Category: Tuesday

  • State Assemblies condemn impeachment of Kogi Speaker

    The Conference of State Legislatures of Nigeria (CSLN) yesterday condemned the impeachment of Alhaji Abdullahi Bello, the Speaker of Kogi State House of Assembly.

    CSLN Chairman and Gombe State House of Assembly Speaker, Alhaji Inuwa Garba, addressed reporters in Abuja.

    He said: “Following the crisis that led to the impeachment of the Speaker of Kogi Assembly, the conference set up a six-man fact-finding committee, headed by the Kwara State House of Assembly Speaker Razak Atunwa.

    “Based on available evidence, it is clear that the purported impeachment of Abdullahi Bello was not done in accordance with the provision of the 1999 Constitution, which requires a two-third majority of members to impeach a Speaker.”

    Garba said the Kogi House of Assembly has 25 members and that two-thirds would be 17 members, who are required for an impeachment.

    He said only 12 members sought to impeach the Speaker, adding: “This is a breach of Section 92(2) (e) of the Constitution.”

    The chairman said CSLN frowns at the breach of the Constitution by some members of Kogi State House of Assembly and would continue to address Bello as the legitimate Speaker.

    Garba urged the President Goodluck Jonathan and the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) to protect the Constitution by ensuring that the Kogi State House of Assembly returns to the status quo.

    He appealed to the Inspector-General of Police to restore Bello’s security details, because they were “improperly” withdrawn.

    Also, Nasarawa State House of Assembly Speaker Musa Mohammed said the conference was not against the impeachment of any Speaker, if he has been found wanting.

    Mohammed added that as lawmakers, they were concerned about the process that led to Bello’s purported impeachment.

    He noted that the lawmakers, who reportedly impeached Bello, did not follow the provision of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

    The lawmaker restated the CSLN’s commitment to democratic norms and procedure, respect for rule of law, transparency and accountability in governance.

    The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) recalls that Bello and other principal officers of the Assembly were impeached on October 16.

    Bello described his impeachment as illegal because 12 of 25 members signed the petition against him.

     

  • Restoring public trust in Ekiti

    Restoring public trust in Ekiti

    The common notion about political office holders otherwise called politicians in developing countries is that they are not to be trusted when they make electioneering promises which has more often turned out to be mere sloganeering. However, in Ekiti State, trust is gradually being restored in governance with the advent of Governor Kayode Fayemi. Ekiti people have realised that he is different from other politicians because he has kept a substantial part of his electioneering campaign promises which he made to them in 2007 as encapsulated in his 8-point agenda.

    It was the same 8-point agenda he reiterated when he was sworn-in as governor on October 16, 2010 by promising to deliver the dividends of democracy by ushering in a new dawn. Ekiti people had been traumatised through bad governance by previous administrations of conservative elements. Though Fayemi assumed the leadership of Ekiti State with a lot of goodwill from the people who felt their liberator has come, he had a lot of burden on his shoulders to live up to their expectations.

    He almost incurred their wrath arising from his methodical planning which took him some time before taking off fully. One cannot blame the people because they have suffered and had many unfulfilled promises in the past so they expected an immediate succour from the governor whom they regarded as a magic worker. Dr. Fayemi took his time, calculated, planned and carefully identified what he wanted to do and how to do it before launching his agenda fully. He inherited a debt of 42 billion naira and many abandoned projects from his predecessor, a paltry 109 million naira Internally Generated Revenue and a meagre 2.5 billion naira monthly allocation from the federation’s account which is the second lowest in the country.

    But with careful planning, prudent management of resources and an avowed commitment to the welfare of the people, he has been able to deliver, within reasonable limits, dividends of democracy in an unprecedented manner. In two years, Fayemi has turned Ekiti State into a huge construction site such that discerning observers say the job he has done is more than what some governors did in 8 years.

    It is not only the work that Fayemi did that fascinates Ekiti people, but the way he has earned their trust in governance. His method is novel and his style is inviting and fascinating. He is the first Governor in the country to embark on a village square meeting for the sole purpose of knowing what each community in his state requested to be incorporated in the budget. He started this in November 2011 when he undertook the tour of all the local governments where every town sent a representative to ask for at least three projects the community would like to be incorporated in the following year’s budget (2012).

    At each meeting, he promised the towns that, at least one project would be granted for each town in the budget. This promise has been fulfilled as every town with at least a project either completed or ongoing presently as contained in the 2012 budget. Out of these requests, provision of pipe borne water and boreholes, supply of transformers and repair of schools were common demands across the communities. The Governor immediately embarked on the construction of mini-water works in many towns.

    The final phase of solving the water problem in Ekiti once and for all will be in 2013 when the pipes would have been ready and the Ero, Egbe, Ureje and Itapaji dams would have started functioning optimally..

    When the Governor embarked on another round of village square meeting in October 2012 to again request for what each community desire to be in the 2013 budget, he got more gratitude than requests. The social security for the elderly became the most popular of the programmes while the renovation of schools was next. In all the LGAs visited, elderly women who are beneficiaries of the N5, 000 monthly allowance came in groups to pray for the Governor while many of them danced with him. One elderly woman who was about 80 years old presented the Governor with a gift of Kolanut which she had kept for a long time for the Governor. A touching episode was when the Governor visited Ola-Oluwa Muslim grammar school. The students swarm round the governor and were falling over one another in their bid to touch him in a show of appreciation which nearly led to a stampede inside the newly refurbished hall.

    Therefore, when the governor embarked on the village meetings in October, it was sure that he has restored confidence into governance with the way people of the communities gave him a rousing welcome for keeping to his promise of the previous year. They also thanked him for restoring peace to Ekiti after many years of violence, instability and uncertainty. The Governor kept his note of their requests of 2011 which he read what they requested and what he has done out of the request. Some he has fulfilled fully while others are ongoing. So when they made other requests against 2013 budget, they trusted that he will do it again.

    One of the journalists who had gone round the state on inspection in three days and to cover the second year anniversary remarked that there is no other state in Nigeria presently with the volume of job going on in Ekiti and they wondered how he managed to do this considering the small earnings of the State. What surprised the journalists most is the transformation of Ikogosi Warm Spring resort centre within one year. Some of them who visited the resort last year were short of words when they saw the level of transformation of the place.

    The roads leading to the place from all directions have been tarred. The landscaping has been done, new chalets have been constructed while the existing ones have been renovated. A 1,000 seater amphitheatre is almost completed while the whole place has been redesigned. The swimming pool is brand new with the warm spring water directly piped into the pool and the whole area of the warm and cold spring have been transformed to accommodate small huts for family relaxation. A long stretch of pathway made of strong plank of teak wood has been constructed right from the chalets to the warm spring area. The scenery is so natural and picturesque such that it has made the resort a world class tourist centre.

    The Governor has again promised to embark on ‘Operation Renovate all Hospitals’ in year 2013 while the urban renewal currently going on in Ado-Ekiti would be extended to other traditional headquarter towns of Ikole, Ikere and Ijero in the first phase. Ekiti people are excited over all the good things that are happening to them in the last two years and they are now convinced that governance could be made simple and result oriented if there is enough sincerity of purpose and an avowed commitment to improve the lives of the people on the part of a leader.

    • Jamiu writes from Ado-Ekiti

     

  • Obama price

    Obama price

    Say it! Recant in your own words! Let the whole world know!”

    “Say what?” his askance eyes popped out.

    “Go on!” he jeered, a glint of triumph in his mocking eyes. “When the going was tough, you were blabbing: Obama ti d’abamo o! Obama ti d’abamo o!” [Yoruba twisted pun, which could mean Obama has turned a joke or regret]. “Now that Obama has earned a second term, you must recant. Really,” he declared, rubbing it in, “you must!”

    “O, that! But it was only an election!”

    “Yes, it was. But you swore Obama would head back to his Kenyan Luo tribesmen, by the time the Republicans had finished with him!”

    “But asodun n’iyen now! [That was just sweet talk!]. I was only jiving.”

    “No, you looked earnest enough! Why don’t you admit it?”

    “Okay, okay. I goofed. You win.”

    “Better!”

    “But you must credit the American electoral system – so transparent, even when they had challenges, as those voters in Chicago who gave up after hours of trying, because the computer crashed.”

    “Yes, you’re right,” he admitted, nodding.

    “But did you see the celebrating Kenyans? Obviously, the irony was totally lost on them.”

    “What irony?”

    “You mean you couldn’t get it?” It was the other’s turn to lase his partner with a triumphant glint. “Could a Luo man, a hapless minority, ever likely to become president in Kenya? And what rebuke Obama hands the Kenyan president!”

    “Rebuke?”

    “Yeah. President Mwai Kibaki was, for donkey years, a victim of electoral heist and political repression, during the Kenyatta and Arap Moi years. Yet, he replicated these same despicable conducts after he himself became president! See how he virtually forced the Kenyan electoral chief to declare him winner, even when the poor man could not vouch for the tally he announced? Can you imagine that?”

    “I think it is an African curse.”

    “African curse? You’re dead right!” he agreed. “Even here, all our leaders falling over themselves to congratulate Obama, with their mealy mouthed, empty and annoying cant. Have they ever learnt anything from the American democracy which they jump on the bandwagon to celebrate? I mean!”

    “As for that,” the other conceded yet again, “I think our political elite are beyond redemption. But you know, Obama’s victory speech was fine. What blew me out, however, was Mitt Romney’s concession speech. It was simply majestic and brilliant, and after such acrimonious campaign! When would our politicians concede defeat with such grace and such majesty?”

    “When the hurly-burly is done, when the battle is lost and won!” he said with laughing eyes. “But the problem is the Nigerian electoral battle is never lost and won; and the hurly-burly is never done: not with the pre- and election proper rigging, and post-election bickering, not to talk of the mindless violence that comes with the electoral territory!”

    The other burst out in a guffaw. “I can feel you: professor of Macbeth and Shakespeare expert! Indeed, it is a classic case of how not to run a democracy!”

    “But you know my real heroes of the Obama victory?”

    “Who?” the other wanted to know.

    “The WASP: White Anglo-Saxon Protestant, the American landlords and majority, since the discovery of the so-called new frontiers, after which they made savage mincemeat of the native red Indians and took over their land. But now,” he added with a sardonic, sententious air, spiced with laconic wit, “the WASP have an electoral wasp to contend with. They sting hard and take no prisoners! That is what has gifted Obama the American presidency for two terms – some historical comeuppance?”

    “You know, you have a solid point there. Very solid point!”

    “Yeah, I know!” he returned with a wink. “While a slice of the WASP voted for the other side, the minorities solidly voted for their own. Now, what sort of democracy is that, where the minority could band together to lord it over the numerical majority? Is democracy turning from majority rule to conspiratorial rule? I just wonder!”

    “Don’t be so alarmist and sinister!” the other quickly cautioned. “It’s only two elections, in an electoral history of more than 200 years for God’s sake! Your generalisation is too sweeping.”

    “You’re right; and I’m sorry, if I sounded alarmist. But I just wished one day, voters here too would behave like the American WASP – be enlightened and broad-minded enough to vote for quality and conviction and not be rabble-roused by passion and primordial sentiments. It makes democracy all the more beautiful!”

    “I agree. But here, it is a different kettle of fish.”

    “Meaning: that angels live in America and baboons live here?”

    “Of course not – and don’t be silly! It is just that unlike America, even with its bias against the Black and even other minorities, there is a national consensus on how the state should be run. Here, it’s far from that – and the chaos at elections is only a symptom of that political anomie.”

    “Meaning your favourite pitch for a national conference?”

    “And why not?”

    “I don’t see why not. But the regnant political elite would rather push their luck. To them, Nigeria is a gambit to be pushed to breaking point.”

    “That is why we must not fold our arms. Nigeria is damn too important to be left solely to the politicians and power racketeers.”

    “I agree, but back to the US elections. Obama, faced with a formidable foe and dead heat poll forecasts, told his electors that in four years, he had rapidly aged working for them – and he was evidently believable, for indeed he had aged, and his hair had turned grey out of punishing work.”

    “And if I may add,” returned his partner, “Obama was not the first to be sentenced to such excruciating work. It took President Bill Clinton just 100 days in office to grow a shock of grey in his hair and develop bags under his two eyes – bags of glory he has carried till today!”

    “Now my friend,” the other added, “show me the Nigerian equivalent of Obama or Clinton: straight-from-prison Mr. Anti-corruption, Olusegun Obasanjo, who left the presidency with rosy cheeks but bequeathed his country the gaunt cheeks of his Abacha gulag days? Or even present incumbent Goodluck Jonathan, under whose unsteady hands Nigeria faces a meltdown, yet whose hand couldn’t be steadier in his pursuit of a 2015 encore …?

    “Your point, precisely?” the other snapped, almost rudely.

    “That the presidency, or any other public office for that matter, is no booty to be enjoyed but service, service and ceaseless service to be endured. That, to me is the lesson of American democracy and the triumph of Obama, who our shameless leaders crow is the pride of the Black race – which indeed he is.”

    “Again, I agree. They admire Obama so much. But can they pay the Obama price, in selfless and quality service?”

     

  • Election USA:   A post-mortem

    Election USA: A post-mortem

    One week after his run for the White House went up in a puff, Mitt Romney and company are still trying to figure out what went wrong.

    Most of the polls that did not give him a slight lead had him in a statistical dead heat with President Barack Obama. Surging crowds filled the venues of his rallies, following his strong performance against a sedated Obama in their first “debate.” From rally to rally he rode on a wave of enthusiasm, whereas Obama’s supporters sulked in quiet resignation.

    In that debate, Romney twisted himself into so many different shapes and sizes that if the contest had been for the contortionist-in-chief of the United States, he would have won it that night for all practical purposes. The one who had made a virtue of being “severely conservative” cut the middle ground from under Obama’s feet with a brazenness that left the usually unflappable Obama utterly confused.

    And it worked, splendidly.

    In another clime, Romney would have been undone by that debate. For he confirmed his public image as a person without a core, a person who would say anything if he thought it would help him win, inauthentic. Not for nothing did one of his opponents in the race for the GOP ticket, Jon Huntsman, compare him to “a perfectly lubricated weather vane.”

    But in America, where politics is a game like almost everything else, where appearance – they call it “optics” — counts far more than substance, Romney’s contortions catapulted him to front runner.

    Nobody remembered anymore his comment about the 47 per cent of Americans who see themselves as victims and have settled for an easy life of dependency, nor the wealth he had salted away in off-shore tax havens, nor yet his sworn determination, in the face of established practice, to release no more than two years of his federal income tax filings.

    Not even Obama’s superior performance in the two subsequent “debates” could arrest the Romney momentum. The race dragged on, oscillating within a minuscule window, leading commentators to project all kinds of possible outcomes.

    One candidate (Romney) might win the popular ballot but lose the Electoral College vote to Obama, in which case Obama would have to contend with a fresh legitimacy issue that would provide fresh ammunition for the Tea Party crowd and its punditocracy that had spent the better part of the past four years trying to de-legitimise him.

    A winner might not be known for several months, and it might fall again to the Supreme Court again, the Republican Party in judicial robes to determine the outcome, according to another scenario. They even conjured up one curious scenario under which Romney would be president, and Obama’s running mate and vice president, Joe Biden, would continue to serve in that capacity in the Romney Administration.

    In these permutations, Obama figured only as a secondary actor.

    One of the few pollsters who came to a different conclusion was Nate Silver, the computer geek and resident statistician for The New York Times. While others predicted an outright win for Romney or a squeaker at best for Obama, Silver gave Obama more than eight chances in ten to clinch the race outright. For this, he was denounced endlessly by Romney’s supporters.

    Then, a deus ex machina that not even Sophocles could have devised supervened. Hurricane Sandy struck across 15 states in the North-east, wreaking devastation on a scale America has not seen since Katrina.

    Hurricane Sandy called to mind another deus ex machina that had supervened at a critical moment in the 2008 presidential election contest between Barack Obama and John McCain. The race was a ding-dong affair. Obama had the crowds and the enthusiasm, but this did not translate into a significant lead in the polls.

    The collapse of the stock market changed all that.

    McCain called off scheduled rallies and headed to Washington DC, saying he was going to help fix the economy. Obama kept his cool, consulted quickly with the experts, and staked a position that Americans found much more reassuring than McCain’s panicked and erratic conduct. The rest is history.

    Hurricane Sandy concentrated national attention on the ruin it had loosed on a vast swathe of the United States and to the efforts to deal with its aftermath. It offered President Obama to do what he does best – uniting the nation at a time of grief, and playing comforter-in-chief. There, on splendid display, and unsullied by the bitterness that has been the hallmark of the campaign – there was the essential Obama.

    But I am not persuaded that it slowed down or arrested Romney’s momentum, as his camp is now claiming. Right up to Election Day, they believed that they had the game in the bag, and their own internal polling and a good many of the independent polls appeared to back them.

    Romney and his inner circle certainly believed it.

    He had written and tucked in his vest the acceptance speech he would deliver moments after Obama would have called to concede. Boats moored along Boston harbor, had been detailed to launch a spectacular eight-minute fireworks to herald Romney’s victory. This was, to be sure, an incongruous move in the major city of a state that had just rejected him overwhelmingly at the polls. But then, nobody has ever accused Romney of subtlety.

    A web site for President-elect Mitt Romney was already up and almost running. Offices had been acquired in Washington DC to house his transition team.

    Romney was set to hit the ground running, as they say here, though he would have to wait until taking office on January 20, 2013, or Day One as he called it on the stump, to abolish “Obamacare,” the health care delivery law enacted by the Obama Administration and affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United States. It did not matter in the least that it was modeled on the law Romney had enacted as governor of Massachusetts.

    By the time they called Ohio some three hours after the poll closed, it was all over for Romney. Nate Silver, the resident statistician at The New York Times, had it right all along.

    Hurricane Sandy undermined the Romney mantra that big government was an aberration, whereas the private sector is the answer to every problem under the sun. It exploded Ronald Reagan’s oft-cited dictum that there are no words in the English language more terrifying “I’m from the government, and I’m here to help.”

    But in the end, I think it was Romney’s phoniness that brought him to grief — his lack of a core, his inauthenticity, his cavalier treatment of politics as an amoral game in which winning is the only thing that counts, his belief that he could fool all the people all the time.

    This was what Obama distilled into a powerful closing argument in the final days of the race. “You know me,” the drained and bone-weary candidate seeking re-election said at each stop. “You know what I stand for. You know that I say what I mean. You know that I mean what I say. . .”

    Romney had no answer to that one.

    Former President Clinton, who played a pivotal role in the Obama campaign, drove home the point to teeming admirers who remember his tenure as an era of prosperity.

    The genius that has sustained the United States through the centuries prevailed. A bourgeoning progressive majority that cut across class and color and creed and tongue and gender and sexual orientation saw through the flakiness. It refused to submit to the fear-mongering, the race baiting, the xenophobia, the homophobia, and the demagoguery that constituted the pillars of Romney’s bid for the White House.

     

     

  • Now that Buhari says NO

    Now that Buhari says NO

    Major General Muhammadu Buhari, retired soldier, politician and one time Head of State and Commander-In-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces is a man only a few can claim to know. The gangling Fulani man from Daura in Katsina State, northwest Nigeria is an enigma that is very difficult to unravel.

    As a soldier he remained committed to the ideals of his profession and stuck to the best in military tradition. When he became a soldier/politician as Head of State, he, together with his second in command, late Major General Babatunde Idiagbon brought that steely quality of a good soldier combined with unquestionable discipline to bear on our daily lives and living as a people.

    Not many Nigerians liked this then, but after living through the Babangida years of anything goes and the steady decline in our values as a people and a nation, not a few today would relish a dose of the Buhari/Idiagbon even if just a little, in order to bring sanity into our national lives. Such is the level that we have declined and things have degenerated that we would not even mind some “high handedness” of that era now.

    This, probably was what some new day politicians who believe in cleansing Nigeria of the evil of corruption, maladministration, nepotism et al, all rolled into bad governance thought they saw in the retired General when they dragged him into partisan politics at the outset of this democratic dispensation. But each time he stepped forward to lead, he was given a resounding rejection by the electorate, or rather, rejected by the electorate acting under the manipulation of the ruling class. This is debatable you know?

    These “qualities” were also probably what the terrorist organisation, Boko Haram saw in Buhari when they appointed him their negotiator-in-chief in their offer of dialogue with the Federal Government to end the mindless and evil terror they have been unleashing on the good people of northeastern and to some extent, northwestern Nigeria for some time now.

    Lest I am accused of eulogising Buhari, no. Neither am I interested in bringing him down, far from it. All I’ve tried to do is to bring out what we know of Buhari’s past/antecedent to find out why Boko Haram would want him to represent them in a peace meeting with the government.

    If it is the Buhari that we knew, I doubt if there would have been a Boko Haram then and even now if he were to be in charge, not to talk of being asked to represent them. But then you never can tell.

    Before I was struck by malaria last week forcing this column to be off, I was debating the Boko Haram appointment of Buhari as a negotiator and concluded that head or tail the former Head of State would be the loser. If he accepts, his opponents would say “we told you so. The man is a religious fanatic, in fact a terrorist. How come Boko Haram chose him to represent them? He must be one of them or a sympathizer”. And if he says no, the story would change; “ don’t mind him, he is not a patriot at all, he’s only interested in himself. To help Nigeria find solution to this security challenge using his experience both as a former Head of State and retired General he is saying no, just because he wants Jonathan to fail so that the north (Buhari) can retake the presidency in 2015″, etc.

    But considering the pros and cons, I thought Buhari should have accepted the offer but with conditions. Except there is contrary information, we all know that a former Head of State, especially one with Buhari’s kind of character would not support a Boko Haram. Forget about all his inflammatory political rhetorics of the past, he just doesn’t fit in. Yes, he has been carrying his religion/faith on his face but can he really do anything to hurt the other faiths if he gets to power? No. So, he’s just pandering to the Islamic faith just to get the support of the Muslims, which most politicians will do just to get elected?

    Was Jonathan not sold to the South and the Christian elements in the North, in 2011 as ‘one of us,a Christian’ hence we should vote for him? So, if we can conclude that Buhari is not a terrorist or can not be a member of Boko Haram, then why can’t he represent them in negotiating peace with the Federal Government?

    It is on the strength of this argument that I think Buhari ought to have accepted but may be as a mediator. Boko Haram probably chose him because of his integrity and belief that he won’t sell them out. Good if that was their reason. And I don’t think the Federal Government has anything serious against his choice. So it appears the man is his own problem over this matter. Why did I say this? If Boko Haram trusts him to negotiate for them and the government has no serious objection if any at all, why can’t he accept if it will help the nation find a peaceful end to this Boko Haram insurgency, after all he is are suppose to be a statesman and patriot? May be Buhari should ask himself why didn’t Boko Haram nominate Babangida or even Abdulsalami? Did I hear you say integrity?

    Now as a mediator, all he needs to do is to sit down with terrorists to know what they want and also listen to the government’s position. After series of talks and shuttle diplomacy between both sides transmitting each side’s position to the other, he can then bring both sides together at a formal parley, where one expects Boko Haram’s leadership to come out in the open.

    Buhari should not be afraid of the public perception of Boko Haram as murderers and terrorists. The Palestinian Liberation Organisation and it’s leadership, including charismatic Yasser Arafat were once regarded and labelled terrorists, especially by Israel and her allies, but that did not stop them negotiating underground before the now famous Oslo peace deal. The FARC rebels in Columbia are still similarly labelled and have not dropped their guns, yet negotiation is going on between their representatives and the Columbian government at a neutral country. So. If Buhari is really interested in helping Nigeria out of this conundrum he should accept to mediate between the Federal Government and Boko Haram and set up a formal platform for both sides to negotiate peace. After doing the ground work he can withdraw and allow them negotiate their peace. This is more honorable than outright no if he knows it. He should not mind all the noise and side talks, he should just face the task if he truly loves Nigeria. I am not rally bothered or persuaded by his explanation for his no, this is the time for all men and women of goodwill to step forward and pull his back from the precipice. For those abusing Buhari over this matter, time will tell.

    But if the man should remain faithful and stubborn to his no, that should not discourage both the Federal Government and Boko Haram from pursuing that window of opportunity to achieve lasting peace in the north and the country in general. May be both sides could look for and agree on a less controversial but equally credible negotiator to arrange preliminary peace talks at a lower level after which a bigger parley could then be arranged where an agreement could be reached. Friendly but neutral countries could be brought him at this stage to gain the confidence of both sides. At every stage both sides must negotiate in good faith for the main objective of peaceful resolution to be achievable.

    If at the end of the day nothing came out of this offer, Boko Haram in my opinion, have themselves to blame. All this while they have been fighting, bombing indiscriminately and killing innocent souls across the north without letting us know what their political demands are other than a vague reference to Islamization of Nigeria. Can that be a realizable agenda anywhere in the world today, not to talk of Nigeria?

    Struggling to have a political face or voice to speak or represent them shows that they were just interested in killing, destroying or causing mayhem to avenge whatever injustice they must have suffered in the hands of whoever. Even the Talibans have people who speak for them and negotiate on their behalf with the Afghan government and even the Americans. So if Buhari says no, then Boko Haram should bring out their leaders and we’ll negotiate with them. We are tired of this bombings and killings. Let there be peace in the north.

     

  • Reflections on Awo phenomenon-2

    Reflections on Awo phenomenon-2

    These national groups are as distinct from one another as the Ibos are distinct from them or from the Yorubas or Hausas. Of the eleven, the Efik, Ibibio, Annang national groups are 3.2 million strong as against the Ijaws, who are only about 700,000 strong.

    Ostensibly, the remaining nine national groups population is 1.4 millions. But when you have subtracted the Ibo inhabitants from among them, what is left ranges from the Ngennis, who number only 8,000 to the Ogonis, who are 220,000 strong.

    ‘A decree creating a COR state without a plebiscite to ascertain the wishes of the people in the area, would only amount to subordinating the minority national groups in the state to the dominance of the Efik-Ibibio-Annang national group. It would be perfectly in order to create a Calabar state or a Rivers by decree and without a plebiscite because each is a homogenous national unit. But before you lump distinct and diverse national units together in one state, the consent of each of them is indispensable, otherwise, the seed of social disequilibrium in the new state would have been sown. On the other hand, if the COR state is created by decree after the Eastern Region shall have made its severance from Nigeria effective, we should then be waging an unjust war against a foreign state. It would be an unjust war, because the purpose of it would be to remove ten minorities in the East from the dominance of Ibos only to subordinate them to the dominance of the Efik-Ibibio-Annang national groups.

    I think I have said enough to demonstrate that any war against the East, or vice versa, on any count whatsoever, would be an unholy crusade for which it would be most unjustifiable to shed a drop of Nigerian blood. Therefore, only a peaceful solution must be found, and quickly too to arrest the present rapidly deteriorating stalemate and restore normalcy.

    It is my considered view, that whilst some of the demands of the East are excessive within the context of a Nigerian union, most of such demands are not only well-founded, but is designed for smooth and healthy association amongst the various national units of Nigeria. For instance, the East has demanded the creation of separate regional monetary authorities, the demolition of the appellate jurisdiction of the Federal Supreme Court, and the dependence of the Federal Government on financial contributions from the regions.

    These and other suchlike demands, I do not support. Demands such as these, if accepted, will lead surely to the complete disintegration of the Federation, which is not in the interest of our people. But I wholeheartedly support the following demands among others, which we consider reasonable and most of which are already embodied in our memoranda to the Ad Hoc Committee:

    ‘That mines and minerals should be residual subject: that revenue should be allocated strictly on the basis of derivation; that is to say, after the Federal Government has deducted its own share for its own services, the rest should be allocated to the regions to which they are attributable; that the existing public debt of the Federation should become the responsibility of the regions on the basis of the location of the projects in respect of each debt, whether internal or external; that each region should have and control its own militia and Police Force; that, with immediate effect, all military personnel should be posted to their regions of origin.

    If we are to live in harmony with another as Nigerians, it is imperative that these demands and others, which are not here related, should be met without further delay by those who have hitherto resisted them. To those who may argue that the acceptance of these demands will amount to transforming Nigeria into a Federation with a weak central government, my comment is that any link, however tenuous, which keeps the East in the Nigerian union, is better, in my view, than no link at all.

    Before the Western delegates went to Lagos to attend the meetings of the Ad Hoc Committee, they were given a clear mandate that if any Region should opt out of the Federation of Nigeria, then the Federation should b considered to be at an end, and that the Western Region and Lagos should also opt out of it. It would then be open to Western Nigeria and Lagos, as an independent sovereign state to enter into association with any of the Nigerian units of its own choosing on terms mutually acceptable to them.

    ‘I see no reason for departing from this mandate’, if any Region in Nigeria considers itself enough to compel us to enter into association with it on its own terms. I would only wish such Region luck. Luck, I must warn, will, in the long run, be no better that that which has attended the doings of all colonial powers down the ages!

    ‘This much I must say in addition, on this point. We have neither the military might, nor the overwhelming advantage of numbers here in Western Nigeria and Lagos. But we have the justice of a noble and imperishable cause on our side, namely: the right of a people to unfettered self –determination. If this is so, then God is on our side and God be with us- then we have nothing whatsoever in this world to fear.

    The fourth imperative, the second conditional one, has been fully dealt with in my recent letter to His Excellency, the Military Governor of Western Nigeria and in the representation which your deputation made last year to the Head of the Federal Military Government. As a matter of fact, as far back as November last year, a smaller meeting of leaders of thought in this region decided that unless certain things were done, we would no longer participate in the meeting of the Ad Hoc Committee. But since then, not even one of our legitimate requests has been granted. I will, therefore, take no time in making further comments on a point with which you are well familiar.

    As soon as our humble and earnest requests are met, I shall be ready to take my place on the Ad Hoc Committee, but certainly not before.

    Certain attributes are required on the part of Nigerian leaders- military as well as non-military leaders alike- namely: vision, realism, and unselfishness.

    But above all, what will keep Nigerian leaders in the North and East unwavering in the part of wisdom, realism and moderation is courage and steadfastness on the part of Yoruba people in the course of what they sincerely believe to be right, equitable and just.

    In the past five years, we in the West and Lagos have shown that we possess these qualities in large measure. If we demonstrate them again, as we did in the past, calmly and stoically, we will save Nigeria from further bloodshed and imminent wreck and, at the same time, preserve our freedom and self-respect into the bargain.

    In view of this, one has since discovered that the Awo legacy will never end. The Awo myth lives on. Theodore Sorenson sums it all when he wrote; “no myth or exaggeration, admiring or adverse can help hurt the dead. But it can make true perspective difficult for the living”.

    • Concluded

     

    • Teniola, former Director in the Presidency, Office of the Secretary to the Government now lives in Lagos.

     

  • Democratic emperors?

    Democratic emperors?

    IN November 1981, Alhaji Muhammadu Shehu Kangiwa, Second Republic and first elected governor of old Sokoto State (now Sokoto and Kebbi states), fell off his horse and died while playing polo, in the 1981 edition of the Georgian Polo League.

    Did the governor, as a public figure, have the right to endanger the life of a public property, even if he had his inalienable private right to play polo?

    In October 2012, Danbaba Danfulani Suntai, governor of Taraba State, crashed in a small aircraft he was personally flying, sustaining serious injuries with all the passengers on board. Now, did Mr. Suntai have the right to risk his life as governor, even if he had a private right to indulge his passion for flying?

    These are hard questions in a republican and federal state, satisfactory answers to which would help to strengthen state institutions and deepen democracy. Where, for instance, do the personal rights of a governor end and where begin state strictures, in exchange for immense gubernatorial – or even presidential – benefits, that come with that office?

    In other words, did Governor Suntai have the right to fly himself, even with his pilot’s licence, knowing full well the avoidable dangers such an adventure constitutes to the life of the Taraba governor, which though he is, he is not a sum total of?

    And even on his hospital bed in Germany, is the governor culpable of risking the lives of hapless aides constitutionally sanctioned to be with him and even risking the collective asset of his state – the crashed aircraft, which the governor does not own – even if he knew that the flying of the plane should have been left to more professional hands?

    If indeed the governor could be legitimately charged with culpability in risking the lives of lesser mortals in his suite by his decision to fly, what logic drove the evacuation of the governor to a foreign hospital, while leaving other victims of the crash at home?

    And if the logic of flying the governor abroad is for better care, is Nigeria, a republican state, now saying that though republican tenets proclaim every citizen equal before the law, some of its own citizens are more equal than the others, as in George Orwell’s famous satire, Animal Farm?

    Even more on the basis of justice and equity: should the governor get rewarded with better care for executive recklessness, while the victims of his actions are abandoned to their fate, even if the government can counter-argue that it is giving the governor’s aides the best care it could afford?

    This annoying double standard and brazen lack of respect for the rights of the underdog must have fired the ultimatum Femi Falana, SAN, issued to the powers that be to fly the other crash victims abroad as the governor or face a legal challenge – but more on that presently.

    The Yoruba – and certainly other cultures – have a wry way of dismissing unbridled excesses that lead to foretold but needless disasters, even in the most private of affairs.

    “Omo yo tan, o npe baba re l’eranko” [The wayward brat calls his doting father a fool], goes a Yoruba proverb. But who does not know that the parents just need to cut off their munificence to bring the brat crashing and begging?

    A more detailed anecdote, made more popular by Juju music ace, Ebenezer Obey, spoke of a vain, rich man who rolled out everything, in a reckless celebration of the unknown festival of wealth and prosperity. In the heat of it all, he fell off his galloping horse, broke his neck and died!

    Thanks to Chinua Achebe and his classic Things Fall Apart, the non-Igbo are exposed to similar societal sanctions, in Igbo traditional society. One of those follies, as pointed out by the master storyteller, is the all-muscle-no-brain who felt himself powerful enough to challenge his chi (personal god) to a wrestling bout!

    All these underscore only one thing: order is the first law in heaven – and is certainly not the last on earth! So even in the primordial state, modes of behaviour guide the community. In the complex modern state, these modes are codified into the Basic Law, which not only creates public offices and institutions but also clearly states the relationship among state officials – such as a governor and his aide-de-camp, chief security officer (CSO) and chief detail: all these three, incidentally put in harm’s way by Governor Suntai’s decision to fly an aircraft, though it must be stated that the governor could not have wilfully endangered his own life, not to talk of the other three’s.

    And just as well the three victims: Dasat Iliya (aide-de-camp), Timo Dangana (CSO) and Joel Danladi (chief detail) have been flown to Germany for medical care, as with the governor, according to newspaper reports of Sunday, November 4.

    It is not clear how much this change of heart had to do with Mr. Falana’s threatened suit, though the story spoke of bowing to public opinion, with the additional spin that the governor, perhaps to salve his conscience, had insisted on their coming to Germany.

    There is nothing to suggest that spin, of the governor insisting his security aides should be brought to join him in Germany, is contrived. But it is a moot point, with the reported extent of the governor’s injury, if he is in any condition to bother about the state of his fellow victims in the crash.

    Besides, there is ominous gathering of clouds that the polity is set for the Taraba version of Vice President Goodluck Jonathan Vs Yar’adua Cabal constitutional outrage, with a Taraba cabinet lobby reportedly suggesting that though Deputy Governor Garba Umar is good enough as deputy governor in the eyes of the 1999 Constitution, he is not good enough to act as governor during the governor’s medical leave, in the eyes of this puritanical lobby – and Alhaji Umar’s personal faith appears to be the culprit! See how a reckless individual action can put the whole polity in a tailspin?

    While wishing Governor Suntai quick recovery, his odyssey should serve as timely warning to the president and Nigeria’s gubernatorial tribe that stringent conditions come with the office of president or governor – and that is strictly obeying the laws that created these high offices.

    If Governor Suntai had obeyed these laws, he would not have decided to himself fly a plane (when a full time pilot could be procured for that chore), put himself and his security aides in jeopardy and gift his state a potential but needless constitutional crisis, in a North East that already has its hands full with the murderous Boko Haram insurrection.

    The president and the governors are not democratic emperors, which is a contradiction in terms. Rather, they are creations and servants of the Constitution, without which they are nothing but ordinary citizens, as others in a democratic republic.

     

  • So you want to be a  vice chancellor?

    So you want to be a vice chancellor?

    The University of Ilorin recently went through one of the most fraught processes in the calendar of a Nigerian public university: the appointment and transfer of authority to a new vice chancellor.

    The contest is not for the faint of heart. Formal qualifications count, to be sure. An applicant must have an earned doctorate from a “recognised university,” That, I take it, excludes all those “universities” that exist only on the Internet, from which anyone can for a modest fee obtain a degree in any subject under the sun and beyond without taking any course work and without writing any examinations.

    The bachelor’s degree lies at the lower end of the fee scale. The standard doctorate, a Ph.D, costs substantially more. Not surprisingly, a senior doctorate, the D.Sc or LL.D, attracts premium fees. But the cost is well within what Nigerians who patronise the awarding institutions can afford, plus a contribution to the institution’s “development” or endowment fund.

    For his munificence – for it is usually a man – the patron gets by way of certificate a parchment large enough to cover a dining table, inscribed with his name by the finest calligrapher in the neighbourhood, stating how he had not merely fulfilled but greatly exceeded the requirements for the attestation. And it comes with a gold-foil seal as large as a saucer.

    Do not be deceived by all the frippery. In fact, I offer it as a proposition that the greater the tinsel, the more worthless is the certificate it adorns.

    If the patron is the discriminating type, he can ask the president and officials of the university to fly to Nigeria, all expenses paid, to confer the degree on him in his house or at the local community hall, to the pulsating beat of highlife music supplied by a live band, and with the local monarch and his chiefs and the usual freeloaders in full throng to felicitate with the son of the soil whose genius had reverberated across the oceans.

    It is all a matter of cash – cash in hard currency, that is.

    To return to the process of appointing vice chancellors in the Nigerian university system: An applicant must have an earned doctorate from a recognised university. It helps if the candidate has also published in “reputable journals,” those which subject submissions to rigorous peer review before publication.

    But even a solid bibliography will take a candidate only so far. Connections count, of course. But they are no substitute for hustling of the rawest kind, blackmail, intimidation, disinformation, bribery, voodoo – indeed, everything in the toolkit of skullduggery.

    Ask Professor Olu Obafemi, the playwright and dramatist.

    The recent change of baton at the University of Ilorin, I gather, was mercifully bereft of such mago mago. But it nevertheless left some rancour in its trail. The integrity of the process of short-listing candidates has been assailed by at least one of the candidates, who has since proceeded to court to seek relief.

    Professor Rasheed Ijaodola has reportedly filed a lawsuit before the Federal High Court, Ilorin, challenging the selection of Professor AbdulGaniyu Ambali for the top job, saying the process was “irregular, improper, unlawful, null and void.” Other disaffected contestants have since reconciled themselves to the outcome.

    Professor Is-haq Oloyede, the vice chancellor who oversaw process at issue, has handed the reins of office to Professor AbdulGaniyu Ambali, and all seems quiet on campus. There they were, at one of the events marking the change, resplendent in a matching outfit — aso ebi — to call it by its proper name.

    The atmosphere had much more in common with a family ceremony in the owambe tradition than with a momentous transition at an institution of higher learning. But Neither Oloyede nor Ambali should be blamed for this. Blame it, instead, on the casual manner in which appointments to that high office are made, consummated, and terminated.

    Professor Ojetunde Aboyade, the distinguished economist unfortunately no longer with us was driving back to Ibadan from Lagos when he heard on his car radio that he had been appointed vice chancellor of the University of Ife, as it was called at the time. They had sounded him out, it needs to be stated. But he had rejected the offer firmly.

    The great surgeon, Professor Horatio Orishejolomi Thomas, also late, was entertaining guests in his official residence after presiding over the convocation at the University of Ibadan when he and his guests heard on the evening news that he had been dismissed “with immediate effect.”

    If these and many other cases of the same kind were the extreme, even the process of handing a senior academic officer a letter of appointment and asking him to report for duty at such and such a time as if he was a clerical officer is only a tad less disrespectful.

    And yet, there is never a shortage of applicants for the position, and many of them will stop at nothing to clinch it.

    Elsewhere, the assumption of office of university president or vice chancellor is almost like the assumption of office by an elected head of government. It is heralded by an inaugural ceremony lasting several days, a mixture of the academic, the social, and the cultural.

    When a new president was named some ten years ago for Knox College in Galesburg, an hour from my base in Peoria, Illinois, and the birthplace of the historian Carl Sandburg, festive bells rang throughout the area.

    Lectures and symposia that drew participants from near and far were staged. A command performance of Wole Soyinka’s “Death and the King’s Horseman” was staged for several nights, culminating in the attendance on the final night of the Nobelist himself, during which he delivered a lecture that kept the huge audience spellbound.

    It was on that closing night that I met for the first time Dr Abdul-Rasheed Na’Allah, then on the faculty of Northern Illinois University at Macomb, Illinois, and now vice chancellor of Kwara State University. From his seat in the rafters, he delivered a citation on Soyinka, improvised óríkí and all, that set off the proceedings on a strong Nigerian note.

    This, then, was the context in which the new president delivered an inaugural address, in which he laid out his vision for Knox College. It was not just another routine in the university’s life but a milestone in which faculty and students and staff and the neighbouring community participated, one that would inspire and serve as a reference point for years to come.

    That is the way to accord the public university in Nigeria its special place in the scheme of things. After all, it is not a ministry, department, or agency. It is also the way to stamp the office of university vice chancellor with the respect and dignity it deserves.

    Private universities, where the vice chancellor is for all practical purposes the proprietor’s factotum, also stand to gain much by this arrangement.

    The National Universities Commission should lead the way, working through the Council of each public university.

     

  • A waste of time

    A waste of time

    A weak-kneed federal government ever so eager to claw at just anything to be seen at doing something about the Boko Haram menace. A weary Boko Haram caught in dire prospects of being routed in the senseless but clearly unwinnable war against the state.

    Throw in the well-choreographed high-decibel propaganda by self-styled elders alleging genocide in the atmosphere of an unprecedented offensive by the Joint Military Task Force (JTF). No better scenario could have been contrived for a so-called dialogue.

    Welcome to the Made in Saudi Arabia dialogue sought by the Boko Haram for and on behalf of themselves and their sympathisers! Finally, it seems time to bring in the old template of appeasement!

    What has changed to necessitate the offer by the group to negotiate with the federal government?

    Good question.

    The first and perhaps the most obvious is the changing military equation between the JTF and the terrorists. Whatever misgivings lie about the on-going operations by the JTF, there is no longer any question as who between them is having the upper hand. I do not think anyone suffers the illusion that the men of the JTF would beat a retreat anymore than the terrorists would come to some Pauline conversion in some future time. To its credit, the JTF isn’t just increasingly having a firm grip on the war, it seems to have done well in the difficult circumstances it found itself. While it seems far-fetched to suggest at this point that the Boko Haram is close to being decapitated, there are enough signs to suggest that the noose may finally be tightening in on the group. This obviously needs to be sustained.

    The second reason is the collateral costs on both sides which continues to mount. While the burden of the war on terror would seem barely tolerable to the federal government, the economies in most states in the North-east where the Boko Haram are on rampage not only lie in ruins, they are in tatters. But worse is that the prospects of socio-economic activities in the foreseeable future look increasingly grim. Unfortunately, it seems to me that the leaderships in the areas worst hit by the activities of the terrorists pretend to be oblivious of this reality; or is it that they underrated the resolve of the federal government to confront the menace?

    How about their positions which have oscillated between playing the ostrich and feigning ambivalence on the Boko Haram question? Or their latest rallying cry in which the JTF is accused of genocide?

    Agreed, the charge of excessive use of force including allegations of rape and summary executions of innocent citizens in the theatre of operations may possess some grains of truth. If true, the crimes would be inexcusable. However, it does appear to me that these cannot be as generalised as painted by the Borno Elders Forum. Of course, the allegations deserve to be investigated and where the crimes are established, punished.

    Be that as it may, the nation as it is, would remain eternally in debt to the JTF to for pushing the costs of the insanity, or if you like the insurgency –to the sect and their sponsors – far beyond their assumed gains. That the option of dialogue has suddenly become conceivable is because the Boko Haram realises the futility of the war! The magic is to make things irreversible!

    I need to highlight a third factor which has made dialogue conceivable. It is the question of how long it would take for the cover of the big masquerades behind the sect to be blown. It seems to me that it is no longer a question of “if” but how soon this would be achieved. It is after all, common knowledge that two senators and an ex-Governor from Borno State are under security watch; indeed, one of the senators is currently undergoing trial; the other under investigation for an alleged link with a suspect currently in custody. At intervals, the name of the ex-governor keeps popping up as if to hint at a complex but intriguing internecine play. By the way, I do not think that anybody needs further proof of how embedded the Boko Haram is in the North-east or wherever the forces of the Boko Haram have been on rampage.

    So, how to go? Time for the security agencies to follow the money. It’s hard to imagine that the security agencies have up till this time not stumbled on valuable leads on the financiers of the Boko Haram.

    What do I think about the proposed dialogue? Dialogue is of course good. It is after all, infinitely cheaper than fighting an all out war. The question is what will the Saudi dialogue as proposed by the Boko Haram achieve? More pertinent question is what does the Boko Haram want?

    It may well be that the Saudi dialogue may help resolve the riddle of what the group really want or what it actually represents. For now, it seems premature to even speculate on whether their desires can be accommodated in a secular, republican state. Even then, it seems that the more immediate task is one of isolating the original Boko Haram from the mutant but no less bloody-thirsty variants loosed upon the nation.

    That done, the next charge is to deal with the matter of the innocent victims of their mindless terror. Will that also come up in the course of the parley? Will the group also be willing to pay restitutions to victims of their terrorist acts? On a more serious note, will the leaders be expected to repudiate the satanic ideology which legitimises mass murder?

    Of course, the more embracing question is whether, given the state of security in the North today, it would not amount to a sheer waste of time and resources to make the Boko Haram the issue. I make the point because of our penchant to treat symptoms rather than deal with organic causes of disease. The root of Boko Haram lies in poverty and failure of governance. Will those also be part of the agenda at the Saudi forum?

     

    • This column goes on vacation from next week

     

  • How Fayemi is  remaking Ekiti

    How Fayemi is remaking Ekiti

    When Dr. Kayode Fayemi marked his two years in office on October 16, as the governor of Ekiti State, no one was left in doubt that his achievements in office speak for themselves. This is a state that was considered one of the most backward in the South West in terms of physical and social infrastructural development. Previous administrations in the state were all busy playing politics of acrimony to the detriment of human and physical development in the state.

    But in the past two years, Dr. Fayemi has been busy, quite busy indeed touching lives, bringing hope back to the people; making the populace feel the importance of democracy. Obviously, the governor has the calling of a visionary, a sentimental leader of people who believes that once the electorate are properly catered for, there will not only be peace in the state, but the people themselves will often wear glimmer of smiles on their faces.

    This is indeed the Ekiti State of today. As the governor and his team of committed lieutenants went about commissioning landmark projects in all the crannies of the state, what was uppermost in the minds of the rural people was how to make these legacies permeate the total psyche of the populace. “We are here to serve and help the governor achieve the dream of making Ekiti State one of the foremost in the country,” was how 79 year old Olayinka Ibironke, a retired teacher, described the situation. And he truly wore the face of a happy man in a new era of hope.

    This happened at Omuo-Oke where the governor went to lay the foundation stone of an ultramodern Trailer park. “A park of this nature,” the governor noted, “would help to facilitate the movement of heavy goods from here to other parts of Ekiti State and the nation.” This was an assurance that sent breezy frenzy into the spines of the people who gathered to witness and cheer the governor. Like Ibironke, most indigenes of Omuo-oke, a quiet rural settlement, deprived of modernity for a long time, have been at pains to move goods like planks and woods and food items from their place to other points of need.

    While the governor was in Iluomoba, another rural enclave to lay the foundation stone for Life Academy, his primary concern was to reignite the flame of good and sound education in the people. The Iluomoba academy is to give easy and accelerated access to education to the people long known for their love for civilization. “Education is our greatest asset and it is our prerogative to make it work, functional and effective,” the governor had said. Then what is education if it can not be made accessible to the people who not only need it, but crave to always make it their bedrock? With that notion in the hearts of the people, they warmly welcomed the prospects of having an academy that will soon usher in glorious moments into the lives of Iluomoba people.

    A tour of most rural settlements in Ekiti State revealed that the people now feel a sense of belonging. The newly commissioned electricity project in Ilupeju-Ijan in Gbonyin Local government area which had no light for many years in the past, is a good demonstration of a leader who does not believe that darkness and light should meet. Light is good for the people. Even the Holy Bible ordered that there should be light so that the children of God have would be in good sheer here on earth. Light brings progress and encourages the people to feel at home with what they have. Indeed the Ilupeju-Ijan community can feel it.

    The Ilupeju-Ijan project is an eye opener because it shows a governor who is not selective and partisan with the projects he delivers to his people. His mission has been quite purposeful; to ensure that development is evenly distributed and shared so as to discourage apathy in the thinking of the people. This approach has been largely successful because in every local government, the people have every good reason to sing the praises of the government. Good work, as it is said, is like a full blown pregnancy. No one can cover it with her hands. Fayemi’s achievements glow and illuminate and glitter in their droves, registering in stages and in different facets in people’s lives.

    So far, the many colleges and primary schools hitherto abandoned and neglected in parts of the state have been rehabilitated for the good of the people. Some of the prominent ones are the Omuo-Oke Grammar School and Obada High School. The other one is the Africa Church Comprehensive High School, Ikere. These schools had for too long been left in the hands of people who did not manage them well. Today, the schools are back to what they used to be in the days of yore. The students and pupils of these schools are not only excited and happy to go to school, they cannot stop being grateful to a governor who is wholly people oriented and properly focused and well driven.

    Travelling from one end of the state to the other now is easier and faster. The roads in most of the rural places have been retouched to meet the yearnings of the people. These roads include Erijiyan-Ilawe, Efon-Ipole Iloro-Ikogosi roads. Incidentally these roads lead to the famous Ikogosi warm spring tourist resort which has been renovated by the governor to boast tourism in the state.

    Ikogosi is a visitor’s delight by all standards and the governor has ensured that the facilities there have been modernized to attract more visitors to the place. It is, in fact, one of the greatest natural gifts to this nation in terms of aura and beauty. This was why the governor took time to tare the roads leading to it.

    Equally, the Ado-lyin road, the Ado-Afao road and the Odo –Owa Okeila road and more, all leading roads linking Ekiti State with Osun State have been reconstructed by the government of Dr. Fayemi.

    The climax of these chains of achievements was coming back to life of the Udo-uro electricity project long abandoned for no just reason. The governor has not only revived it, it has also been commissioned to add value to the social lives of the people. Close to it also is the Efon water project, Okemesi water project, Ido-Ile water project, Ido-Ile basic health centre. Others are Iropora Skills Acquisition Centre, Erelu Adebayo Orphanage Centre, Iyin, all of which have been made to thrive again.

    In truth, governor Fayemi is focused, he knows how to carry the people along. His avowed love for his people is never in question. This is why he does all he can to satisfy and please them.

    • Ademuliyi writes from Okemesi, Ekiti State.