Category: Tuesday

  • Mambilla: OBJ as Pontius Pilate

    Mambilla: OBJ as Pontius Pilate

    In a week marked by a mirthless drama of an Obasanjo sanctimoniously waving a headmaster-like cane on the heads of supposedly ‘errant’ Oyo monarchs, Nigerians might be forgiven for missing out on the other tragi-comedy starring the same Obasanjo and his one-time minister, Olu Agunloye,  which also played out at the weekend. While the former has drawn spontaneous flaks from the quarters of traditionalists and their likes for what is considered the sheer impudence of the  former president,  only just unfolding, partly explains why reactions have been rather measured if not entirely slow in coming.

    Yet, merely going by the forth and back revelations, our dear country may in fact be dealing with the conning of the country by an individual whose notoriety for casting the proverbial first stone is now legendary. At the heart of it  is a scandal which is not only threatening to embarrass the country, but which if successfully litigated will cost the nation’s treasury a whopping $2.3 billion in compensation.

    Call it the Mambilla Hydro Power Project scam; the star casts are Olu Agunloye, Olusegun Obasanjo, Sunrise Power and Transmission Limited and its promoter, Leno Adesanya versus the people and the government of this luckless republic!

    The story, merely from its outlines would seem simple and fairly straight forward. Agunloye, as minister of power and steel, had presented a memo to the federal executive council (FEC). The subject was a build, operate and transfer (BOT) contract for the Mambilla Hydropower Project being promoted by Sunrise Power and Transmission Ltd, owned by Chief Leno Adesanya. The then FEC, was apparently unconvinced that the business case as outlined by the promoter made sense and subsequently directed the minister to withdraw it. 

    End of story? Not quite. In fact, the macabre story had only begun.

    Agunloye, as it turned out, would still proceed with an offer letter to Sunrise conveying the “approval” of the federal government for the award of the contract at a “provisional sum of $6 billion”. The latter gleefully accepted the offer from the minister, all of these within days to the exit of the administration!

    That was not all. Three months into a new administration, Sunrise, on the strength of the ‘contract’ wrote to the ministry in asking for payment for “pre-EPC” development on a supposedly BOT contract! The succeeding power minister, Senator Liyel Imoke, unable to locate the approval engaging Sunrise simply wrote back to convey same adding that a bidding process would soon open and advised Sunrise to tender! All of these happened some two decades back!

    Read Also: “Edide e jo ko”: I stand by my action on Iseyin Obas – Obasanjo

    Since then, the country has known no peace with legal fireworks and other arbitrations being staged in local and foreign jurisdictions over all alleged breach of contract! And all of these on the single strength of a letter written by an official, whose authority, the government would have the world believe, had at that point in time, been ousted by the highest decision-making body in the land!

    Today, if it seems any curious that the response of the lord of Ota has taken the whole of two decades to come forth, even more curious still must be the tacit admission that the same all-knowing principal neither knew of the anomalous situation let alone act on it in the whole of the four years of his second term!

    For this, Nigeria and Nigerians must consider themselves indebted to The Cable for helping to beam its searchlight on a scandal whose bits and parts are only now beginning to come together.

    “When I was president, no minister had the power to approve more than N25 million without express presidential consent. It was impossible for Agunloye to commit my government to a $6 billion project without my permission and I did not give him any permission”. That was former president, Obasanjo in the interview under reference.

     “When he presented his memo to the federal executive council (on May 21, 2003), I was surprised because he had previously discussed it with me and I had told him to jettison the idea, that I had other ideas on how the power sector would be restructured and funded.

    “I told him as much at the council meeting and directed him to step down the memo. I find it surprising that Agunloye is now claiming he acted on behalf of Nigeria. If I knew he issued such a letter to Sunrise, I would have sacked him as minister during my second term. He would not have spent a day longer in office.”

    Of course, that was vintage Obasanjo! He even claimed that Leno Adesanya, the promoter of Sunrise Power, ran away from Nigeria during his time president:

    “I would have jailed him if he was in the country because of the things I knew about him. After I left office, he returned and I saw him. I told him that he was lucky I was no longer president. Otherwise, I would have jailed him”!

    Yes, the former president has spoken even if his tone reeked of the sanctimony that was vintage Obasanjo.

    But then so has the former minister, Olu Agunloye presented his own side of the story. In a letter that has since gone viral, he accused his ‘Baba’ and former boss of distortion of facts on the multi-billion-dollar project. In fact, he only stopped short of calling him a liar and his role in the entire affair as sordid!

    First, he claimed that  his involvement with the project started when the former president on November 28, 2002, the very day he resumed office as Minister of Power, handed him a presidential approval on the Sunrise proposal with an instruction that Sunrise be invited “for the final negotiations for the execution of the Mambilla Power Project.” (To his credit, he also admitted that the president later changed his mind, preferring instead that the government used public funds).

    Secondly, that there is no such thing as $6 billion contract being bandied around as the plant was to be at no cost to the government.

     “The former president was not correct when he referred to the award to Sunrise simply as a $6 billion contract (that is, N800 billion in 2003) under his watch. In truth, it was a Build, Operate and Transfer (BOT) contract in which the FGN did not need to pay any amount to the contractor, Messrs Sunrise Power and Transmission Company Limited (Sunrise)…

    He would add that the 3050 megawatts plant was only “adjudged at a maximum of $6 billion by four Ministers of Power and the former president (Chief Obasanjo) before I became Minister of Power”.

    Finally that the late president, Umaru Yar’Adua only terminated the contract in 2008 when it became clear that the funding model put up by the Obasanjo administration was merely a scheme by its officials to defraud the government.

    Some quick questions for Agunloye: From where did he derive the authority to award the contract particularly after the FEC had turned same down? In other words, is it a case of an earlier approval being superior to any other consideration, this time the FEC? Why bother to bring up at FEC if this was the case? And the big question: why would Sunrise be asking for payment for “pre-EPC” development on a project that was supposed to cost the federal government nothing?

    The former minister would not as much as attempt to give an answer in the so-called letter.

    And now to Obasanjo: From the late President Yar’Adua alleging that Obasanjo’s administration spent $11 billion on the power sector “with nothing to show for it”, to the latest but still evolving scandal on the Mambilla Hydro Power project, Nigerians must find it interesting, if not sad, that the individual, who has long assumed the self-assigned role of being the scourge of successive administrations on matters of corruption, continues to be the recurring name where grand heist is mentioned. 

  • Comic juntas, coup jesters

    Comic juntas, coup jesters

    Just as well: the Omar Bongo rogue dynasty of Gabon just got dissipated — and with ignominy too! 

    “Papa Doc” Omar Bongo Odimba corralled the Gabon state on 2 December 1967. “Baby Doc” Ali Bongo Odimba got booted out on 30 August 2023.  Fifty-four years of state capture!  Good riddance to bad rubbish!

    Remember the infamous Papa Doc (Dr. Francois Duvalier: ruled 1957-1971) and Baby Doc (Jean-Claude Duvalier: ruled 1971-1986): the notorious Haitian father and son that captured Haiti, until Baby Doc was chased out by popular revolt in 1986?  

    Baby Doc even succeeded Papa Doc at 19!  Both left Haiti in virtual ashes. 

    But unlike Haiti, Gabon prised off the father-and-son dynasty for Brice Nguema, an Odimba cousin, as junta chief — the best the Gabon army could conjure from their bag of tricks!  

    So, Gabon, look out for a long night under your military, if experience elsewhere is any pointer.

    But Gabon is no sole example of a sole family capture of the state.  Togo is another. 

    In 1967 — same year as Gabon’s Bongo — Gnassingbe Eyadema seized Togo.  Though Vice President Bongo succeeded his dead President Leon M’ba, Soldier Eyadema seized power by a coup. After his death in 2005, his son Faure Gnassingbe took power — another “Papa Doc” and “Baby Doc” story.

    So, for 56 years now, tiny Togo has been in even the tinier pocket of the Eyademas! When that pseudo-dynasty too blows up, let no one express surprise.

    Read Also: Coup: Uncertainty over Niger’s delegation to UN General Assembly

    Pray, how long will Rwanda be in the clamp of Paul Kagame, despite its Hutu-Tutsi genocide trauma of 1994?  Since then — 29 years — Kagame has been sole ruler.

    Or Uganda under Yoweri Museveni, the guerrilla that seized Uganda after the comi-tragic Idi Amin Dada, another soldier-savage (ruled 1971-1979)?  Since 1986 — 37 years — Museveni too has had Uganda in his pocket.

    Both are other time bombs waiting to explode.

    Kenya could have gone the Gabon — or Togo — way, though a threatened Air Force coup reset the brains of the dynasts there.  Mau-Mau guerrilla war of independence hero, Jomo Kenyatta (ruled 1963-1978) died in 1978, passing power to Daniel arap Moi, his Vice President, in a one-party state Kenya.

    Moi too would go on a power frolic (he ruled from 1978 to 2022).  But an Air Force coup scare forced multi-party elections from 1992.  

    Though he would win two more terms, a Kenyan dynastic mindset was broken.  Mwai Kibaki, the opposition alliance candidate, beat Uhuru Kenyatta, Moi’s preferred heir.

    But that didn’t prevent Uhuru, son of Jomo Kenyatta, from wining a later term, thus attaining some democratic Kenyatta “dynasty” — no crime, so long as it’s backed by legitimate votes: the Nehru-Ghandis of India, the Bushes of the United States — with the “almost there” Clintons — are examples of such voter-backed “dynasties”.

    Lesson?  Kenya achieved a double: it not only dodged the military junta bullet, it also fixed its democracy.  No, it’s not perfect.  But it’s growing.

    Still, no matter how skewed a polity is, the military is never an option.  The best you get is Togo — being sold a pig in a poke: by soldiers capturing the state for families’ own exclusive rape.

    Which is why it’s shocking many would crow about the military as some salvation. How tragically deluded!

    Indeed, how deluded are the West African quad of Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea Conakry, incidentally all linked by land mass.  The juntas out there have over-flogged anti-French hysteria to gain emotive traction in rogue nationalism.

    But to what end?  Like in Gabon, it’s a long, long night for them all.  The real surprise though is any sane Nigerian giving junta rule a thought, no matter how fleeting!

    Between 1966 and 2007, Nigeria had seen everything: benign military rule, gruff and rough junta rule, near-state capture under junta rule, attempted term extension under civil rule and, well, post-2007 constitutional romantics — if not outright anarchists —under the interim government banner.

    That about constitutes the crux of Prof. Wole Soyinka’s latest intervention: “The Cape Town Re-entry”, in which he stated the obvious: PDP and LP cancelled out each other, yet after, claimed they “won”!  Which house divided against itself ever stands?

    Under Gen. Yakubu Gowon, quintessential officer and gentleman, Nigeria witnessed the closest to benign military rule — at least in comparison to his successor ruffians.

    The Murtala-Obasanjo regime was a mish-mash.  The mercurial Gen. Murtala Muhammed started out to crush corruption “with immediate effect”.  Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo lived most of that regime (after Murtala’s February 1976 assassination), and so achieved its prime political goal of returning Nigeria to civil rule in 1979.

    Murtala’s impulse and rashness, epitomized by his “immediate effect” media sackings, destroyed the civil service as safe haven for career bureaucrats.  That scare created the civil servant as “evil” servant — rank colluder in the mega-corruption of today to safeguard his future.

    Under Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, Nigeria was perilously close to state capture.  IBB almost imposed personal anniversaries as national epochs, although his waywardness — witness the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election — also tolled the death knell for political soldiers and greedy junta rule in Nigeria.

    Under Gen. Sani Abacha, military rule plumbed the lowest.  While the regime was grim and unfazed harvester of opposers’ lives and limbs, Abacha himself became the blind symbol of soulless looting, the future be damned!  That effectively buried the political military.

    Had ex-President Obasanjo attained his illicit “third term” push of 2005/2006, Nigeria would probably today have been a Gabon, under a sick PDP dynasty, with catastrophic consequences.  But the Senate punctured that ploy.

    Post-June 12 annulment politics and till today, Obasanjo has been deep in the interim government intrigue, a subject on which WS just beamed fresh light.  

    He was neck-deep in the conspiracy with IBB to trade off MKO’s Abiola’s mandate for Ernest Shonekan’s doomed Interim National Government (IMG) that only paved the way for Abacha.  

    When Obasanjo realized Peter Obi had lost, he started goading President Muhammadu Buhari for a mid-way election freeze, ala June 12.  Of course, PMB ignored him.

    But the current losers’ gambit is no accident.  It’s all a ploy by PDP elements (read PDP and Peter Obi’s LP) that actively worked against democracy, nevertheless gained its plum from 1999 but spectacularly ran Nigeria aground till 2015.

    Lusting after ruinous junta rule — which is treason by the way — is latest stratagem by these sore but loud losers.  But whoever crosses the red line must pay the price.  The security agencies must make sure of that.

  • Of tortoise and PEPC verdict

    Watching the Presidential Election Petition Court (PEPC) give Atiku, Obi and lawyers a harsh tutorial on the basics of evidence and proof, three sayings coursed through you.

    One: a bad artisan blames his tools.  

    Two: He that planted five seedlings, with five fat lies, soon harvests five yam tubers and five big lies.  

    Three: The tortoise declared he was travelling.  When will you come back, his folks asked.  When I’m thoroughly disgraced, he bragged.

    Indeed.  A bad (p)artisan blames his tools!   Any clinical mind knew the Atiku, Obi cases were all fizz, no pitch.  The PEPC verdict all but confirmed that.  

    But why didn’t the tools (lawyers) — ultra-costly ones at that! — tell their clients — dreamy, delusional fellows! — they had an extremely bad case, if any?

    The court was so riled, by the tri-litigants wasting its time, that it handed out hefty fines: Labour Party, LP (N47, 910, 431. 78); People’s Democratic Party, PDP (N23, 391, 001. 45) and Allied People’s Movement, APM (N13, 675, 890).

    Citing the Judicial Act 87, subsection 390 of 1968 (as amended), the PEPC sapped the litigants for frivolous petitions, which the court dubbed “incongruous, incompetent, nebulous, unmeritorious, fallacious, defective, mischievous, beyond repairs” — and ordered that the fines be paid within 48 hours after the verdict!

    Aside from the hefty fines, should SANs, flowers of the Bar, endure such blasters from the Bench, for brilliant failures on the core professional front — the Bench here being the Court of Appeal — Nigeria’s second highest — which members make up the PEPC?  Not pretty!

    Besides, planting lies and harvesting fibs; and the tortoise swearing never to return until after cropping utter disgrace, would appear fair grand metaphor for the Abubakar Atiku and Peter Obi runs.

    Obi especially was a shaman, who had no demonstrable legacy or clear vision as governor — at least compared to his prime opponents: the APC pair of Bola Tinubu (Lagos) and Kashim Shettima (in Boko Haram-plagued Borno).

    Read Also: Why health workers must be protected, by Health Minister Pate

    Yet, he was magician to his Obidient zombies; pious son to his “yes Daddy” holy hustlers, hoofing and neighing at the APC “Muslim-Muslim” ticket; and messiah to his boisterous clan, whose din ensured he lacked the national spread to the Presidency.

    Atiku, all preen and strut, does have a decent pan-Nigeria network, to be fair.  But his problem is he always postures what he’s not — or will ever be.  Besides, his blind ambition made him blind, deaf and dumb to political realities around him.

    Against old soldier, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who would rather crush his Vice President with an imperial jackboot, Atiku feigned the liberal democrat.   That was 2007.  But the 2007 pan-Nigerian democrat became the 2023 “northern” choice!

    Against President Tinubu as APC candidate, he attempted a rank harvesting of the over-demonization of another old soldier, former President Muhammadu Buhari, pushing himself as some lost pearl from a golden PDP era: both as consummate democrat and acute genius of the market economy.

    But if the Obasanjo-PDP era was golden age of Nigerian democracy, why did Obasanjo hanker after an illicit third term, so much so that the Senate had to shoo him off in virtual disgrace?  

    And didn’t PMB teach Obasanjo and PDP the inviolability of term limits; and the piety of sane elections: witness the gulf between Obasanjo’s 2007 charade and Buhari’s 2023 poll?  Yet, sore losers strive to bad-mouth 2023, even if they continue to fail.

    Trust Atiku!  Even post-PEPC drubbing, he has launched into some yarn, dubbing himself some Shehu Musa Yar’Adua reincarnation in activism to deepen democracy!

    But even on that, he talked himself into a deep hole of history.  Yar’Adua, it was, whose faction of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) subverted MKO Abiola’s rousing victory.

    SDP national chairman, the late Tony Anenih, who signed and parcelled off MKO’s win for Ernest Shonekan’s Interim National Government (ING), would emerge “The Fixer” of the PDP era: a euphemism for the most ruthless of election-rigging machines, on which PDP thrived.  That blind heist climaxed in 2007, marking the beginning of PDP’s end.

    Still, all those behind the June 12 treachery have eaten crow: Obasanjo is self-diminished.  Yar’Adua — unfortunately — died in the Abacha gulag.  ”The Fixer” was the contemporary Tortoise: he didn’t quit until he cropped disgrace with the PDP!

    By contrast, the heroes of June 12 have thrived since 2015: the grand symbol of that is Bola Ahmed Tinubu, now President of the Federal Republic, whose election the PEPC just comprehensively endorsed!  

    It was on June 12 Tinubu parted ways with the late Shehu Yar’Adua. Viva June 12!

    But Atiku, at least, has some history of struggle to his name — history that might eventually testify against him, but history nevertheless.  

    Not so Obi — the supreme child of the moment: no yesterday, no tomorrow, not even the next second, just this moment!  

    That shapes the full emptiness that drives Obi and his Obidients.  No wonder their prime tenet is Obidiocy — that gangling penchant to act before you think, yet swear it was infallible and thoroughly traduce whoever demurs!

    Track the electoral graph since 1999: 2003 was worse than 1999; 2007 — Obasanjo’s exit bare-faced robbery — was not only worse than 2003, it hit the very nadir.

    But Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (God bless his soul!) would be eternally remembered for flinching from the blind heist that fetched him controversial power; and therefore introduced reforms — not the Judiciary that somewhat okayed that robbery; not Obasanjo that keeps defending that open sore of Nigeria’s democracy.

    Still, from 2011, it has been an upward thrust, no matter how gradual — and the problem has not been INEC per se, but partisans whose exclusive idea of “fairness” is only when they win: 2015 — when the card reader debuted — was better than 2011; 2019, better than 2015, with 2023 trumping them all.  

    The clear difference has been technology, and 2023 came with the twin Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and INEC Result Viewing Portal (IReV) — though INEC didn’t fully deliver on IReV, no thanks to network glitches.  

    It’s the same election these sore losers have been trying to discredit; this same INEC these desperadoes have been trying to tar.  A new evil is descending on the land: clear losers swearing to raze the house unless they were declared winners!

    Just as well PEPC gave them all a savage short shrift!  But like the disgrace-huggng tortoise, the ultimate odium awaits them all at the Supreme Court.

    By the way, after the comprehensive trashing of Obi’s petition, who will Chimamanda write now, sequel to her letter to US President Joe Biden?  US Chief Justice John Roberts?  Or even the iconic Lord Denning in his grave?

  • Law, not an ass after all!

    Law, not an ass after all!

    To the vociferous few who have sought to strip the law of common sense and its supreme evidential correlates, the unanimous decisions of the five eminent justices of the Presidential Elections Petitions Tribunal, which affirmed the election of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu at the February 25, presidential elections, may have come across as profoundly stunning.

    For the greater majority of Nigerians however, the judgment, rich in rigour, lucid and resounding in its clarity, could not have been otherwise. For far from being mere reminders of the saying about the law not being an ass, the justices, right from the artful ways they set out the issues from the copious submissions of the parties, to their well-reasoned submissions on every single item in contention; they left little doubts what their jobs were: to deliver justice to the parties in accordance with the strict dictates of the law; to teach the hordes of deluded and obviously miseducated throng that call themselves Obidients that their high decibel chants were mere gas; that all that matters in the end is the spirit and the letters of law.

    It is certainly a new day that the justices achieved these and perhaps more. Of course, we had a presidential election whose result was disputed by the leading contenders. But that could hardly have been the problem since every electoral cycle since the beginning of the fourth republic has always been like that. In any case, the Electoral Act makes ample provisions for judicial review and political actors have been known to take advantage of this provision to run the process through the judicial route.

    The 2023 presidential electoral cycle was however different. Clearly, if muck raking was barely permissible in the contact game that politics is; the opportunistic attempts at delegitimatisation of the process on account of perceived glitches; the cheap but choreographed misinformation campaign designed to promote confusion and anarchy, the supplanting of facts with fantasies by dwellers of that alternative world divorced from reality, right up to the ceaseless but utterly baseless attacks on judges and the judicial institution by supporters of the losing parties, and some so-called lawyers, are/were, to put it mildly, unprecedented.

    Read Also: Court orders Ogun, agents to stay off DATKEM Plaza

    Have things calmed a bit? For now, it is still early to say; at least, not with those talking heads with their sorties of talking points still unrelenting in their opportunistic mind games. In all, my worry is not that the matter is one that every Nigerian have opinions, but rather, the fact that those who should help illuminate the raging issues are actually the ones stoking the embers of confusion and possible anarchy.

    The other day, I watched on Arise TV, a supposed senior lawyer, impugn the integrity of their Lordships at the Supreme Court on a case that is yet to be brought before them. When cautioned by the moderator, he simply retorted that he knew the consequences of his utterances and couldn’t care. The same individual would on the same programme pronounce with magisterial authority, that the members of the PEPT were wrong in not taking public opinions to account (apparently in the absence of evidence) to arrive at their judgments! Talk of a leading lawyer defecating in the communal pond in an unguarded, politically charged moment!

    Muddled as the attempt by the petitioners was, it is certainly to the credit of the justices that they helped to delineate the issues. It was not to be An Excursion into Frivolities, as the baying Atikulated mob had sought to frame it. Neither was it a Journey into Fantasia-land as their counterpart, the Obidients, had sought to convince world. Theirs was serious business that required proofs, iron cast proofs.

    In this, the President Election Petition Tribunal (PEPT) made clear that their work is essentially about the process and the outcome of the February 25 poll. Whereas the 1999 constitution of the republic and the Electoral Act, were to constitute their standards, the Evidence Act would provide the guidance. The matter, as the eminent jurists apparently understood it, required neither forays into the national archives nor ego trips to Chicago or wherever, to establish. The petitioners had alleged and so must carry the burden of proof. It was as much about who won the election as it was about whether the electoral umpire, was in substantial compliance with the dictates of the law.

    There were other issues which the PEPT touched upon, such as the status of Abuja in the electoral calculus, the prerogatives of the parties to nominate their candidates as indeed other minor details which in the bizarre, specious opinion of the petitioners, should have vitiated that resounding democratic outcome that came out of the February 25 presidential poll. All of these were carefully touched upon by the judges in the marathon session that took nearly the whole of 12 hours. Clearly, if those moments served to remind that the bilious electoral mode ought to be over; it was also the moment to jar the disputants into the hard reality of the due dictates of the law as against the justice of the mob. 

    Did the jurists acquit themselves well? If I understood the Atikulates and Obidients well, their angers are not necessarily about the let-down by their much hyped but clearly overrated counsels; they are pained by the panel’s refusal to be swayed by the “weight of evidence” which they erroneously assumed would be harvested from by the eminent jurists at the click of the computer mouse. If it is any measure of the depth of the miseducation of the throng, the real danger is that the country may not have even now begun to pay attention to the impudence of the generation steeped in entitlement. As for the lawyers who, while seeking to profit from them, do not mind bringing the roof down on our heads, it seems to me a matter of time before the chicks come to roost. 

    We await the next stage of the ‘fireworks’ at the apex court. Let me at this stage hazard what would happen: It is unlikely that the apex court would require any last-minute evidence from any imaginary back-end servers on the I-Cloud to come to their judgment. I understand that Atiku Abubakar, will be making an appearance in a United States court today over the president’s certificates and diploma. Much as it is a free world, the effort will come to naught. Who knows; the perennial presidential candidate might need the emerging piece of evidence for his 2027 run!

    As for the status of Abuja, the issue seems to me also as already settled; those expecting any dissension would be disappointed.

    In all, those expecting the winner of the presidential election, a one-time senator and two-term governor of the most prosperous state in Nigeria to be disqualified on the basis of an unproved and unprovable charge, to be disqualified by the courts are living in wonderland.

    I rise!

  • PBAT as salesman

    When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT) said to state governors and other elected leaders that they should not make heavy weather about the poor state of economic affairs inherited in their respective political jurisdictions, but should rather go do the work they begged and danced for, he surely took his own lessons well.  In the past 100 days plus, President Tinubu has turned into the most enthusiastic international salesman for Nigeria, and he is making a kill of it.

    His performance in India, on the side-lines of the G20 summit, where he went to cut multiple deals for Nigeria, showcases the sterner stuff of a salesman. Within hours of landing in the country, he held meetings with leading Indian multinational companies which yielded over $14 Billion in investment plans. At the meeting he told the business leaders that he has a formidable team, of which he is the captain. He promised he will be available to solve all challenges that businesses face in his country, and that those who heed his call would not regret taking his bait.

    The president followed up with talks with leaders of Korea, India and Germany, and the German leader is billed to visit Nigeria next month. This column urges state governors regardless of party affiliations to learn one or two tricks from the president, which is to market their states for investment opportunities. The governor of Enugu State, Peter Mbah, another businessman-politician, appears to understand the most critical responsibility of the chief executive. He recently hosted the first Enugu State Investment and Economic Growth Stakeholder Roundtable.

    According to him, he plans to move the state economy from its present GDP of about $4.4 billion to $30 billion. At the roundtable, he unveiled 30 potential investment opportunities said to worth about $2.1 billion.  He said: “projects in our pipeline range from specialist geriatric, paediatric, and maternal care hospitals to natural gas-to-power plants and renewable energy parks to meet our state’s 690 megawatts base load requirement and ensure the sustainability of the energy sector.”

    This writer is particularly enthused by the governor’s plan to take advantage of the constitutional amendment that placed electricity in the concurrent legislative list. In an earlier article, this writer wrote on the imminent emergence of super states in Nigeria, following that amendment. Clearly, unlocking the electricity requirement by any state government is a sure strategy to join the emerging elite club of states which will not depend on federal allocations to survive. Interestingly, President Tinubu recently recognized electricity as the most important modern factor of production.

    Read Also: Why health workers must be protected, by Health Minister Pate

    Another potential gold mine for Enugu is agriculture and agro-allied industrialization. Again as this column has argued severally on this page, the southeast states have an agricultural belt which they should exploit. Of the states in the region, Enugu is particularly blessed with enormous potentials, and hopefully the state governor would walk his talk. Amongst the cash crops targeted by the state, cashew nuts should enjoy pre-eminence, as the state can tap into the long abandoned cashew belt wasting in the state.

    On its part, Lagos State which is already a super state is on the highway to mega state status. With an economy valued at $75.965 billion, while many states are celebrating the construction of flyovers as achievement, Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu recently launched the state’s blue line rail, the first of the planned rail lines in the state. The governor with plans to make the state a 24hour economy hopes to exponentially expand the state economy. One of the several exciting infrastructure development is the fourth mainland bridge, which will link Ikorodu to the Lagos Island, with all the economic potentials.

    Another interesting development coming to Lagos is the Lagos-Abuja superhighway, proposed by the Minister for Works, Engineer Dave Umahi. Such a highway showcases the vision of the PBAT administration, who chose Umahi to head the vital ministry, despite the poor vote harvest from his region, as rightly observed by Governor Chukwuma Soludo of Anambra State. And considering the pedigree of the minister, there is every likelihood that the concrete road will be delivered within the maximum eight years that PBAT may likely serve. Moving from region to region, inspecting federal roads, most of which are dilapidated, Minister Umahi should do the Ebonyi magic across the country.

    The vice president, Kashim Shettima is clearly among the team PBAT talked about. In his usual jocularly manner, but dead serious in its import, the vice president has promised to retire former vice President Atiku Abubakar to his farm. It is interesting to see governors of the northeast flock around him, as he inaugurated projects delivered by the Northeast Development Commission (NEDC) over the weekend. Of course PBAT made a strategic choice in Shettima, a development oriented leader, like himself.

    If Shettima can led the charge to teach the northeast and even the northwest leaders the need to focus on developmental projects, instead of personal aggrandizement that has held their regions down for decades, history would be kind to the PBAT administration. One shudders what would have been the fate of the region, if the party of under-development leaders like Senator Aminu Tambuwwal, had won the presidential election. What happened to Sokoto State under the former governor in terms of massive underdevelopment would have been the lot of the country.

    For this writer, the future of Nigeria lies in entrusting power and authority in the hands of development oriented leaders. PBAT shows himself such a leader, and this column urges governors regardless of party affiliation to tap into that leadership skill. The urgency of the situation does not allow for bigotry and excessive partisanship. President Tinubu exhibits that sense of urgency in his presidency, as he is constantly consulting and hosting meetings with businesses and groups that can add value to his work. By the time his efforts begin to yield abundant fruits, Nigeria will return to the growth era, especially in non-oil areas.

    Those who invited PBAT to the G20 summit understand the potentials of Nigeria, and the fact that for the first time in its recent history, a leader capable of moving the country effectively to a medium economy in international relations is at the helm of affairs. President Tinubu also showed understanding of international relations by not showing enthusiasm to the 15th annual summit of the BRICS countries held recently in South Africa. At the critical juncture Nigeria stands, she must first get back to economic and social prosperity, before it can play effectively in the international politics of anti-west.

    As PBAT showed at the G20 meeting, his job is to sell Nigeria to the world, and through foreign direct investment, bring prosperity back to the country. Hopefully, state governors would also become salesmen too. This writer admonishes: seek ye first economic freedom, and every other thing shall be added unto you!

  • A modest constitutional proposal       

    A modest constitutional proposal       

    I have been doing some hard thinking lately on the constitution, especially that aspect of it which, according to some of the most learned persons in the land and indeed the whole world on such matters, stipulates that no candidate can be duly elected President of this Federal Republic unless that candidate wins at least 25 percent, or one-fourth, of the total votes cast in Abuja Federal Capital Territory,  or Abuja FCT.

    No shaking.  No approximations.

    That provision, these authorities insist, is an iron law or, to employ a more fancied term, a categorical imperative.  You and your party may win the majority in each of the 36 states of this Federal Republic; you may harvest every vote in every precinct in each of the 774 Local Government Areas of the country, and you may even have won the overwhelming majority of the votes cast in the Federal Capital Territory that is the nation’s Magic Kingdom. 

    But unless you win at least one-quarter of those votes, you have laboured in vain. If you fall short by a single vote, you have laboured in vain.

    This, according to these learned authorities, is the sober, unambiguous position enjoined by an unsentimental construction of the matter by the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as Amended.   That has been the law of the land. Think realpolitik.

    Once upon an earlier silly season, the country was confronted with the calculus of what constituted in demographic and plebiscitary terms, two-thirds of the 19 states comprising     the Federation.  In the run-up to the 1979 General Election, the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) had held at every opportunity the answer was 13 states.

    Until Richard Akinjide the legal wunderkind, acting on intelligence indicating that the NPN’s Presidential candidate, Shehu Shagari would win 25 percent or more of the total votes cast in each of at least two two-thirds of the states in Nigeria States threw a deus ex machina into the works.  Two-thirds of 19 as every elementary school pupil can figure out, is 12 2/3, not 13,  Akinjide deposed in the manner of the precise school teacher he once was.

    There was just this little problem that the NPN candidate Shehu Shagari, polled a little under 20 percent, or one-fifth, in a 13th state, Kano just a little under 20 percent, or one-fifth of the total votes there.

    As they had been iterated and reiterated by FEDECO officials and understood by the general public, Shagari’s showing fell considerably short of the stipulation.

    Nothing to worry about, as Akinjide might have assured FEDECO chairman Michael Ani, not the most patient of bureaucrats, flummoxed that the wheels he had refined and perfected to meet any contingency in what was already being called over-engineered election machine  were in danger of coming off when with regard to a 13th state.

    The law meant simply that, in this particular instance, a candidate needed to win only one quarter of the votes cast in at least two-thirds of the states in Nigeria,  –i.e., 12 2/3 states, not 13.   That formulation tipped the scale in Shagari’s favour, and he was declared winner all the way to Supreme Court.

    Read Also: UPDATED: UAE lifts visa ban on Nigerians after Tinubu’s intervention

    The law cannot contemplate an absurdity, the jurists maintained portentously; then they went ahead to deliver an absurdity by reducing Kano, the state with the largest number of parliamentary constituencies, to a hypothetical 13th state.

    They laid it down, however, that this was not to be cited as a precedent -not out of timidity or diffidence, you understand, but because of the time-honoured practice that the highest court in the land cannot be bound by such means, but because doing so might insulate it from legal developments in juristic science or perpetuate error.

    Just to make sure that kind of thing never happened again, the departing military removed that lacuna from the draft of the constitution they signed into law.  And, for good measure, every revision of the Constitution has ensured that the number of states in the Federation was divisible four.

    How could they have known that additional engineering could only lead to the recognition of Abuja FCT as a super-state and its residents as super-citizens whose votes outweigh the voters of all other citizens put together in the constitutional order?

    But that is where we are today.  And because of this, as well as alleged sundry irregularities, many learned persons are demanding that the last General Election be annulled and a new one ordered.

    Easy gentlemen, easy.  Can’t you see – and seize – the opportunities created by the new jurisprudence to clear the mess, the jiggery-pokery in the electoral laws and sanitize for all the time the theory and practice of psephology in our clime?

    All the best authorities agree that even local government elections in Nigeria are over-regulated.  When it comes to national elections, to call them over-regulated is too courteous. They are prone to manipulation at every conceivable point.  Instead of pillorying election officials, we should be praising and rewarding them for doing the impossible time and again under the most arduous circumstances.  It is a wonder that they get any results at all.

    To start with, the sheer scale and complexity of the exercise almost defy human ingenuity. Local Council elections are daunting enough.  The cost, in these disarticulated times, is simply insane.  Then the time lost to productivity, the court hearings, the appeals and cross-appeals – the whole thing is simply unsustainable.  The logistics is maddening.

    To say nothing of the paperwork even in this digital age.  And the damage the whole thing does to the soul, to social relations, and to our common humanity.  Is this not too high a price to pay for representative government, even at its most productive and beneficial?  When it consists in layer upon layer of dysfunction, it is time to embrace any alternative that promises even a smidgen of redemption.

    Now that the entire electorate in all disparities has been distilled into one compact geographic space  – Abuja FCT – for the purpose of a presidential election, the whole thing can be completed in a few hours after a leisurely Sunday lunch. Residents only, please.  Identification cards not transferable.

    Registration of qualified residents – fewer than 75, 000 by one account – and a handful of officials selected from among residents should take no more than an hour.  For actual voting and toting things up, allow one additional hour each.  Proclamation of results, one hour.

    Set aside one full day following the post-election petitions, if only to indulge the most obstinate litigants. But no lawyers, please.   Absolutely no lawyers of any stripe.  No media advisers or strategists of any kind. The entire Abuja FCT electorate will sit as a jury and determine. the final outcome of the election.  

    No appeals will be countenanced.  No obfuscations No magomago.  No wuruwuru.

    To consecrate this reform into law should be the first of business of the Tenth National Assembly. 

  • Saving African democracy

    Saving African democracy

    That could be the cause of the sudden regression of African democracies to autocratic military rule, when many thought democracy was steadying across the continent? Sadly, within the last five years, five countries formerly under democratic rule have suddenly fallen on military swords slaying democracy. Interestingly, the five countries of Mali, Burkina Faso, Chad, Niger and Gabon are all French speaking countries. But unlike in the past, when military takeover is targeted to upend internal governance structure, whether civilian or military, the coups in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger appears targeted against the former colonial power, France.

    While the coup in Chad in 2021 to install Mahamat Idris Deby after his father President Idriss Deby was killed by military insurgents had the support of France and the regional power Nigeria, that of Gabon last week according to the military junta that took over, was to restore state institutions, whatever that means. In the three West African countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, it remains to be seen how far the anti-French sentiment can carry the coupists?

    Unfortunately, for many of the countries in Africa, especially the French colonized countries, their economic, political and social umbilical cords are tied to the apron of their former colonizer for survival. In 2021, Niger was rated as the least developed country in the world by the United Nations. But interestingly, Niger sits on some of the world’s largest uranium deposits, and France relies on 50 percent of the country’s uranium for 70 percent of its nuclear power. Again, it supplies about 25.4 percent of the European Union’s uranium needs.

    Read Also; Burna Boy ready to take over continent, warns Wizkid, Davido

    Burkina Faso, considered as poor even by African standards, is also a highly dependent country. The country is however rich in gold and cotton, the later reportedly regarded as the white gold because of its contribution to the nation’s economy. Unfortunately, the country is plagued by attacks from militant Islamist groups, droughts and reoccurring military coups. On its part, Mali is also rated as a very poor country, with more than half of its population living in extreme poverty. Again, its main export is gold and salt.

    But Mali has a rich history of being home to the richest man that ever lived, Mansa Musa, according to Wikipedia. And for over four centuries Mali was a very powerful empire, with a very powerful army and economically buoyant, trading in gold and salt and benefiting from being a trade route between the north and West Africa. But Mali is now one of the poorest countries in the world, and according to black history, the Mali Empire collapsed due to internal conflicts, attacks from neighbouring states and the collapse of the trans-Saharan trade network.

    Conversely by African standards, Gabon is reputed to be a rich country, with a per capita GDP of $8,220 compared to Nigeria’s per capita GDP of $2,066. But that wealth is in the hands of a few people, particularly the deposed President Ali Bongo’s family, who with the father had ruled the country for the past 50 years. The father Omar Bongo ruled from 1967 until his death in 2009, and was reputed to be one of the richest men in the world, thanks to the oil wealth of the Gabonese.

    From the above trajectory, the major twin cause of the tragic end of democracy in the named countries can be summarized under poverty and corruption. Of course, the causes of corruption are myriad. In the present instance, it ranges from the exploitation of the peoples by their leaders, and the neo-colonist France. With unaccountable leaders, the little resources available for the entire country are fizzled away through sundry corrupt practices. On her part, France maliciously tied the poor former colonies economy to its apron, and duplicitously exploits the people and their natural resources.

    Sadly, these very poor former colonies of France cannot survive the multi-dimensional effects of poverty, without the support of France, as boasted by the President Macron, few days ago. The military men, who have taken over in those countries, would soon realize the tragedy of governing a poverty stricken population. To get out of the mess is a herculean task, and even with the best of intentions they would need the long patience of the populace to dent the poverty index. In no time those hailing them as saviours would soon shout, crucify them.

    The double whammy for the people is that sooner than later, these soldiers would fall into the corruption that plagued those they overthrew. With weak state institutions, and the difficulty of making any meaningful progress, and the agitation from the masses that would soon come, the likely option for the power usurpers would be to engage in survival strategy. And when a leader is forced by whatever circumstance to seek all means to survive, one of the likely options would be to amass illegitimate wealth to pay for survival. 

    Of course, corruption takes pre-eminence in Africa because of the prevalence of weak institutions, which is exploited by public office holders as well as the ordinary people. Like what became of communism, those who pretend to be lovers of the people will soon become lovers of self, and the circle of poverty endures. And the more endemic corruption becomes, the weaker the state institutions gets, until the state fails. Tragically that appears to be the fate of many African countries.

    So, for this column, those celebrating the military takeover in the neighbouring Niger Republic and foolishly calling for similar thing to happen in Nigeria are missing the point. What is needed is to encourage President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to exercise his democratic credentials to reform and strengthen state institutions. Luckily, Nigeria is not similar to these countries, whose economy is tied to their former colonial master, France. Instead of calling for a coup, democratic pressure should be mounted on state institutions, to make laws for the good of the country, and implement the laws for the good of the country.

    As any reasonable Nigeria should know, overthrowing the democratic government of Tafawa Balewa in 1966, even with all the corruption allegations against them was a tragedy that has plagued the country since then. With the incremental looting that is associated with the military regimes that subsequently exercised power from 1966 until 1999, it would have been better to fight the political and economic corruption for which they were overthrown, using democratic means however tenuous.

    Saving democracy in Africa is in the hands of the elites, who should realize that European and American powers, whether France or Russia or United States of America are only interested in exploiting the rich resources of the continent. To think that Russian or Chinese suzerainty would be better than the French or America neo-colonialism is an illusion.

  • NBS’ statistical fantasy

    NBS’ statistical fantasy

    As would be expected, just about every Nigerian, who claims to know a thing or two about the arcane subject of quartiles, deciles and percentiles have not only condemned the Nigerian Labour Force Survey (NLFS) released last week by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), they have also pronounced on its implausibility. If there is one moment when a national institution chose to mess things up when rigour and hard thinking was expected; when a lead agency of government abdicated its sacred responsibility to guide the leaders at a time of grave national crisis, the latest survey report would be it. Hiding under the cover of global best practices as ‘decreed’ by the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the body went on a voyage of fantasy even without as much a concern for the relevance or the validity of its work. It is certainly a sad day that highly resourced institution like the NBS would contemplate an activity that would in the end be deemed unproductive.

    Understandably, much of the focus has been on the unemployment rate which the NBS puts at 4.1 percent; down from a record 33 percent – a statistical wonder in a country where some 133 million citizens are said to be multi-dimensionally poor. Recall that the NBS only last November affirmed that 63 per cent of Nigerians were poor due to a lack of access to health, education, living standards, employment, and security.

    More than that however, Nigerians should equally pay attention to the other issues provoked in the wake of the release of the survey. In fact, the issue, as it is increasingly turning out, would seem as much about the NBS’ understanding of the sociology of unemployment as a subject, its integrity as an institution as it is about its fidelity to the national cause.

    Yes, every institution that ought to have spoken have lent their voices. The Nigerian Labour Congress, the employers’ body, the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria etc. Their conclusion appears to be the same: not only has the NBS goofed, it would take a body quartered in the moon to produce the farce said to be the labour force report!

    Read Also; It’s hard for me to forgive, forget, says Joeboy

    In all of these however, none came anywhere near the well-reasoned intervention of the former Statistician-General of Federation/Chief Executive Officer of the bureau, Dr. Yemi Kale. First, he let it be known that the pressure to change the methodology was certainly not new; that it was something he experienced as helmsman of the institution. Secondly, that he was able to resist the pressure apparently convinced that the nation’s greater cause was better served using the old method. Thirdly, that whereas the ILO could have valid reasons to seek a change in how its unemployment figures are computed, the project – the change in methodology, that is – neither make sense in the context of the nation’s current realities nor could be said to constitute its priority.

    To borrow his exact words: “I resisted (to change the model for unemployment methodology) for 10 years because it did not make any sense in terms of providing the information that our policymakers need.

    Indeed, if the former NBS helmsman understood the methodology in the strict sense of the premium placed on its global comparability, far more concerning to him, it would appear, was the issue of their relevance and their implications for policy in a country yearning to address a crisis long acknowledged as having reached a tipping point.

     “But policymakers can’t use it, and I must repeat that the most important use of data is to provide information for policy not for international comparison,” he had further noted.

    Now, that was from an individual who ran the agency for a decade.

    The question we must insist on finding an answer is – what has changed? The story out there is that the new rate “aligns with the rates in other developing countries where work, even if only for a few hours and in low-productivity jobs, is essential to make ends meet, particularly in the absence of any social protection for the unemployed”.

    The other argument is that “it also bears close semblance with the figures in neighbouring countries- Ghana (3.9 per cent), Niger (0.5 per cent) Chad (1.4 per cent) and Cameroun (4.0 per cent).

    And then the blathers from one Ibrahim Wakili, the NBS’s head of communication and public relations department who chose to go for the messenger rather than the message: “In my 30 years of service, he is the worst ever, and the youngest served statistician-general we ever had. Everything was crippled, not even light in the office. The money the government spent on NBS, we did not see anything”, he had said of Kale. Imagine a supposed image maker of a government institution indulging in such crude reductionism on a raging public policy issue!  (The NBS has since issued a disclaimer).

    The issues are certainly far less of a technicalese than what the NBS sophistry could ever seek to conceal. I imagine that those NBS fellows do not live in the moon; otherwise they would have resisted the absurdity of that broad classification of a one-hour work a week as an acceptable threshold to make the status ‘employed’. Had the typically bored fellows in the NBS bothered or cared to find out, they would have discovered that there is no such thing as hourly wage in Nigeria that could be compared with those that the ILO would seek to pair on its global comparability. Not Ghana, Togo or wherever.  And if the big guns in NBS must know, their institution exists to serve Nigeria and Nigerians; it is not an outpost of the ILO from whom justifications must at all times be sought!

  • Not our Lagos

    Not our Lagos

    Mudashiru Obasa, Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, hit the nail right on the head.  

     “Technocrats”, that hover after public offices as vulture after carrion, after “politicians” had faced raking fire to win elections, have zero character.

    Indeed, all through its first term, one used his statistics to pepper the Buhari order claiming, by his raw numbers, that order was useless.  The other, as a thunderous “critic”, bad-mouthed the same Buhari and co with the worst of fury and vitriol.

    Yet, after PMB landed a second term, both were ready — no, itchy — to land plum jobs, under that same “useless” order.  Irate APC partisans bombed them off that rank opportunism with admirable thunder!

    Still, an impassioned Obasa went the other extreme: politicians may conquer fire to win elections.  But that doesn’t earn them the sole capture of the public space.  

    The exclusive owner of that space is the citizen: from the President to the lowest resident with absolutely no name: the quintessential hoi polloi. 

    The highest office in a democracy is that of the Citizen.  Citizens make up “politicians” and “technocrats”.  Both can fill the public space, so long as the mix is fair and right.  

    That’s why the Speaker’s (and the Lagos legislature’s) impassioned exclusivity theory — “politicians” sans “technocrats” — cannot stand. That’s not just our Lagos, since 1999.

    Back in 1999, Lagos birthed with a rare technocratic DNA, that has made a splendid difference.  For starters, Governor Bola Tinubu was no traditional politician.  

    Read Also; Burna Boy ready to take over continent, warns Wizkid, Davido

    As ex-Mobil Producing Nigeria Unlimited Treasurer, his closest to politics was as the professional-in-politics (against the professional politician): the triumphant crow of the ”new breed” politicians of the Babangida era. 

    Dr. Lanre Towry-Coker, famed architect and the young governor’s area “egbon”, made Tinubu’s first cabinet in 1999, not as a politician but as a technocrat to add value.

    Tinubu’s most impactful commissioners — Yemi Osinbajo, Wale Edun, Dele Alake, Rauf Aregbesola, Yemi Cardoso, Leke Pitan, et al — were more of professionals in politics than conventional politicians, though a few (like Aregbesola) would later morph from mass mobilizers to supreme masters of the political street.

    Neither was the successor Tinubu himself named the “Actualizer”: Babatunde Raji Fashola, SAN, the surprise choice that though well-neigh “scattered” the Tinubu inner-circle technocrats, immensely justified that choice with golden governance.

    Akin Ambode, Fashola’s successor, was no traditional politician anymore than sitting Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu.  At best, both are the technocrat-politician hybrid, of the Lagos political bureaucracy, that has served Lagos rather well.

    Obasa’s anti-”technocrat” campaign is set against this vibrant tradition — and horrors of horrors: the face of the “failed technocrats” is the iconic Prof. Akin Abayomi, the hero of COVID-19 Lagos!  Says who?

    Indeed, success or failure in the public space is too grave to be left to the whims of the Lagos legislature!  That appraisal belongs to the Lagos people, supreme masters of the democratic turf, civic bosses from whose votes everyone draws their legitimacy.

    Prof. Abayomi, as the COVID-19 Lagos Incident Commander, Governor Sanwo-Olu himself, cropped COVID-19, as both stood firm against that pandemic to save Lagos.

    Abayomi could easily have died, as Dr. Ameyo Adadevoh, another heroine of Ebola Lagos, did on 19 August 2014; though her quick thinking saved Lagos: medically canning the travelling Liberian diplomat, the late Patrick Sawyer — and Nigeria’s first Ebola case. 

    Unlike Abayomi, Dr. Adadevoh was a brave private medic in public health-challenged times.  But under Fashola, it was Lagos standing stoutly to save Nigeria from Ebola, a feat replicated, with the even more serious COVID-19, under Sanwo-Olu.

    Indeed Abayomi’s rejection, for alleged “failure”, was sick epitome for Sanwo-Olu’s  impactful first-term commissioners — Gbenga Omotoso (Information and Strategy), Folasade Adefisayo (Education) and the others.  

    Omotoso provided admirable information and communication cover in troubled times.  Adefisayo embarked on perhaps the most audacious IT-backed curriculum and teaching reforms in Lagos public primary schools — the very fundament of it all.

    If they, with other returning commissioners, had performed so woefully, why would the governor yearn for an encore with them?  That makes no logical sense.  

    But it’s good the Lagos Governor’s Advisory Council (GAC) has stepped up dialogue to clear misconceptions and boost mutual legislature-executive trust.  It’s a critical juncture where delivery of value, for the general good, should tramp all else.

    Still, all the noise over opportunistic “technocrats” — indeed, a slew of them are — is only the symptom.  The real disease is the skewed reward system of the Lagos APC.

    That is one area Governor Sanwo-Olu — and the APC top hierarchs — must seriously address.  You don’t, every election cycle, treat like scum committed party foot soldiers, when it’s time to share hard won electoral spoils.  That can only bring bitter resent.

    Equally severe is the lack of fair representation of some local government areas, on the governor’s list, as the House alleged.  Both Speaker and Governor must partner, under the guiding wisdom of the Lagos GAC, to right those wrongs, without roasting quality.

    But even at that, no religious lobby must be allowed to hold any sweeping audit over any list.  Adherents of the two foreign faiths, Christianity and Islam, often push the zero-sum game, while howling for public plums for their members.  

    Lagos is no exclusive preserve of any bullying faith.  The Isese folks, African traditional believers, also have rights to these offices but are most often soullessly elbowed out.  

    Besides, the Yoruba culture of deep faith tolerance, a shining model for the rest of Nigeria, frowns at base faith activism in the public space.  

    That such is rearing itself in 21st century Lagos should worry everyone.  This is not just our Lagos!  Still, penetrating fairness is the supreme antidote.

    Structurally though, the Tinubu Lagos alliance, which has worked wonders since 1999, appears fraying at the edge.  The dynamics are clearly changing, thus needing urgent re-invigoration all-round.

    The governor-as-clear-leader (which Tinubu was) is morphing into the-governor-as-mere-peer.  That isn’t especially bad for democracy but the transition could be bumpy.

    Though Sanwo-Olu seems to boast the mild temper best suited for that transition — much more than Ambode before him — mutual horizontal adjustment of attitudes, to build mutually reinforcing and check-mating democratic structures, is imperative.

    Had that been the case, Speaker Obasa wouldn’t have blabbed his ego-tripping self-comparison with the governor.  That was absolutely unnecessary.  Ego is always a costly distraction.

    That is why President Tinubu should especially track this pall of dark smokes.

    True, running Nigeria is not unlike lugging the elephant.  With that burden, your feet can’t be foraging for mere ants! That could be a fatal distraction!

    Still, the president can’t afford to totally tear himself off alarming developments from his Lagos base.  Cold self-preservation decrees the exact opposite.

  • A voyage around WS

    A voyage around WS

    There is no better occasion than the birthday of great and famous persons for tributes and reminiscences from friends, admirers, acquaintances and even those who have had only the most tangential encounters with them.

    It is in the context of an admirer, and one who has had only the most tangential but deeply affecting encounters with the Nobelist, Wole Soyinka, that I conceived this essay when he turned 89 on July 14.

    His occasional visits to Rutam House to see his friend and protégé Yemi Ogunbiyi always caused a stir on the premises.  Even before the Nobel, you sensed that a person of immense presence was around and you seized on any pretext to meet him and greet him.  I had to introduce myself on each occasion, persuaded that I had no right to expect that my name and my work as a columnist for The Guardian, and later editorial page editor and chair of its Editorial Board, had registered in his consciousness.   

    Read Also: Davido owes Muslims no apology – Wole Soyinka

    His response always seemed perfunctory, but hey, he has no obligation to be warm to a person who for was for all practical purposes a total stranger.  Plus, he has been exposed            to danger, primal danger, so many times and from so many quarters that he would have learned to take nobody’s goodwill for granted.

    One evening in late 1996, I went to  see Dr Doyin Abiola, wife of the imprisoned MKO Abiola, winner of the 1993 presidential election, in her flat at Abiola’s sprawling mansion in Opebi, Lagos, to discuss – what else? – the state of the “June 12 struggle” and to review our ongoing efforts to keep the cause and his privations splendidly in focus at home and abroad.

    Then, apropos of nothing, she asked:  “What is it between you and Professor Soyinka?”

    I was alarmed.  To the best of my knowledge, nothing, I replied. The mere thought of there being an issue between the Nobelist and me was  frankly unsettling.

    Dr Abiola told me the Nobelist had left moments before I arrived.  They had been strategizing on “June 12,” and were drawing up a list of persons of proven commitment to serve on various panels or to carry out specific tasks, and Dr Abiola had brought up my name.

    Only for the Nobelist to interject vigorously, “No, no, no, we don’t want any of Obasanjo’s friends in the group.”

    At that time, Obasanjo and I were no longer on speaking terms, Dr Abiola told Soyinka.  I had broken with him over “June 12.”  I could not reconcile myself  with his waffling on the matter, and his acceptance of the annulment as a fait accompli, to say nothing of his unquestioning acceptance of military president Ibrahim Babangida’s laboured pretext for  it.

    I should add that Obasanjo and I made up when he was jailed by the repellent dictator, Sani Abacha, and that he numbered me among those he designated to run some important errands for him.

    Shortly after Doyin Abiola cleared my bona fides with him, Soyinka went into exile in the United States,  just several steps ahead of Sani Abacha’s murder machine.  I followed later.  Courtesy  of his son Makin, an avid fan of my Guardian column, I informed him of my arrival in America.

    His email response was distinctly warm.  He said he was glad to learn that I had joined the exile train, and urged me to feel free to use the platform of Radio Kudirat to contribute to debates on the future of Nigeria. 

    My only meeting with him in America took place at Knox College,  in Galesburg, Illinois, some 40 miles from my Peoria base.  He was on hand for the final night of the staging of his globally-acclaimed play, Death and the King’s Horseman before an overflow audience.  Gone was the reserve, the perfunctory response of previous years.  He not only greeted me warmly, it was clear that he had followed news about me closely.  He said he thought I was right not to have taken up President Obasanjo’s offer appointing me managing director and chief executive of the moribund Daily Times.

    And since then, his responses to my occasional messages  have never lost their glow.  To the point that, when I was applying for a full professorship at Bradley, I felt emboldened to ask whether he could enter a letter of support for my quest.  Weeks passed, and my mail went unanswered.  I began to fear that I might have overplayed my hand, more so when people who can claim greater familiarity with Soyinka said I should not have made such a request.  They said he rarely acquiesced in such matters.

    Then, just when I had almost lost all hope, his email bobbed up on my computer screen.  He said he had stayed longer than he had planned on a trip to Nigeria,  To my request, he said “Of course.”  And he asked for the address to which he should send his letter.

    The day it arrived, the letter created quite a sensation.  It was all of one page, generous, unstinting, and priceless.   Word spread quickly around our compact campus that the 1987 Nobel Laureate in Literature had endorsed my candidature.

    My stock rose steeply among my colleagues.  The prizes and recognitions I had garnered over the years almost paled beside the fact  that a Nobel Laureate knows me well enough to vouch unequivocally that I was on every count qualified to be appointed a professor.

    It would be hard to find a worse example of institutional pettiness outside the university system, particularly its Personnel Committee or the Appointments and Promotions Committee, its Nigerian equivalent.  It is a forum where resentments and grievances play out.

    Having regard to this notorious fact, a senior colleague asked me to rest easy.  If anyone on the Personnel Committee seemed inclined to vote against your candidature,  he assured me, he would ask the person whether he had ever had any interaction with a Nobel Laureate to the point that the Laureate would strongly endorse his quest for a higher position.

    The deliberations were brief, and the vote was unanimous at the departmental and faculty levels, and at the conclave of deans.

    Whenever it seemed to me that I had come up against a brick wall on a self-assigned task of considerable import, I would, like many others, hide behind Soyinka’s immense stature to press forward.   I will cite  two instances.

    General Ibrahim Babangida, one of the most reviled persons in the Yoruba country, was going to be invited to chair the launch of a volume of essays Awo:  On the Trail of a Titan to mark the centennial of the Chief Obafemi Awolowo, generally regarded as the greatest figure of the nationality.   Unable to dissuade the organisers, I took the matter to Soyinka, who had contributed the preface to the book.

    His intervention scuttled the proposal.

    As the 2011 General Elections loomed on the political horizon, it was widely bruited that the National Leader of the Action Congress of Nigeria, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, would not endorse the high-achieving  Lagos State Governor, Babatunde Fashola, for a second term. Each passing day seemed to lend wings to  more intimations of efforts at mediation by friends of both parties seemed to be going nowhere.

    I brought up the matter with Soyinka and urged him to intervene in the interest of the progressive cause in Lagos State.   During a visit to Lagos, he had lunch with Tinubu and Fashola separately, probed deftly, but found no evidence of a rift between them that would threaten the progressive cause.   If I found hard evidence of a split, he said, I should let him know.

    Shortly thereafter,  he found abundant evidence of a rupture.  He worked closely with like-minded persons to restore amity.  It was from him that I learned  that Tinubu had finally but enthusiastically endorsed Fashola for a second term.

    In both instances, our interests had coincided.

    On one occasion, however, he declined my entreaties to him to dissuade a respected public figure from accepting an appointment  from the Jonathan administration that I was sure would ruin his reputation.

    “You are wasting your time, Tunji,” he replied tersely, adding that there was no dissuading the star-struck fellow.  The personage, name withheld, took on the job, and his reputation took some hard knocks.

    In Soyinka, you could never have a stronger ally for a worthy cause nor a more formidable adversary in an ignoble cause.  To his health and happiness as he approaches 90.