nation. Next time around, expect the US Marines to come with their raiding party and stunts before the fiddling somnambulist manages to make up his mind.

    We are a long way from when the official tale was that the insurgency was a scheme to hobble the Jonathan administration; and while there is no shortage of the cynical exploitation of the tragedy by different actors in the political spectrum, the truth is that the terror machine actually festered because one man the country elected to get the job done couldn’t figure things out.

    Now, the story is out: a government so quick to accuse local authorities of not cooperating in volunteering vital intelligence to security agencies could not maintain a vestige of security anywhere near the vast theatre of insurgency. Before, it was the governors of the three states under the state of emergency shouting themselves hoarse over the near absence of ground troops; today, it is the villagers making their voices heard over the international networks that the government, sworn to protect them, has never been there for them. Between the absentee field commanders and the revellers of Abuja on one hand, and the hapless villagers on the other, the world now knows whose tale to believe.

    Today, Sambisa Forest, the 60,000 square kilometres swathe south of Maiduguri is supposed to be no man’s land, well beyond the reach of the security forces. Not even the 200 aerial sorties mounted by the Nigerian Air Force, according to Doyin Okupe, the President’s spokesman could find the trace of Boko Haram in the thick Sahelian jungle! The villagers couldn’t find any aircraft hovering over them not to talk of the show of air power that a sortie is supposed to be.  And not even the two battalions said to have been put together by the Nigerian Army appears to be in hurry to get the job done.

    No doubt, everything about this war, stinks. We are not even talking about the money poured into the insurgency and the fledging industry that it has spawned; we are talking about government’s pathetic indifference to the sufferings of its own people – the human dimensions to the terrible tragedy.

    The current global attention has hopefully changed that.

    By the way, my sympathy goes to the amorphous group – the Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria. The Abuja machine may have transformed their pockets; from the look of things, their man may have become a damaged good. As for the prospects of their man carrying the PDP flag in 2015, I wager to say that it is no longer done deal. That should be pricey enough for the absentee C-I-C.

     

     

  • JEG:  No second term

    JEG: No second term

    It is just as well that President Goodluck Jonathan has not formally announced that he will be seeking re-election next year.

    He should not. In fact, he should go one step further and declare, today, in the manner of former U.S. President William Sherman, that he will not be a candidate for the 2015 presidential election; that if nominated, he will decline, and that if elected, he will refuse to serve.

    More than any other incident in his accidental presidency, his shambolic handling of the abduction of more than 200 girls from the Government Secondary School, Chibok, in Borno State by elements of the nihilistic terrorist organisation Boko Haram, has called into serious question  his fitness for the job

    It is not that he had shown the mental alertness and sure-footedness his office demands in handling many crises that have rocked his administration. But the Chibok abduction and his manner of dealing with it has exposed his inadequacies as never before, and not just to his compatriots who always had their doubts.  Now, the whole world has a good idea of the leader of Africa’s most populous country and largest economy, home to the largest aggregation of black humanity.

    Several days after the abduction, a spokesperson for the Nigerian Army, of which Dr Jonathan is commander-in-chief, announced to the relief of a traumatised nation that the girls had been freed. Only when challenged a few days later did the spokesperson take back the claim. The army, he said without remorse and without shame, has been “misled.”

    The spokesperson is still at his post.  So, for that matter, is Abba Moro, the cabinet minister responsible for a recruitment test in which 16 job-seekers were trampled to death and scores suffered significant injury. So also is Diezani Allison-Madueke, who presides over the scandal-infested Ministry of Petroleum Resources. But that is another matter.

    From the time the military said it had been misled, it has been one miscue after egregious miscue for the Jonathan administration.

    For three weeks, Dr Jonathan could not rouse himself to make a national broadcast or even hold a news conference.  He did not meet with the distraught parents of the abducted girls to offer solace.

    Instead, administration officials went into clumsy denial. They questioned whether the girls were actually abducted.  They sought to pin responsibility on the school’s authorities and the governor of Borno State.

    When the President finally bestirred himself to address the public on the issue, it was through a staged Presidential Chat, with four handpicked journalists doing the questioning. The outing was a fresh disappointment.

    Dr Jonathan said nothing that the public did not already know; no insights, only bland assurances that the government was doing “everything” to secure the release of the girls. The assurances rang hollow, especially when he admitted that the government had no idea where the girls were being held, nor indeed how many of them were in Boko Haram’s infernal custody.

    So did subsequent claims that the government was “on top of the situation.”  How can you be on top of the situation when you are, by your own admission, utterly clueless as to what is going on?

    It was Dr Jonathan’s opportunity to speak directly to the parents and relations of the girls, to empathise with them, to play comforter-in-chief.

    He blew it big-time, before the attentive global audience.  He kept appealing to the parents to “co-operate” with the government in its effort to secure the release of their children. It was as if the parents somehow stood in the way of the effort.

    Jide Ajani’s excellent reporting on the recent Presidential Chat and the atmosphere in which it was held (Vanguard, May 11) could not have reassured anyone looking for evidence that Dr Jonathan is indeed up to the task.  It shows a president overwhelmed by the office, disengaged, and tentative, not exactly basking in the fawning adulation and saccharine glorification of his retinue of court jesters, but not averse to it either.

    It is an alarming portraiture.  It provides some understanding of the abject incoherence of  the Jonathan administration’s response to the atrocity that reverberated around the world.

    And it confirms what a senior adviser to Dr Jonathan told me shortly after Dr Jonathan took office as acting president.  Was Dr Jonathan up to the task, I had asked the adviser, a discreet man not given to rash judgment or hyperbole.

    “Without hesitation, No,” he had responded.

    Dr Jonathan, he told me, would come to meetings without having mastered his briefing papers, and would sometimes doze off.

    One of the worst-kept secrets in Abuja is that Dr Jonathan’s quarters in the Villa is a den, where he and a coterie of revelers carouse far into the night. This kind of routine leaves little time for serious reflection on issues of state, and for cultivating the mind and the intellect, and may well account for the detachment, the lethargy, that is the hallmark of his style.

    Nor has his meddlesome wife, Dame Patience Faka, helped matters.  She staged a “public inquisition,” as a retired ambassador who brought the video of the event to my attention called it, during which she harassed and bullied officials and others in her inimitable way to blame everyone except her husband’s administration.

    No matter how this crisis is resolved, Dr Jonathan is unlikely to emerge as a president who can be trusted to lead Nigeria through the challenges that lie ahead. To be fair, he never sought the position; he knew his limitations. It is not entirely his fault that he has proved unequal to the task.

    But it would be selfish and unpatriotic of him to seek to continue to preside over the destiny of Nigeria when his term ends next year.  If the ruling PDP loves and cares about Nigeria, it should urge Dr Jonathan not to seek another term.  If he refuses, it should reject him decisively.

    Nigeria deserves better.

  • Now that the world  is watching

    Now that the world is watching

    Watching Aisha Sesay the other day interviewing President Goodluck Jonathan’s propagandist, Dr Doyin Okupe and Information Minister Labaran Maku on CNN over Federal government’s lackluster response to the Chibok school girls abducted by Boko Haram left one wondering whether these agents of the government know that the world is a global village and no country is an island.

    Spewing blatant lies and falsehood, Maku and Okupe tried unsuccessfully to hoodwink the CNN correspondent into believing that Jonathan and indeed the Nigerian government was on top of the situation and would soon bring the perpetrators of the dastardly acts to book, as they often tell us here after every terror strike by Boko Haram.

    Pointedly they were asked why it took our president three weeks to appear on camera to talk about the abducted school girls. And like a thief caught in the act, they were incoherent, particularly Maku, in their defence of the Commander-In-Chief. Sesay asked such probing questions that the authorities here would have berated the reporter over if the questions were being asked by a Nigerian journalist.

    The CNN woman was a reporters’ delight, forget about whatever prejudice the American network or any other western media might harbor against Nigeria, our government gave them the opportunity to lampoon us, and that they did, justifiably so, to their satisfaction.

    I wonder what the hired defenders of the Jonathan administration here at home would say now. The truth has no duplicate; the federal government messed up as always in situations like this, on this Chibok school girls abduction and every attempt to put up a defence or explain why it did not act on time would only infuriate Nigerians the more. May be the president should apologise to the rest of us, I mean the parents of the girls and other Nigerians, draw a line under the matter and we move ahead with the search and rescue operation.

    Prior to the global outrage that followed the abduction and the less than impressive handling of the matter by the Federal Government, intelligence sources had indicated that Nigeria was not willing to accept offer of foreign assistance, especially military assistance in order to protect the nation’s sovereignty. Which sovereignty you might want to ask? Is it the sovereignty that is being gradually taken away by Boko Haram under the president’s watch? The sovereignty that our government appears so incapable of defending?

    Well, thank God that doesn’t seem to be the position any longer following President Jonathan’s acceptance of military/intelligence assistance from the United States and a host of other friendly countries. And I think our president has done well here.

    And now that the world has offered to assist and we have accepted, no effort should be spared to bring the girls home. Thanks to Madam Oby Ezekweseli, the #BRING BACK OUR GIRLS, campaign has gained such support around the globe and prompted the avalanche offer of assistance that even Boko Haram has been forced into a rethink. Now the terrorists are showing a softening of position, offering some sort of unilateral ceasefire albeit with conditions.

    And just yesterday they released a group photograph of the girls against the backdrop of series of reports that they might have been sold into sex slavery somewhere in the Central African Republic. The photograph, with a couple of armed hooded terrorists on guard, I believe was Boko Haram’s way of saying the girls are ‘safe’  but don’t attempt to come and rescue them militarily; let’s talk if you want them back. Uhmmmmm, what a dicey situation. Meanwhile there are reports that our soldiers are combing the Sambisa Forest where the girls are presumably being kept. So what do we do?

    In rescuing the girls efforts should be made, by our military to utilize whatever superior technology, weapons and intelligence our friends are offering. Casualties, especially on the part of the girls should be minimized as much as possible if they cannot be avoided totally. There is no point in going it alone if we cannot do it safely. The example of the botched rescue of kidnapped foreigners in Sokoto sometime ago is still fresh in our memory.

    In whatever operation to rescue the girls, the Nigerian military would be on trial and the focus of attention by all the militaries of the world. If we do it well, then we would be making a statement that we are up to it in terms of protecting our people and rescuing them wherever and whenever they are in danger. But can we really do it?

    With the attention of the world firmly on Nigeria and Boko Haram, the international community should use this opportunity to help rid our country and by extension the West African sub region of terrorism; and France in particular has a big role to play here. The bulk of the ECOWAS is dominated by French speaking countries and the lack of cooperation between these countries and the few Anglophone West African nations is very glaring, especially in terms of security.

    Though not a West African country, Cameroon for instance borders Nigeria to the east and south east and is known to be a haven for Boko Haram. The reluctance of the authorities in Yaounde to help Nigeria fight this terror is well known in spite of appeals from Abuja. It does appear that nobody except France can push or cajole Cameroon into taking action against Boko Haram, even if only in its territory. France could lead a joint military operation involving Nigeria and Cameroon to get these terrorists out of our sub region. Recall that with France leading and an African military contingent comprising mainly of Nigerian troops, went into Mali not too long ago to rid that country of elements linked with al Qaeda. Same can be done here and Boko Haram would become history.

    Our people have suffered enough in the hands of these sons of the devil and if the international community truly wishes Nigeria well and desirous of the good health and wellbeing of West Africa, then they would crush Boko Haram and all such terrorist groups threatening the peace of our continent. Don’t forget the al Shabab in Somalia threatening to throw the whole of the east African region into disarray.

    It is not enough to help us BRING OUR GIRLS HOME, but the international community must help us make our region safe and create a conducive atmosphere for economic prosperity. By doing this they would also be helping themselves by not only destroying the sources of supply of terrorists in their countries, but also stemming the tide of economic migrants from Africa to Europe. As the Yoruba would say, Irorun igi, ni irorun eye; the comfort of the tree, is the comfort of the bird.

  • Between Mimiko and Akure youths

    Between Mimiko and Akure youths

    Thursday April 17, would for sometime remain unforgettable by the sons, daughters and residents of Akure. It was another day their ‘beloved’ governor, (sorry, sole administrator) Olusegun Mimiko successfully undermined the interest of the people. This expectedly, was not the first time the Ondo State governor would do that but he has always played smart and the people have always allowed the sleeping dog to lie. But that Thursday, the youths resisted, protested on the streets and briefly exposed the antics of the governor.

    The state governor had suddenly cancelled a carnival which would have brought so many people, the young and old of the town together to enjoy themselves, garner resources for the development of the town. The youths became so worried because preparations had been concluded and the musician to thrill on the occasion was already in Akure. Beside this, Ondo youths (from where the governor hailed from) had their own carnival, a week to that time without the governor stopping it. Yet, Akure youths that had earlier sought and got permission of the state government were teargassed and harassed by the state government.

    Governor Mimiko’s activities and style of administration since he took over in Ondo State February 2009 are beginning to be clearer to the people particularly the people of Akure, the state capital. Shortly, after he took over, he cancelled all the people-oriented projects already embarked upon by the late Dr Olusegun Agagu’s administration in Akure. Some of the projects included the Alagbaka GRA intra estate roads, Odo-ikoyi street road, Ajipowo-Abe cocoa road, Akure-Igbatoro-Ala electricity resuscitation and so on. This is not to mention the way he always humiliates any Akure indigene aspiring to the position of governor or senator. A good example is Honourable Ifedayo Abegunde, whose political machinery he crushed with state apparatus. All the SUBUB primary schoold under Agagu administrator from Akure to Ikare Akoko and from Ore to Igbokoda were abandoned since then. The most painful aspect of it is that primary schools that have been roofed or those at roofing stage were never attended to by his government till date. Notable examples are Etioro Primary School Akoko and Anglican Church Primary School, Akungba Akoko. Even two faculty complexes (science and education) embarked upon by Agagu’s administration at the state university, Akungba Akoko were promptly thrown overboard. His younger brother, Professor Femi Mimiko who has been shouting 21st century university, has not thought it fit to reactivate the complexes not to talk of constructing hostels and staff quarters on the campus for students. One therefore wonders in whose interest the governor is serving?

    Akure people have a political culture and belief. The culture is the number of physical and beneficial projects you can do in the town to aid her development. So far, the governor has only constructed a three- kilometre Arakale road in Akure which took him three years. His claim to street light along Oba-Adesina road is not new. There have always been street light on the road since the time of Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin. What Mimiko can rightly lay claim to all over the state is market. There is modern market everywhere and the markets are always constructed in conspicuous places where visitors entering any town could see them. Akure is currently suffering from intra city roads. Granted that water is now a luxury, Mimiko also cancelled the second phase of the multi-billion naira Owena dam project which Agagu had paid counter part fund for. If that project had been completed, there would have been pipe borne water for the six local government namely Akure South, Akure North, Ondo East, Ondo West, Idanre and Ifedore.

    The second term of Governor Mimiko was spearheaded by Akure people particularly, Chief Sanya Oyinsan. Where is the man today? After the controversial election, Oyinsan and his group were never remembered for any good thing by sole administrator Mimiko. All the appointments promised Akure indigenes before the election never came to passs. Everything is not for Ondo people. Even the only major street laid with asphalt in Akure after hhis second term election is named after his younger brother, Femi Mimiko.

    Every where in Akure and other parts of the state, residents are groaning over bad intracity roads. The road projects cancelled at the wake of his assumption of office in 2009 have not been revisisted. Alagbaka GRA which is a stone throw to the Government House in now in a terrible shape. Drive to any street, you will his and ask if there is government in the state. To show his disgust for other sections of the state, the tree nominees of Ondo State to the National Conference are all from his (the governor) area. The governor nominated his vice-chancellor younger brother, two serving commissioners, one a woman who is married to an Ondo indidgene and another one from Irele. The same thing he did when he was to nominate people to the federal government for appointment as minister and special adviser to the president. The two nominees are from his home town, Ondo and Ile Oluji, a suburb of Ondo township. What stops an Akure indigene from being a minister when the governor is from Ondo and his deputy of from Akoko? Whereas, there are three senatorial districts in the state. There  was no slot for Akoko and the already forgotten people of the copastal area. The governor’s siblings are in charge of contract, government parastatals  and agencies. The governor has neglected it to put tangible infrastructure on the ground. Only God knows millions of naira he took to Ilaje-Ese Odo during the last inconclusive House of Representatives election.

    Local government administration is no longer in existence in Ondo State. We don’t know how much goes to the local government council areas. How on earth isit that a so-called democratic government hates to entrench democracy at the local government? There has not been election at the local government council areas look famished, unkempt and helpless. In January when I visited three local government in Oke Ogun area of Oyo State, I wept for Ondo State. Every street in the headquarters laid with asphalt. That is one of the reasons why I will forever support autonomy of the local government. This is not obtainable in Ondo state and development os far away from all the 18 local government. I just hope one day the president, Dr Jonathan will, just as he did in Kano State recently, announce how much money has accrued to local government in Ondo State since 2009. We understand that our state ‘sole administrator’ has been taking sides with the president so as to cover his tracks. As a matter of fact, Ondo State is not in darkness, the state is suffering. It is high time we began to tell the governor that enough of market, enough of tricks, enough of egoism.

    • Williams sent in this piece from Akure.
  • Shutting down Abuja and Mrs Jonathan’s reckless statement

    Shutting down Abuja and Mrs Jonathan’s reckless statement

    The federal government from all indications is bent on trumpeting Nigeria’s so called economic growth even when the reality on ground does not support the phantom optimism.

    You recall the economic miracle performed by that female magician, the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. She called it rebasing and pronto, Nigeria’s economy jumped the queue and moved to the top position in Africa, even ahead of South Africa, not minding the fact that the two major indices used in arriving at this rebased economy-telecoms and the entertainment industries are driven by South Africa’s economy. Number one indeed.

    So much has been written for and against Okonjo-Iweala’s rebased economy that it is better to leave it than risk constant headache in an attempt rationalize Madam Magician’s logic. But even at this the Federal Government would still like us and indeed the rest of the world to believe that things are looking up for our economy and the other facets of our lives. While it is not totally gloomy for Nigeria, the picture being painted by the Jonathan administration is not only deceptive but misleading.

    To tell the world that all is well and to reassuring dispirited Nigerians that it is on top of the challenges facing our nation, the Federal Government is going ahead with the hosting of the World Economic Forum (for Africa) or what has been dubbed Africa’s Davos in Abuja, whereas common sense would have dictated otherwise considering the current state of the nation.

    And to show its desperation to host this forum, the President has ordered all public offices and schools in Abuja to shut down during the period ostensibly to enhance its capacity to provide adequate security for participants at the forum. The decision which will not go unnoticed by the international community has instead of reassuring the world that Nigeria is safe as the government would want everyone to believe exposed the government’s impotence in the fight against the Boko Haram insurgency.

    Sending the kids home on forced holiday and keeping civil servants away from their offices just to show the world that we can host international events even in the face of serious security challenges would no doubt gladden the hearts of Boko Haram insurgents and their leaders particularly Shekau. It should not be a surprise if in his next video clip he points at the shutting down of Abuja by the government as one of the achievements of his group so far signaling its capacity to drive terror and fear into the administration even without exploding any bomb.

    I think the closure of schools and offices is just playing into the hands of the terrorists and the government might inadvertently have handed Boko Haram a propaganda tool in its recruitment drive. I agree that the government is between the devil and the deep blue sea in this matter as calling off the forum could hand a bigger propaganda tool to Boko Haram while keeping everything as normal while the forum is holding could also be too much to ask of our security agencies and unnecessarily expose the summiteers and the general public to danger in the event that Boko Haram decides to strike.

    So what could we have done or can we do?

    In asking to host the forum, the federal government surely knew that Boko Haram would still be a factor in our security challenge by the time the summit begins in Abuja and as such should have factored the renewed insurgency against the federal capital into its plans. Prior to now, especially in the run up to the Nyanya attacks, Boko Haram had warned of the imminence of terror attacks in and around the Federal Capital Territory. What measure(s) did the government take to prevent the Nyanya attacks? And if we couldn’t stop them from striking at Nyanya, in spite of the long notice, what guarantee do we have that the visitors coming for the forum can be adequately protected?

    If the government intention in asking to host the forum as I suspect is to show the world that Nigeria is working, shutting down Abuja to ward off Boko Haram is not the best way to do it. I can’t see the US government shutting down New York every time the UN General Assembly meets. And the Assembly, drawing all world leaders does meet once a year. All we could have done is to step up security seen and unseen around Abuja while allowing live to continue as normal. We could ask for assistance from those who have experience in this type of thing-fighting terror and living normal life- instead of this resort to panic.

    The argument in some circles is that asking for foreign assistance to fight this terror could be tantamount to surrendering our sovereignty. I disagree. If such assistance is sought in good faith and also given in good faith, the question of losing sovereignty would not arise.

    We can’t have everything? Even the most developed countries in the world seek help in certain areas where they are deficient. What we could and should do is to seek strategic alliance in terms of security with countries that can help us overcome our security challenges and make our country safe. This is a long term thing. As an ad hoc measure, nothing stops us from seeking direct assistance from friendly countries during the Abuja forum even if it means having foreign boots on ground just to protect our visitors and our people throughout that period. There is no shame in this. After this we can no plan properly for the future how to fight Boko Haram and the likes.

    And talking about fighting Boko Haram, one is at a loss over the meddlesome role being played by our First Lady Mrs Patience Jonathan over the abduction of the school girls in Chibok, Borno State by the terrorists. Calling the government of Borno State names is not the best way Madam Jonathan could help resolve this crisis. Not even her threat to march on Chibok and face Boko Haram bullets if need be would bring back our girls. Fiery speeches would not do it either.

    I think the First Lady should leave the matter in the hands of her husband and the security forces instead of her inflammatory comments. If she has any idea on how to resolve the problem, she could pass it on to her husband in their bedroom instead of playing to the gallery under the guise of showing concern for the girls and their parents. We are all pained by the development, but we need sober heads to overcome this challenge and bring our girls home. If Madam Jonathan has nothing positive to contribute to the effort to rescue the girls, let her keep quiet.

  • Understanding the fake auto parts market

    Understanding the fake auto parts market

    I have observed, with total admiration, the great work being done by Kunle Shonaike  through his regular articles in Nigerian newspapers on automobile care and maintenance. He has opened my

    eyes to the  need for relevant enlightenment in a sector of the Nigerian economy which has cost us more lives than HIV/AIDS and Malaria put together, in the number of our compatriots who have needlessly lost their lives through vehicular accidents.  I  was particularly impressed when he wrote: ‘we are resolved to change this perverted tradition and we will start by running an enlightenment

    campaign  to change bad habits that have long been formed across the auto market’s major segments’.

    I recall once seeing, somewhere in a sprawling Lagos market, some  people ‘reboring’ used tyres which they then put on the market as new ones to the unsuspecting public. Naturally, these tyres burst on the roads within weeks of their purchase causing fatalities that should not have arisen at all. Indeed, completely dead spark plugs are being imported into the country and subsequently washed with chemicals  and put out for sale as new with the impotent, if not complicit, Standard Organisation of Nigeria (SON),  looking helpless. That way, wives have lost husbands and vice versa, just as children their parents. It is fascinating to see that the Lagos State government has started a

    process of training and registering drivers but it is hoped that their training curriculum will be

    all-embracing.

    Fake auto parts must, however, account for a much higher number of vehicular accidents on our roads than second hand and rebored tyres. It is a huge market that has both local and international connections. Of course, the fakery industry, in general, is a multi-billion dollar business and it

    is doubtful if any country is free from its debilitating consequences.

    It is well known that, as in drugs, where the Amazon, Professor Dora Akunyili, as Director-General of the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) fought a yeoman’s battle, spare parts fakery is equally huge and those involved in it would not bat an eyelid taking the lives of whoever may wish to put an end to their nefarious business. Fake auto parts supply is a

    global problem that has very serious negative impacts on both the automotive industry as well as on the end user. Indeed fitting fake parts, especially safety related parts, easily impacts on the safety of the user and , may be, his or her family as well.

    Facts and figures about this problem in Nigeria, like most other statistics in our country, are scarce. Fortunately, however, we can look at its effects in other countries , and from there, extrapolate what it is in  our all- comers, ill-regulated economy. In India, for instance, the Times of India reported not too long ago, that up to 20% of all road accidents can be attributed to fake parts. According to the US Federal Trade Commission estimates, global counterfeiting of automotive products is estimated at about $12 billion annually. The manufacturers, distributors as well as sellers of fake products want the end user to believe that they are buying quality products which they obviously are not. According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), majority of counterfeit parts are made in China. Of course distribution channels are very diversified as unscrupulous dealers also import them to places like the United Arab Emirates ( UAE), where they are re-boxed under well known brand names, and then re-exported across the globe, Nigeria inclusive. Good news is, parts manufacturers ,vehicle assembly companies and government bodies, world-wide, are working together assiduously to find solutions to this humongous problem. Indeed, many countries are, on their own, already devising strategies to confront the problem.

    In the course of researching this problem, I spoke with Daniel Jolly, a Scot, Executive Director of a UK – based group of companies specializing in the global supply of automotive parts and related consultancy services. According to him, “Fake products are seriously polluting the automotive parts supply chain world-wide, but an added problem for the consumer”, he said, “is trying to understand what  a fake part is, and conversely, what is not”.

    So, what is the definition of a fake part? Fake parts , in his words, are “copy” parts manufactured mainly in countries with cheap labour which are then boxed either under the vehicle assembler’s brand logo or the parts manufacturer’s brand logo.

    The consultant said it is also very critical that people understand the different parts supply alternatives available to the consumer in the marketplace. According to him , vehicle assemblers such as Toyota, Ford etc do not manufacture their own spare parts. Rather, they buy their parts from global parts manufacturers such as Bosch, Mahle, Nisshinbo/TMD Friction and then have them boxed in their own vehicle assemblers’ brand logo e.g Toyota Genuine Parts.

    The different types of parts available in the global automotive parts supply chain, according to Jolly, can be described as follows. First, you have Original Equipment(OE) parts. These are used by the vehicle assemblers in assembling a new motor vehicle (automobile, light truck, or truck) and are also

    used by the vehicle assemblers in its service network. These are referred to as Original Equipment (OE) parts, manufactured and supplied from the Parts’ Manufacturers and boxed under the Vehicle Assembler’s brand logo( the so-called “genuine parts”).

    Secondly, you have OES parts that are supplied into the general marketplace. These are referred to as Original Equipment Service (OES) parts, supplied from the parts manufacturers and boxed under the parts manufacturer brand logo.

    Third, are the Replacement Aftermarket parts. Replacement parts are automotive parts manufactured as a low cost alternative to the OE and OES parts. These parts manufacturers are not sanctioned by the vehicle assemblers but manufacture and box their parts under their own brand name/logo.

    Lastly, you have accessories which are parts made for comfort, convenience, performance, safety, or customization, and are designed for add-on after the original assembly of the motor vehicle.

    According to Jolly, there is a huge global challenge to combat the problem of fake parts but there is also a need for education on the subject. His words: “the recurring point is that people wrongly label OES parts as fakes because their understanding of a fake part is anything that does not come with the vehicle assembler logo on the box. This is far from the truth”

    Accoording to Jolly, in the more mature automotive markets such as that of Europe and North America, there is a vibrant aftermarket industry which readily compliments the existing Vehicle Assembler network. This has helped reduce ownership costs to the consumer whilst maintaining high levels of service and quality, thus ensuring safe trips.

    His advice to any country/government that is determined to confront this problem is to develop a vibrant and regulated aftermarket industry, and ensure that they engage technically qualified people/organisations to suggest or recommend appropriate course of action in this very important sector of any country’s economy.

    I cannot agree more since this will protect our citizenry from the horrible consequences of the booming fake spare parts’ market in Nigeria.

  • Economic summitry:  Getting back to basics

    Economic summitry: Getting back to basics

    If conferences ever developed a continent or helped solve its most pressing problems, Africa would be one of the most developed continents and its problems would long have been solved.

    At bilateral, multi-lateral, regional and continental levels, one conference or another is being  staged at any given moment, with some of the most knowledgeable experts and policy-makers participating.

    They are staging yet another conference, the  World Economic Forum on Africa, in Abuja this week, from Wednesday through Friday, with the bombed-out remains of Nyanya  still smouldering and a full accounting of the casualties yet to be rendered.  They are staging  while the authorities are yet to summon the will and the resolve to locate, to say nothing of rescuing, more than 100 female students abducted from the Government Secondary School, Chibok, in Borno State.

    They have not disclosed the cost of the conference, but it won’t be cheap. They are shutting down Abuja for three days, not on account of what the elusive Boko Haram might do, they say, but to ensure that the visiting political officials and, most especially, all those irritable and disobliging investors, would not be incommoded in the least by the gridlock that often paralyses vehicular traffic in the city.

    There is no need to worry about the loss to productivity during the shutdown.  The new rebased economy that will be a major talking point in President Goodluck Jonathan’s opening address and a theme that Finance Minister and Coordinating Minister for the Economy Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala will insinuate into every aspect of the proceedings can easily absorb it.

    A communiqué bristling with diplomatic gobbledygook will be issued at the end of the conference. Grand intentions will be proclaimed and affirmed, and ringing resolutions will be passed. Another Plan of Action will be formulated to replace previous plans of action.

    But the problems will remain, and in some cases grow more intractable. Rarely are the agreements reached at these conferences followed up and followed through.  Several years later, the same officials and experts convene at another venue to make the same proclamations and pass the same resolutions.

    I was reminded of this unproductive summitry the other day when I stumbled upon the notes  I had taken at the Conference on Africa on the Eve of the 21st Century held in Maputo, Mozambique, from September 9-11, which had in attendance some 65 senior political figures, policy-makers and academics from 31 African countries.

    The deliberations were prefaced by a background paper detailing where Africa stood in the scheme of things on the eve of a new millennium. The profile was sobering, grim even.

    One-half of the continent’s estimated population of 720 million subsisted on less than one U.S. dollar a day. Africa’s children were the most likely, in comparison with children in other parts of the world, to die before age 5, and its adults least likely to live beyond age 50.

    On the average, Africans were more malnourished, less educated and more likely to succumb to fatal diseases.  Of the 24 countries at the bottom of the United Nations Development Programmes Human Development Index – the so-called Misery Index – 22 were to be found in Africa.

    Africa had the highest population growth rate in the world; at an annual rate of 2.61 per cent, it was set to reach 1.05 billion by 2010 and double 25 years later.  But in most African countries, economic growth lagged behind population growth. More than 50 per cent of African youths under age 30 were unemployed.  Where physical infrastructure existed, it                was in disrepair.

    In the face of the growing population, agricultural production was declining as a result of wars and conflict which made farming hazardous, if not impossible, and also as a result of environmental degradation.

    Africa accounted for 12 per cent of the world’s population but only 2.4 per cent of global GNP, and more than one-half of this figure was contributed by South Africa and Nigeria. Africa continued to be almost entirely an exporter of raw materials.  It also accounted for only two per cent of global telephone density.

    In the health sector, the picture was just as grim. Malaria continued to send some 2.7 million Africans to premature deaths every year. Some 14 million Africans, constituting more than 50 per cent of the total number of HIV- positive persons, most of them children, were to be found in Africa. One in 13 women in Africa died during pregnancy or childbirth, compared to one in 3,200 in Europe and one in 35 in Asia.  More than 60 per cent of drugs sold across the counter in Africa were fake and quite possibly harmful.

    Despite all the talk about economic cooperation and regional integration, intra-African trade accounted for only 7.5 per cent of the continent’s total. Capital accumulation and saving rates stood at less than one half of Asia’s 30 per cent and fell considerably short of the level required to attain and sustain a rate of growth that would have any significant impact on the economy.

    And all his was happening as the flow of private capital into emerging markets had almost entire bypassed Africa.

    The commitment to regional integration was weak. With the exception of Senegal, no African country could boast of having a ministry of regional integration or a designated agency with sufficient authority to deal with the subject.

    African heads of government – and their wives — were well integrated, but not the people, not the infrastructure, not the economic operators and not the markets.

    Very little seems to have changed in the 14 years that have passed since the Maputo Conference. Inter-regional trade has ticked up, accounting for between 10 and 13 per cent of Africa’s trade. This figure probably does not take into account trade in the informal sector which, judging from the commercial traffic from Nigeria to ECOWAS countries as well as Cameroun and going so far south as Zaire, is considerable. Still, it is puny compared with comparable figures in Europe, Asia and Latin America.

    Africa’s telephone density has grown dramatically since the introduction of GSM phones. The continent’s emerging markets are being touted as hot destinations for foreign capital, but that is more hype than actuality.

    During his first term, President Olusegun Obasanjo appointed to his cabinet a minister for regional integration. I can claim some responsibility for that appointment. Drawing on the Maputo Conference, I had sent him a memo urging him to give practical effect to his well-known commitment to regional integration by making it the subject of a cabinet-level appointment.  To rule myself out of contention, I recommended that the appointee should be bilingual in English and French.

    Unfortunately, the position – and the appointee — did not survive Obasanjo’s first term.

    One of the key resolutions of the Maputo Conference bears re-stating. The time had come,  it said, to try a new approach to tackling the problems of the continent.  That approach would emphasise the integration of production and infrastructure and include business and economic operators as well as social formations, not just heads of state and their wives and top officials.

    A good starting point, the Conference said, would be to streamline and rationalise some 40 existing intergovernmental organisations performing tasks related to integration.

    More than two decades after the Beninois statesman and former Minister of Information, Professor Albert Tévoédjrè proposed un jour sans frontières(a day without borders) as a first step toward giving concrete expression to the movement of goods and persons in the ECOWAS region, it has remained that: a proposal.

    The World Economic Forum on Africa will most likely take a global perspective on the African condition.  But it will do well to consider the internal dimensions as well and urge a return to basics.