Category: Tuesday

  • Time to call ASUU’s bluff

    Time to call ASUU’s bluff

    By Olakunle Abimbola

    After all, it’s the fashion these days to be a desk general!” — the last quip of Jero’s Metamorphosis (published 1973) — was Prof. Wole Soyinka’s wry but devastating dig, at power-grabbing, opportunistic soldiers.

    The late Chuba Okadigbo, inimitable Oyi of Oyi, and former president of the Senate, would further explore this dismissive motif.  He gored them as “coup heroes”.

    But perhaps the most blistering, on the military power bullies, was Policeman, Alozie Ogugbuaja, and his pepper soup-and-coup theory.

    The then Police superintendent strafed the military as streaming with idle minds, downing bowls after bowls of pepper soup and choice beer each day from 11 am, and thinking and dreaming and plotting nothing but coups!

    Sure, that Alozie bomb blasted Ogugbuaja into career Siberia.  But it was a sobering thunder clap, which boxed the vain ears of the ruling military elite, at the high noon of General Ibrahim Babangida’s regime — the most reckless and insidious of them all!

    Still, when our own WS was coining that immortal line — the final flourish of Jero’s Metamorphosis — he probably never knew how hard it would come back to haunt his now much debased kith-and-kin, in the Nigerian intelligentsia.

    Pray, what is the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) today, but a bunch of  ”audio” intellectuals, barking insane threats on the union turf, rather than vibrating with ground-breaking research, and grooming, with quality intellect, the young lives in their care?

    Like desk generals, like audio lecturers — epochal dual impostors fated, by the scandal of their near-zero sense of duty, to blight the future of their compatriots and wards!

    Still time was, when the polity quaked with ASUU sympathy; and rocked with solid legitimacy for its cause: saving public universities, from wilful government disinvestment.

    That peaked during the IBB frenzy at emplacing systemic underdevelopment, of which public education was first casualty; and President Olusegun Obasanjo’s pursuit of fond personal glory, when public good, forlorn and shunned, beckoned in vain.

    Both eras (IBB’s military rule: 1985-1993; and Obasanjo’s second coming: 1999-2007) teemed with ASUU long strikes that all but destroyed the university calendar as we knew it.  Yet, the long-suffering victims, Nigerian students and their parents/ guardians, in ASUU’s support, bore the brunt with admirable patience and stoicism.

    Between 1999 and now, ASUU has gone on strike 15 times, in 21 academic years — excluding its current comical “strike”, even after COVID-19 had paralyzed all: 1999 (five months), 2001 (three months), 2002 (two weeks), 2003 (six months), 2005 (two weeks), 2006 (one week), 2007 (three months), 2009 (four months), 2010 (five months), 2011 (two months), 2013 (five-and-a-half months), 2017 (one month) and 2018/19 (three months: 4 November 2018-7 February 2019).

    The “strike campaign” birthed a landmark agreement in 2009, a Federal Government-ASUU deal, signed by the historic midwives: Bolanle Babalakin, SAN, the chairman of the Committee of Pro-Chancellors of Federal Universities, the late Gabriel Onosode, chairman of the re-negotiation committee and Ukachukwu Awuzei, then ASUU president.

    That historic breakthrough — at least that was what the new save-the-university-template was assumed to be back then — agreed that each federal university should get a jab of at least N1.5 trillion between 2009 and 2011; and their state counterparts, an infusion of N3.6 million per student.  The deal also agreed to at least 26% of Nigeria’s yearly budget funding education, half of that going to the universities.

    Needless to say, controversy broke out on the deal’s implementation.  The government claimed it had tried to consummate it, subject to the availability of funds — hardly good faith!  Lecturers’ pay was much enhanced, though, somewhat stalling the brain drain.

    Still, ASUU insisted the government had not tried enough; and often, to drive home its point, reverted to its inevitable strikes.  Unfortunately, by ASUU’s bulldog approach to strike, as a cure-all tool, it started bleeding badly, on public trust and confidence.

    But, no thanks to its hubris and arrogance, ASUU little realized it.  The premise of that hubris was that the government was always unpopular and could easily be tarred and bullied.  That fired the ASUU all-conquering bully complex.

    But alas!  On that haughty altar, it merrily slaughtered its essence, surrendered its prime duty to its students, scorned the community that stood by it, and became a critical part of the problem it claimed it strove to solve.

    Under the current presidency of Prof. Biodun Ogunyemi, ASUU has plumbed its most insensate and insensitive worst.  That it little realizes it is well and truly tragic!

    That’s why it would growl to be on an “indefinite strike”, when its students are anxious to salvage their 2020 academic year, after the COVID-19 paralysis; and its competitors, the private universities, are using the shambolic public university calendar to market own trade.  What crap!

    ASUU’s case is not helped at all by its conceit, goading it to dictate how its employer must pay it.  But which employee does that, so long as he gets his due? That is the long-and-short of its anti-IPPIS crusade.  For ASUU, it could well end in tears!

    The Federal Government has done well to give a final IPPIS ultimatum.  If it gets to that, it should declare a state of emergency in tertiary education.  Let academics who want to teach stay.  Let those fired by permanent Aluta leave.  It’s time the system reclaimed its soul!

    That Prof. Ogunyemi could be comfy, operating from the University of Ibadan, shows a much degraded academy, across the board.  In late 1982, a students’ unrest led to a two-month closure of UI, spilling into 1983.  But despite further breaks, caused by the 1983 general election, the UI calendar had normalized by November 1983!

    Is that UI culture, of fierce academic focus, no matter what, gone with the winds, of ASUU’s perpetual agitation?

    While as an undergraduate at UI, ASUU had issues.  Yet, the likes of Prof. Abiola Odejide and Mr. Pius Omole (Language Arts) and Prof (then Dr.) Niyi Osundare (English), made a lasting impact on their students — of which Ripples is proudly one.

    So did the University of Lagos trio of Profs. Olatunji Dare, Idowu Sobowale and Andrew Moemeka, all of Mass Communication, later at the Unilag Post-Graduate school.

    Great teachers all, earning eternal gratitude, they helped to shape the Ripples’ offerings on this page, every week.

    So, how much impact, on their students, are these ever-on-strike, unionized campus cowboys of today making; strutting the turf and making eternal threats?

    For the sake of our future generation, it’s time we all called ASUU’s bluff!

  • FFK: Trump set to bring joy to all

    FFK: Trump set to bring joy to all

    Olatunji Dare

     

    I cast my ballot in the 2020 United States General Election last Friday, some four weeks ahead of the official Election Day, November 3.

    It took me seven uneventful minutes.  I lined up behind 12 other voters, all masked and socially distanced, as enjoined by a notice on the large glass door leading to the spacious hall of the Peoria County Election Commission Office in Peoria, Illinois.

    As if on cue, all eyes turned to, and settled momentarily on the white woman standing directly behind me.  She wore no face cover.  It was as if she had come there to advertise, Trump-style, her indifference to, if not contempt for, the resurgent coronavirus disease, Covid-19.  Something about her suggested powerfully that anyone who might be thinking of challenging her would find her not unwilling or unprepared to mix it.

    Much to my relief, the line moved rapidly, almost like an automated operation, and soon it was my turn.  A clerk asked for my date of birth.  I tried rather clumsily to extract my driver’s licence from my cluttered wallet.  Not necessary, she said.  Then she asked for my home address.  She cross- checked with the master register, and handed me a registration card to sign and date. Another clerk assigned me a computer-generated number and waved me to a vacant voting machine, one of the 12 in the hall.

    By the time I was done, I looked at my watch.  Only seven minutes had passed since I stepped into the hall. In that period, I had marked my choice for president and vice president, two U.S. senators for Illinois, one Congressman, several county offices, as well as some referendum issues, one of which proposes to make the wealthy bear a more equitable share of the tax burden.

    Finally, I reviewed a printout of the entire transaction to be sue that my fingers had not raced ahead of my intentions.  Best of all, I had put a safe distance between me and the woman who would not protect herself or those around her by the simple expedient of wearing a face cover.

    I had been warned that I might spend the better part of a day on the line if I chose to vote in person,  and that it would help to take a folding chair along in case the whole thing was too much for my superannuated legs.  In the end, it was nothing like the obstacle race that voting in person has been turned into in the so-called “battleground states.”

    Voting by mail has been a long-established practice, and Trump has done so time and again.  But in this particular season, he has railed endlessly against it, claiming that it will promote fraud on a scale that only a few can even begin to imagine; that counting will take so long, that the results will not be known for weeks or months or forever.

    But if he can foresee such discontinuities, why can’t he prevent them, especially since the election is taking place under his watch? Better to sow the seeds of confusion and do everything possible to undermine confidence in the outcome – unless he wins.

    O man of little faith!

    In case the Trump camp has never heard of the Faithful Messenger, Fani-Kayode, he was Minister  of Aviation under President Olusegun Obasanjo, and later director-general of the failed re-election campaign of former President Goodluck Jonathan.  As of now, he has had no fixed address or designation.

    Not a few Nigerians were mightily relieved when, after three (four) unsolicited visitations, he  abruptly terminated his self-assigned mission of inspecting public works projects in the PDP-controlled states, assessing their impact on the lives of the residents and evaluating the performance of the governors of the states he had honoured with his attention.

    What the public remembers most about those visitations was his indignant refusal, laced with scorn and abuse, to answer the simple question: Who is bankrolling the junkets, with all the dining and the wining and the wenching?

    Some five weeks later, he has embraced a divine mission:  To commend Donald Trump to the world ahead of the November 3 poll as the Elect of God Almighty and his divine instrument for delivering humankind from the darkness that Bill Clinton and Barak Obama and their infernal collaborators and their undiscerning acolytes had clamped on it.

    Better to hear FFK’s testimony in his own words concerning the Anointed Candidate: as reported on Facebook:

    “The mainstream media can scandalise and demonise him all they like and they can even get some of his friends, associates, relatives and colleagues to blacklist, fabricate stories and lie about him just to destroy his credibility and stop him but it makes no difference.”

    “All of them put together coupled with all the forces of hell and their master Satan cannot stop a man who has been anointed and chosen by the Living GOD to lead a nation and the free world. It is what God purposes that matters and nothing else.”

    You hear that, CNN, The New York Times, MSNBC, The Washington Post, Fake News, The Lancet, The New England Journal of Medicine, Joe Biden, Nancy Pelosi, Black Lives Matter, Al Sharpton, Michael Moore, Mike Bloomberg, and fellow-travelers.  You hear that?

    “Do you think that it is by accident that Trump has overcome every obstacle that has been placed in his way by the Dems over the last four 4 years?

    “Do you think it is by accident that he emerged, against all odds, as the Republican Party candidate in 2016 even though all former Republican presidents and most leading Republicans were against him?

    “Do you think that it was by accident that he kept bouncing back in business over the years even though he was declared bankrupt several times and had numerous failures?

    “Do you think that it was by accident that throughout his life when he had financial problems the banks kept bailing him out and giving him another chance and his friends kept supporting him?

    Ponder those questions, all ye NeverTrumpers.  Search your wicked souls. And ye gullible Nigerians, probably the most gullible creatures on God’s earth, consider this:

    “Do you think that it was by accident that (Trump) spoke out more than any other American President in history, living or dead, about the killing and persecution of Christians all over the world and particularly in nations like Nigeria?”

    “God uses whom He deems fit to restore and to effect His purpose and it ends there. If you have a problem with His choices then blame Him and not the object of His love or the person He chooses.”

    Ask them Faithful Messenger, ask the NeverTrumpers slowly and deliberately:  Have they forgotten, that Obama paved the way for Satan’s New World Order, introduced the most ungodly and anti-Christian practices in the history of America and sought to legitimise them in the name of ‘yes we can’, made same-sex marriage commendable and even admirable, and approved abortions in the millions.

    Didn’t the self-same Obama not also declare America a non-Christian nation, denigrate the Church, mock the scriptures, desecrate Christian values, change the name of Christmas to “holy day” and ban Christmas from the White House and impose those demonic values and anti-Christ philosophies to much of the rest of the world?

    Hear it loud and clear, then, from the Faithful Messenger: Trump will win the presidential election in November, after which he will usher in a great era of restoration of prosperity, decency, virtue and good old-fashioned Christian values in America.

    And in the fullness of time, the Lord will raise a Trump-like figure for Nigeria, too, and all things will be made beautiful.

    So, despair not, fellow Nigerians.  Help is on the way.

  • Twice with Valentine

    Twice with Valentine

    Gabriel  Amalu

     

    This column has paid scant attention to the exercise of public power at the third-tier of government in Nigeria, otherwise known as the local government council, over the years. But in this essay, I hope to discuss my double encounter within few days, with the chairman of Awuwo Odofin local government council, Engr. (Dr) Valentine Buraimoh. The reason for the concentration of our enquiry on governance at the centre and the states is because the two tiers park heavier punches in the exercise and impact of public power.

    On Saturday, October 3, the Holy Family Catholic Church, Festac Town, hosted Engr. Valentine, as the special guest, at the Parish’s event, to mark the 2020 Season of Creation, which was celebrated across the Archdiocese of Lagos from September 1 to October 4. In tandem with the message of the Holy See, Pope Francis, in Laudato Si – ‘on care for our common home’, the Archbishop, His Grace Most Rev. Dr Alfred Adewale Martins, through the parishes drew the attention of mankind on the need to protect and preserve our common home – the earth.

    In paragraph 216 of the Pope Francis’s Laudato Si, the Holy See, reminded us: “the rich heritage of Christian spirituality, the fruits of 20 centuries of personal and communal experience, has a precious contribution to make to the renewal of humanity; a commitment this lofty cannot be sustained by doctrine alone, without a spirituality capable of inspiring us, without an interior impulse which encourages, motivates, nourishes and gives meaning to our individual and communal activity.”

    Acting out the admonition for communal action by the Archbishop, the Holy Family Parish Priest, Rev. Fr. Melvis Maiyaki, invited the local council chairman, as the number one civil citizen of the community to be the special guest. At the event, in agreement with the message of the church on preservation of the environment, Engr. Valentine spoke on the need for environmental consciousness amongst the residents of the council.

    He expressed gratitude to the church for leading the world to a change of heart with regards to the treatment of our common home – the earth, as the Archbishop and the Pope in their various messages relayed at the event. At the tree planting part of the event, Valentine was the first to plant as a symbol of restoration and sustainability of the environment by the church community, followed by the clergy, and the leadership of the lay faithful, including this writer, who has the honour of heading the Catholic Men Organisation in the parish.

    This column has no doubt that the message of the church strikes a chord with the council chairman, who has done reasonably well, particularly in restoring the physical environment of the Amuwo Odofin Local Government Council, since he took over the administration of the council. This writer is particularly impressed with the effort to de-silt some of the major drainages in Festac Town, even though a lot more has to be done, in a manner that enables sustainability.

    Valentine also impresses this writer with the level of his accessibility to the people of the community. While I have severally interacted with him, at occasions without introducing myself beyond the confines of my role at the various events, I always watch closely his inter personal relationship with those who mill around him, because of the position he occupies, and I give him a pass mark on accessibility. Unlike some office holders, he is not snobbish, neither dose he carry himself with a sense of over-worth, as most politicians do.

    My second encounter with Valentine Buraimoh, was at the ceremony hosted by the Rotary Club of Lagos Festac Cosmopolitan, on Wednesday October 7. There again, I am privileged to be the supervising assistant governor, in charge of the club, representing Rot. Bola Oyebade, District Governor, District 9110 Nigeria. But for my editorial board meeting, I would have been the presenter of a Rotary pin to Valentine, as an honorary member of the club.

    In choosing him as an honorary member, the club reminded him in their citation, thus: “the community will know and judge Rotary by your action and ideals. You will become an ambassador for Rotary and you will carry these ideals and principles of Rotary service to those who know you or with those whom you are associated.” That is a tall order for a politician, considering the stringent ideals of Rotary, particularly the 4-Way Text, which I have espoused severally in this column, as a guide for the exercise of public power.

    But to have found him worthy, I am hopeful, Valentine will not disappoint Rotarians and the people he governs as chairman. Of course, they trusted Valentine as worthy of the honour, and even more, they invested him with a Paul Harris Fellow of the Rotary Foundation. In the citation for that honour, the club eulogised Valentine in this words: “A world for peace and goodwill comes closer to reality today as Engr. Dr Valentine Oluwaseyi Buraimoh becomes a Paul Harris Fellow.”

    The Rotary Foundation is the engine house with which Rotary serves humanity. As the club succinctly pointed out, “a contribution to the Rotary Foundation is an investment in the ideal of goodwill, peace and understanding.” They went on: “as Rotary works with such individuals of good will, we believe the ideal will become a reality.” That dream ideal is turning a reality with the partnership between the Rotary Club of Lagos Festac Cosmopolitan, a not for profit enterprise, and the Amuwo Odofin local council, for public good.

    All persons of goodwill would love the vibrant young Rotary club, led by Rot Uzoamaka Akanene, as president, and their collaboration with Amuwo Odofin local council, for adopting the median in the section between the main Festac entrance gate and the intersection with the 2nd Avenue for the purpose of beautification, conservation, maintenance and sanitation. The club fenced off the area and planted 60 King Palms, grass and lilies, installed a water tank and piping in the median. They also plan to maintain the planted trees and conduct a monthly sanitation exercise in the adopted area.

    Like in the church’s Season of Creation, the council chairman and yours sincerely were again called upon to plant two of the King palms, as special guests. It was after this ceremony that I walked up to introduce myself to the chairman for the first time, even though I have sat with him on several civic occasions in the community. While wishing him well, I join Rotary and Catholic Church to promote a healthier environment. As Laudato Si Multi Year Roll out Plan promotes, let us all “make communities around the world totally sustainable in the spirit of the integral ecology of laudato si.”

     

  • PMB and PENCOM

    PMB and PENCOM

    By Sanya Oni

    Trust Senate President Ahmad Lawan to wish to shrug it off as mere ‘storm’ in a teacup, it’s hard not to see the signals of a looming battle as the Senate moves to confirm Aisha Umar as the Director General of the Pension Commission in the coming days. For those who might want to finger the Senate Minority Leader Eyinnaya Abaribe as setting off the strange fires, they only need to go back in time to 2016 when President Muhammadu Buhari took out the board of PENCOM and put a sole administrator in charge.

    Expectedly, Abaribe’s grouse was that Aisha Umar, from the Northeast, was picked to replace Chinelo Anohu-Amazu from the Southeast. Citing Section 20(1) and (2) of the National Pension Commission Act 2014 which read: “in the event of a vacancy, the president shall appoint replacement from the geo-political zone of the immediate past member that vacated office to complete the remaining tenure”, he insisted that the president’s action should be deemed as ultra vires.

    Now, let’s go back a little bit. In December 2012, Anohu-Amazu was appointed into that position in acting capacity. That was after the exit of pioneer helmsman Muhammed K. Ahmad. It would take a year and few months for her to be confirmed as substantive DG in 2014. Interestingly, that process itself was not without a tinge of controversy chief of which was that shed lacked the cognate experience for the top job as the position required 20 years of working experience – which she then lacked. In the end, the Senate in its wisdom had to lower the age requirement from 20 to 15 years the amended law if only to pave the way for her appointment.

    Her problem, as it turned out, had only just about begun. Indeed, her tenure was marked by allegations of conflict of interests, breaches and violations of Public Procurement Act as a result of which the House of Representatives joint committee on public procurement and pensions caused a probe to be instituted. But then, there were also parallel running stories about her presumed obstinacy, particularly when according to some reports, she and her board fobbed off an attempt by the finance ministry and those of the Debt Management Office to grant the federal government a princely N3.5 trillion loan to execute the 2016 budget.

    What is noteworthy here is that the president at some point decided that her cup as indeed those of her board, were not only full but running over. End of the story. In the event, the president duly exercised his powers under Section 18 of the Act under which any member of the board, including the DG could be removed, if he “is satisfied that it is not in the interest of the commission or in the interest of the public for the person to continue in office and notifies the member in writing to that effect”.

    That was in 2017. The woman, fortunately has long moved on – this time to Akinwunmi Adesina’s African Development Bank (AfDB) as head and senior director of the Africa Investment Forum.

    Good riddance, no? To who?

    Unfortunately, if the same Act expected the president to go the full hog to fulfil the law in naming a replacement, this time an individual from the Southeast, this was not to be; instead, two nominees – Dikko Aliyu Abdulrahman (Northwest) and Funsho Doherty (southwest) suddenly came up from the presidency to the Senate for confirmation for the offices of DG and chairman of the commission respectively.

    Sensing mischief if not outright disdain for the law establishing the commission, the then senate would have none of it – hence it threw out the request. Its argument was simple: the nominations were in “absolute breach” of 21 (1) of the PRA 2014, which states that: “In the event of a vacancy (for the chairman, DG or other members of the board), the president shall appoint a replacement from the geo-political zone of the immediate past member that vacated office to complete the remaining tenure.”

    That “replacement” did not happen in the whole of the following three years. However, suffice to say that while that aspect of the Act was kept in abeyance, Mrs. Aisha Dahir-Umar from the Northwest was named, in the interim, as DG in acting capacity. And now as if bidding for the tenure of the past board to lapse, the same individual who has been on the seat ever since, has been nominated by the president for the substantive office and for the next five years!

    Now, the point has been made that the nomination, rather than being in breach of any known law, is actually what the law requires the president to do. After all, Section 19(3) of the PRA 2014 provides that the chairman, the Director General and commissioners be appointed by the President subject to confirmation by the Senate – which in this case is what the president has merely put into motion.

    A friend actually told me in the course of a discussion on the matter at the weekend that the outrage surrounding Dahir-Umar’s nomination was misconceived. To summarise his position: to the extent that old things represented by the former board have since passed away – the expectation is for all things brand new! Really? Anyway, my response was that although the wound created might seem innocuous at this time, it seems only a matter of time for gangrene to set in!

    Which of course takes us back to the position of Senator Abaribe on the matter.

    Law or not, I do not think his position is difficult to understand. His premise is as simple as it is unassailable: whereas the tenure of the last DG was aborted mid-way, the law made provision for her replacement from another individual from that particular part of the country. The other point, although not so stated is that there was just enough time to do that considering that this happened barely midway into tenure!

    Is it that the same people whose responsibility it was to ensure that this was done but failed to act appropriately cannot smell the hypocrisy of sheltering behind the law while ignoring the equally weighty matter of equity? Classic a case of law trumping equity and morality!

    Still want to ask me what I think of the development? Political immorality couldn’t have a better description. It will ceretainly take more than Lawan’s senate to deodorise the stench!

     

  • NLC in Labour

    NLC in Labour

    By Gabriel Amalu

    Following the fall of man and woman in the Garden of Eden, the Bible recorded that God put a curse on the woman thus in the book of Genesis: “I shall give you intense pain in childbearing; you will give birth to your children in pain.” The intensity of pain for a woman in labour may be best described by mothers who have experienced it; but witnessing it, is also emotionally agonising, even though joy comes afterwards.

    Watching the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) leaders struggle to explain to Nigerians who felt betrayed after the strike against fuel and electricity tariff hike was aborted, one could envision their agony as akin to the pains of a woman in labour (all pun intended). The difference though is that no joy will come to the labour leaders after this labour pains.

    Many Nigerians insinuate that the labour leaders, like the woman, fell when they were tempted to eat of the forbidden fruit. The Bible records that when God asked the woman: “why did you do that?” she replied “The snake tempted me and I ate.” Well the dramatic incidence of the late night meetings between the labour leaders and the government officials bears all the trappings of the Garden of Eden tragedy.

    I recall that in the past when labour leaders hand an ultimatum to the government, they usually go underground, and remain incommunicado, until either the government yields or the strike action commences. But nay, the current labour leaders honoured an invitation to meet with the Minister of Labour and other high level government officials in the cosy environment of the banquet hall of Aso Rock, the seat of the president.

    Could it be that like the woman, they were tempted there, and they ate? Who knows? But surely the labour leaders will labour for a long time to convince their followers that they did not eat the forbidden fruit to become turncoats at the detriment of their followers. With their followers jeering at them, and not likely to follow them to battle anymore, they have figuratively become naked before the government officials.

    And going forward, if truly they ate the forbidden fruit, they would have to rely on the federal government officials to cover their nakedness. Poor fellas! Without the backing of their followers, all the talk about spending the next two weeks to review the electricity tariff, and decide economic cushion for the workers is a joke. But what ordinarily can the labour leaders do, faced with a desperate government that is presiding over a failing state?

    At the anniversary of its 60 years of independence, Nigeria is a nightmare, even for those in power. A classic example is that the two most powerful government officials, President Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR, and Senate President, Ahmed Lawan, GCON, cannot visit their home states and take a stroll in the street. While Kastina, where the president hails from, is the epicentre of banditry in the northwest; Yobe, where the senate president comes from, is in the axis of militant Islamic insurgency in the northeast.

    At 60 years, our country is financially broke, yet is waging war in all parts of her territory, and is therefore economically castrated by local and international forces exceedingly beyond her control. So, how can the labour leaders confront such desperate leaders? Before the meeting, I had no doubt that the labour leaders would capitulate, as the consequences of any form of obstinacy could be very dire. A desperate government would not hesitate to treat them as economic saboteurs, if need be.

    Moreover, if President Buhari, reputed for his ramrod love for command economy, could after experiencing five years of the temptations of the presidential villa, become a born again champion of market driven economy, regardless of its inflationary pleasure on his much beloved ordinary folks; who are the labour leaders not to see the new dawn, after receiving what may have been a well laid out presidential pampering. So, if they say, to their followers, the presidential aides tempted us and we fell, they should understand.

    The labour leaders can also plead that the National Industrial Court had declared the proposed strike action illegal, and as democratic labour leaders, they are obliged to obey the order of court. Speaking of the position of the law, section 17(1) of the Trade Disputes Act, by its extraneous provisions, makes it impossible to organise a lawful strike. Well, it may be argued that the onerous conditions provided in the Act have never been met in the past by labour leaders, before embarking on strike.

    But again, it can also be argued that the times we are in, are perilous, and with the nation on the verge of economic collapse, due to the reduction in its income capacity, even as its expenses rise astronomically from prosecuting an unending war, the only option left for government is to increase taxes. In such desperate situation, the present labour leaders cannot withstand the pressure from government officials.

    Unfortunately, in the midst of these challenges, this column cannot see any economic blueprint that will lead to an economic turnaround. While price deregulation can attract investment that will drive the prices down ultimately, other economic impetus like security, political stability, rule of law, secure legal regime, and macroeconomic stability, amongst other factors, must combine before we can reap the fruits.

    Without dealing with these other challenges, what the government has merely done, is to increase tariffs, while the people who have become economically emasculated, are left to struggle to afford the new tariff. On its part, if there is no general economic growth, because of macroeconomic crisis, the value of the naira would further depreciate, and the government will continuously be forced to increase the tariffs for the services.

    That is the economic quagmire that the nation faces, and the labour leaders despite their pretences of self-worth, are not in a position to effect any fundamental changes, considering the nation’s antecedents. It is those antecedents, which are referred to as the fault lines that those in government explore, to our common detriment. For instance, even when Kastina and Yobe states have majority of the economically dispossessed, peoples of the states would not join to demand necessary fundamental change, considering that their sons are in power.

    So, when labour leaders are invited to Aso Rock to negotiate how to make life difficult for the residents of the villa, you do not need a prophet, if I may allude to Pastor Adeboye’s recent mathematical bombast, to know that whoever keeps vigil for a worthy outcome, labours in vain. We can only hope that with the respected pastor, joining in the advocacy for economic restructuring, perhaps those in charge would have a change of heart.

  • Here, and on the home front

    Here, and on the home front

    Olatunji Dare

     

    AS befits the age of instant global communications, most of those who belong in the attentive audience for what is now fashionably called “breaking news” – news as it happens – can easily recall where they were when they learned that U. S. President Donald Trump and his wife had tested positive for Covid-19, the exact manner in which they had learned it, what they were doing, and of course, their immediate reaction to the news.

    The event lacks the galvanic register of the assassinations of President Kennedy, his brother Robert F. Kennedy, the civil rights leader Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr, and the breakaway leader of the Nation of Islam, Malcolm X, or the landing on the moon, the time and circumstances of which are seared into the memory of those who lived through them.

    I suspect that, in the public consciousness, the news of Trump’s diagnosis was largely accorded about the same degree of salience as the events cited above but measure negatively, given Trump’s pernicious deceptions about the disease that had killed more than 200, 000 Americans and afflicted six million more, leaving them in various degrees of incapacitation, even as it upended the economy and social life, with no end in sight.

    Trump has waged a ceaseless war against epidemiology and epidemiologists, against any form of expertise and against prudence; he derided those who wore face masks and other protocols as enjoined by science and common sense, encouraged young and old alike to follow his perverse example, and promoted false and harmful cures.

    Not a squawk of regret did he utter about the thousands he had goaded to premature deaths, and not a word of empathy did he tweet or otherwise express as the casualties mounted.  Had he acted less decisively and resolutely, he said, four million Americans would have died, as against the 200, 000 on record.

    In the end, “it is what it is,” he said of that figure. He might well have asked Americans to count their blessings and shut up.

    Given the foregoing, it is not an idle venture to ask: How did the attentive audience react to the news that Trump and the First Lady had been diagnosed with Covid-19?

    One instructive indication is provided by the American dictionary publisher Merriam-Webster, which has reported that, within hours of the news breaking, the search for the word “schadenfreude” had spiked 350, 000 per cent.  Originally German but now part and parcel of English language, it means literally, “taking joy or pleasure at the misfortune of others.”

    No other word that was looked up around that time up came close in frequency.

    Could it be that those looking up the word wanted an elegant and evocative term that captures but masks their feeling, lest they be judged cruel or bereft of empathy like Trump, perhaps in kind if not in degree – a term that connotes “serves him right” or “good for him” or “about time” or “better late than never,” or “he had it coming,” or “he ain’t seen nothing yet,” or “what comes round goes round?”

    Harvard Law professor and stern Trump critic, has warned that this was no time for cruelty, schadenfreude – that word again– or any other form of small-mindedness. But somebody who was probably having a great time celebrating the news with a glass of his finest claret enquired in earnest: “Can you die from schadenfreude?”

    You do not have to be cruel, snarky or unfeeling to engage in that kind of conduct Tribe decried. Do the Jesuits not hold that there is no obligation to keep faith with heretics?  And Trump is nothing if not a heretic, and not just on matters epidemiological.

    Those who looked up the word were amply rewarded this passage concerning a man “who, three years ago, entered so quixotically upon the task of Government, believing in his heart and soul, that he had a kind of divine mission, and that all the difficulties and obstacles that beset the path of men and women of common clay would be consumed in the fire of his own personality.”

    The passage seems to have anticipated Trump by some 85 years.  But it is an excerpt from the 30 May 1935, editorial of the Irish Times, courtesy of Merriam-Webster, and it centred on Irish President Eamon de Valera’s confession of what the paper described as “abject failure” in some political venture.

    The confession might move cynics to experience a feeling of schadenfreude, continued the editorial.  “But the honest citizen, regardless of party and creed, will feel sorry for the man.”

    It is almost sacrilegious to mention De Valera and Donald Trump in the same sentence.  In whatever case, they wait in vain who expect Trump to confess to any failing whatsoever regarding anything he has ever touched or contemplated

    To him, the death under his watch of more than 200,000 Americans – the largest number for any industrialised country and one-fourth of the world’s total from Covid-19 — is what it is. Get over it. Stuff happens.

    Back in Nigeria, the circumstances were less grim but bothersome nonetheless.  To no one’s surprise, the 60th Independence Anniversary was again little more than an orgy of lamentation and recrimination.  The verdict in many a commentary is that, instead of lifting the despondency perfusing the country, President Muhammadu Buhari’s national broadcast to mark the occasion may have deepened it.

    Blame it not on the man but on his speechwriters, however, or on the shadowy operators who routinely interpose themselves between the President and the speechwriters. For if that was the best text the speechwriters could turn in, if that was what they actually turned in, they do not deserve that appellation.

    My colleague Idowu “Palladium” Akinlotan (The NATION, October 4, 2020) has as he is wont, subjected the text and the delivery to unsparing criticism, and it seems best to leave matters there.  But I feel obliged to call attention to a curious omission here, a faulty thesis there, and a beyond them a scary declaration.

    The omission:  There is no mention of the word “justice” in the entire text.

    It spoke about the imperative of unity of purpose and effort, about the primacy of democracy and the rule of law, about how we can find strength in diversity, about the need to commit to peaceful coexistence a united, indivisible country shorn of those pesky artificial “fault lines,” et, etc.

    But it spoke not a word about justice, without which these grand objectives are but empty dreams.

    It all reminds me of the June 12 debacle that military President Ibrahim Babangida and his cohorts proposed to resolve using every formula under the sun and beyond – every formula except justice.   Nigeria was gripped then, as it is now, by dikephobia, or fear of justice.

    One way of addressing this malady frontally is to inscribe “justice” in a revised national Coat of Arms.  As national goals, “Unity and Faith; Peace and Progress” are unexceptionable.  But justice  is the foundation on which they must be erected.

    Next, the thesis: “Our founding fathers understood the imperative of structuring a National identity using the power of the state (my emphasis) and worked towards unification of Nigerians in a politically stable and viable entity.”

    Without justice?

    No wonder they failed. They set themselves an impossible task. You cannot legislate or decree unity any more than you can power your way to forging a national identity.

    Finally, the declaration:  “Democracy, the world over and as I am pursuing in Nigeria, recognises the power of the people. However, if some constituencies choose to bargain off their power, they should be prepared for denial of their rights.” (emphasis added.)

    However one construes this sentence, it is a negation of democracy and a travesty to boot.

    Did the President’s Chief of Staff, Professor Ibrahim Gambari, a global citizen who is seized of   spirit that animates the United Nations where he served with great distinction for some three decades get a chance to clear the text for broadcast?

     

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  • Secession romantics

    Secession romantics

    Olakunle Abimbola

     

    There is something always dire, it would appear, about radicalized elders.

    There Was A Country, the swan song of Chinua Achebe, famous author of Things Fall Apart, dripped with Prof. Achebe’s unrelieved bile with Nigeria, on its relations with his native Igbo.

    That work, like the sudden stone that hit a placid lake, let go ripples after ripples of neo-Biafra agitations.  A ghost, that seemed buried since January 1970, suddenly struck back with uncommon vengeance!

    Now, Achebe rests in his grave.  But the fire of IPOB, a body his final book probably inspired, is tearing through the roof!

    Beware of radicalized old men — dead or alive!

    Prof. Banji Akintoye, distinguished professor of History and leader of the Yoruba World Congress (YWC), is another radicalized old man.

    Acclaimed author of A History of Yoruba People (2010), a classic on Yoruba history, that rubs shoulders with Samuel Johnson’s long-running classic, The History of the Yorubas (1921) — but sans Johnson’s Oyo-centricity — Akintoye too appears, not unlike Achebe, full of bile at Nigeria, on behalf of his native Yoruba.

    Beware of radicalized old men, alive or dead!

    Still, Prof.  Akintoye’s old age Yoruba activism would appear only frenzied oomph from Gbogungboro, his now rested column in The Nation: a cascade of Yoruba ethnic pride, barely veiled irredentism, and cultural condescension towards other ethnics, sharing the Nigerian space.

    From Gbogungboro’s harmless Yoruba romanticism, however, the YWC is plodding to a rather dangerous territory, in its so-called Oodua Republic project: inspiring, among its loud supporters, rabid Yoruba nationalism, rashly banging, on Nigeria’s door, for putative secession!  But alas!  Secession, peaceful or bloody, is no tea party.

    Which is the thing: YWC followers, gung-ho disciples of one of Nigeria’s most accomplished historians, appear fired by little sense of history!

    The other day, a radicalized fellow released a propaganda video, bragging that should “Baba Ekiti” be arrested — for a planned Oodua Republic rally billed for October 1 — he would “fast-track” the rage coming upon the land, raze the Nigeria House in London, and merrily go to gaol for patriotic arson!  Such a sweet, sweet braggart!

    By the way, how is that different from Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu’s famous bluff, in the frenzied run-up to Biafra, in early 1967 — no power in Black Africa can defeat Biafra?So long for scalding crisis-time bluster!

    Still, if Ojukwu was incensed by the northern anti-Igbo pogroms, what equivalent outrage might gore his 2020 Yoruba social media equivalent — maybe the ubiquitous “Fulani herdsmen”, on whose notorious necks every crime is hanged?

    Besides, which Yoruba formal gathering goaded Mr. Yoruba Braggart to such insane threats?

    Which Yoruba plebiscite mandated his impassioned Yoruba secession — beyond Yoruba diaspora romantics: that picturesque fancy, that conjures magical post-Nigeria ethnic El dorado, when the task at hand is thinking hard through the Nigerian miasma, and making something out of the conundrum?

    That takes the discourse to the anatomy of the WYC “secession”.

    WYC itself was birthed in what the Yoruba would dismiss as “egbirin ote” — a web of intrigues.  Prof. Akintoye “won” an “election”, as “Yoruba leader” against Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, most prominent Yoruba political figure, in Nigeria’s often fractious progressive front.

    Why Tinubu “ran”, in an “election” he neither graced nor asked for, was not so veiled: somebody, somewhere was ogling his extensive reach; and clamour and controversy, over “Yoruba leader”, would make good “me too”, feel good, propaganda!

    Eternal intrigue is part of the Yoruba political DNA!

    Even then, the good professor’s triumph soon ran into a storm.  ”Yoruba leader”, while unlikely to provoke much angst in the Tinubu camp — since Tinubu already boasts extensive national political reach — it would appear a frontal challenge to Afenifere, which needed that honorific to continue rubbing shoulders with other co-ethnics, on the national front.  Thus, Prof. Akintoye needed a definitive qualifier, to shoo off the Afenifere challenge.

    Enter, the Yoruba World Congress, with its near-captive Yoruba Diaspora and their quaint attitude towards Homeland Yoruba, in the context of a fractious Nigeria, wrestling hard with nationhood.  So, you can excuse the London-Bridge-is-falling-down screech of our Yoruba social media London activist, with his offer of fanciful martyrdom!

    Still, beyond the YWC politics of diaspora optics, that Nigeria has challenges does not automatically guarantee a post-Nigeria Yoruba El-Dorado.  Pre-Nigeria history pours ice-cold water on such romantic fancy.

    On September 23, the Grand Council of Yoruba Youths (GCYY) marked the 134th anniversary of the Kiriji War (1877-1893) — 16 years of pan-Yoruba chaos, to fend off Ibadan free-wheeling plunder, on the dying embers of the Oyo Empire.

    Beyond latter-day romanticization, the Oyo Empire is grimmest historical proof of Yoruba-on-Yoruba terror.  Aside from the Ijebu that somewhat secured themselves from this Yoruba kith-on-kin imperialism, no part of Yorubaland escaped its horror.  Towns and settlements like Modakeke, Igbajo, Gbongan, Ode-Omu, etc, are still living evidence of that era’s grave refugee crisis.

    So, as Yoruba ultra-nationalists flay October 1 as ugly reminder of Lord Frederick Lugard’s illegitimate creation of Nigeria, they should also ponder the harsh historical censure of September 23, which celebrates Kiriji.

    Kiriji balked at Yoruba-on-Yoruba imperialism.  Courtesy of a 16-year civil war, Kiriji halted Yoruba-on-Yoruba terror.  But all it achieved was a hideous stalemate.  Only the British big guns could enforce peace, in the Yoruba country.

    But the Brits themselves — imperial rogues, with humongous and insatiable appetite for other people’s wealth — offered no charity!  Yoruba pacification had a huge price!  Enter Nigeria, everyone’s bogey, even at 60!

    At 60, Nigeria as a well-integrated nation, is nowhere near where it should be.  So, everything to tinker with it — including radical political restructuring — should be encouraged, while making sincere efforts to reassure those scared by it all.

    But making Nigeria’s nationhood blues some creepy bogey to launch disintegration is execrable, for it’s a loser’s mindset — remember that quip: winners don’t quit and quitters don’t win?

    If Abraham Lincoln had quit with the pressing challenges of the America of his day, the United States, as we know it today, would have been aborted.  Yes, Nigeria has challenges.  But disintegration is no answer.

  • Facing another October One

    Facing another October One

    Olatunji Dare

     

    THE run-up to the National Day, October 1, is usually filled with so much kvetching about the state of the nation, about what might have been, the road not taken, opportunities missed, fortunes squandered, wise counsel spurned, constructive alternatives ignored and best practices discountenanced, that the event it heralds might as well be called National Lamentation Day.

    It is as if the nation has by common resolve entered into an orgy of self-pity, with a searing indictment of leadership failure as drum-beat.

    Media fare this past week suggests this year will be no different.  It is going to be another sombre milestone. It would be strange indeed, unsettling even, if this 60th Anniversary Independence were any different.  For there is so much to kvetch about in a year marked by heightened insecurity, deepening privations, and growing lack of faith in the Nigerian enterprise.

    But why rehash the litany of woes that have virtually become Nigeria’s constant companions, a litany as familiar as the sudden interruptions of electric power, and apparently just as inexorable?

    Nigerians have a right to feel disappointed that so little has been fashioned from the country’s abundance of human and material resources; that Nigeria has remained the country of great potential it was a decade ago and the decade before that; that services and utilities that are taken for granted in far less endowed societies operate here fitfully if at all, and that there does not appear to be a sense of urgency in fixing it.

    The remedies are so obvious that it requires no great genius, no administrative wizardry, to figure them out.

    Take water, for instance.

    Some three decades age, Afro-beat King Fela Anikulapo-Kuti lamented in a hit tune that, three decades after independence, Nigeria was borrowing from the World Bank to build municipal water schemes. That practice has continued to this day.   Surely, Nigeria should be able to provide water to its teeming population without World Bank or IMF loans?  All it would take is a re-ordering of national priorities.  Any rational re-ordering would have to accord clean water a priority.  The case for it has never been more compelling.

    Clean water would greatly enhance the primary health environment since, according to the best authorities, about one-fourth of the more common diseases afflicting the population results from contaminated water.

    This is the context in which the Federal Government is seeking to establish authority over surface and underground water it does not already control throughout the country, allegedly for better management  and more efficient utilization.

    This move is misconceived.  It is an overreach, and a subversion of the federal principle at a time of general clamour for loosening rather than tightening the federal reins, to free the constituent states to run at their own pace and according to their own priorities.

    In whatever case, the Federal Government’s record in managing the water resources it controls does not inspire faith in its ability to manage a larger portfolio.

    Take, as a second example, electricity.

    Nigerians born within the present generation may not know that there was a time when the country enjoyed an interrupted supply of electricity.  But the more the nation invested in power generation, the more epileptic the supply became.  Then, they hit on what seemed a formula that cannot fail to turn things around:  Privatization, and its twin brother, de-regulation.

    Applied to other sectors of the economy, the formula has been a failure.  Where it did not constitute a brazen transfer of national assets to privileged persons at a huge discount, it produced no improvement in the delivery of good services.

    But the fixation on the twain continued.  The Power Holding Authority was too big to function effectively and efficiently.  Un-bundle it, hand over the components to private entities in transactions reminiscent of a fire sale and strip away the regulations that had undergirded it.

    The day its privatization was formally consummated, you would think from reactions in some sections of the attentive audience that the national soccer team had won the World Cup.   One commentator – I single her out only because she was the most effusive- wrote breathlessly that the days of darkness and blackouts and kerosene lanterns candles and oil-wick lamps were gone forever; welcome, finally, to the technetronic age

    The celebration was premature. Privatization left no “stakeholder” satisfied.

    Those vested with power distribution complained that not enough power was being generated, that the network was being constantly damaged by vandals, and that consumers were not paying up.

    Those charged with power generation said enough gas was not being supplied to power turbines.  Consumers complained that they were being landed with exorbitant bills for power not supplied.

    Meanwhile, the Federal Government approved, after a waiting period, hefty increases in electricity rates and tariffs, in keeping with privatization and deregulation.

    In all this, the only thing that is certain is that disruptions in the supply of electricity will not end anytime soon, nor will the resultant discontinuities in economic and other activities.

    If constant electricity is assured, the boost to manufacturing, agriculture and small-scale industry will be incalculable.  The effect on employment and productivity will be enormous.  Add a constant supply of clean water, and the combined effect will be transformative and make easier the achievement of other goals.

    Perhaps even more corrosive of the fabric of national life is the pervasive environment of fear and insecurity. The war on insurgency is being waged on a compartmentalized, bureaucratic model, encompassing the government and the armed forces on the one hand, and the insurgents on the other, and the wounded and the displaced as casualties.

    Even as the conflict ramifies, there has been no sustained effort to mobilize the population, to get them to embrace it as a war for their survival and their future.  Federal messaging in this regard has been inept.

    To squelch another source of national angst, much greater attention will have to be accorded the distribution of public offices and goods in Nigeria.  Justice should be the key consideration.  Justice unites.  Without justice, there can be no unity, and no common purpose to which a critical mass of the people will subscribe.

    It has been said, and nowhere is this truer than in the realm of public policy, that what touches one must come last.  Public officials who have cornered more public resources than their numbers and contributions    to national life warrant, are forever appropriating even more and doing so as of right, without remorse or twinge of conscience.

    To cite one pernicious example, top officials from the Executive and Legislative branches cannot even keep their sticky fingers off the 1,000 temporary positions created by the Federal Government for disconnected and unemployed youths in each of the 774 Local Government Areas.

    Have they no shame?

    The war on corruption is faltering big-time.  Prosecutions take far too long to complete, and the outcome often turns out to be a travesty that can only encourage and perpetuate the tendencies they were designed to punish.  Executive tolerance for official malfeasance is still much too high.  The war on corruption should proceed with greater vigour.

    It is not enough to roll out contracts for new projects following meetings of the Federal and State executive councils.  How are the projects for which contracts were awarded five, 10, or 15 years ago faring?  How thoroughly and effectively are they being monitored?

    When they retire at night, those into whose hands fate has placed the destiny of Nigeria should in all sincerity ask themselves:  What did I do for the people today?  When they get up the next day, they should ask: What can I do for the people today?

    On this Independence Anniversary, they should think on these things.  The answers will determine how history remembers them.

     

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  • Nigeria@ 60

    Nigeria@ 60

    Sanya Oni

     

    “DASHED hopes, failed promise’s – was how my colleague, Tunji Adegboyega puts it in his reflections on the nation’s odyssey in the last 60 years of its independence. Guess that has become the standard definition of all that the country once touted as the pride of the Black race is, and will unfortunately continue to be, in the foreseeable future particularly in the hands of the cartel of undertakers called leaders.

    Moreover, in a so-called independence week that has since become a hollow, meaningless ritual, trust Nigerians to rail and wail about just everything under the sun – from the bizarre political arrangement with its ingrained injustices to the unimaginable level of poverty; the hopelessly mismanaged diversity and not least an economy that has become the buccaneers delight – all of which combined have turned us into a tribe of wailers!

    Progress, I am often wont to say, is what you make of it. In other words, the question of whether the Nigerian cup is half-full or half-empty is a matter of opinion. For instance, I can recall that my first salary, post-NYSC in 1985 was N400! With that I could afford to take a loan of N3,600 to purchase a 1500cc Volkswagen Beetle even as the more adventurous among my friends thought a brand-new Peugeot 504 was more befitting! Three decades after, it would require my breaking a leg to buy a 10-year foreign used car! Talk of progress in reverse gear!

    That some progress has been made is undeniable.  Just about the time the Union Jack was being lowered in 1960, Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product and per capita income were $4.20 billion and $93 dollars respectively. Fifty-nine years after, GDP and per capita were $448.12 billion and $2,230 respectively.

    It is also noteworthy that in the 10-year period which marked the end of the civil war in 1970 – both the GDP and per capita actually rose to an impressive $12.55 billion and $224 respectively. That was the turn when Nigeria’s leadership, apparently drunk on petrodollars, announced that money was no longer a problem but how to spend! With oil money gushing without the concomitant rigour of hard work, the economy was allowed to go haywire. From ‘Cement Armada’ under which hundreds of cement-laden ships arrived en masse at the Lagos port, creating severe multi-year-long congestion, to the FESTAC, Leyland and other associated scandals, Nigerians were assured that we had enough funds to buy the moon should we so wish!

    But that was merely for a season. Ever since, the economy has known little else than regression in real terms. From an all-time high of GDP $164.48 billion and per capita income of $2,180 in 1981, the economy went on a steady climbdown from which it has never truly recovered from. Indeed, eight years after, both the GDP and per capita plunged to $44 billion and $474 respectively only to hit the nadir in 1993 when they fell to $27.75 billion and $270.

    Unfortunately, if our leaders were ever so mouthful about the need to diversify the economy given the uncertainties that inhere in monolith economies, they did even far less to anticipate the infrastructural imperative on the basis of which a serious foundation of industrial development could be nurtured. From the ill-conceived Structural Adjustment Programme of the 80s advertised as one to correct inherent anomalies said to have plagued the economy at the time, we have moved round in cycles of an unending structural reforms which have not only rendered citizens poorer, but the national currency worsted and ultimately the economy in tatters.

    Of course, with successive cycles of booms and busts being their lot, Nigerians have over time come to associate such fangled phrases as “austerity” “belt tightening” or even “adjustment” to the afflictions of their benighted leadership.

    At this point, we can only imagine what could have been. Truth is Nigeria has never been lacking in grand plans. Peugeot. Steyr. ANAMMCO. Volkswagen. Nigerians surely remember these names. They are names which they not only once took pride but had actually begun to pin their hopes of a thriving automotive industry. We had Exide, the conglomerate in Ibadan producing auto batteries; Isoglass in Ibadan churning out vehicle windscreens; Michelin and Dunlop tyres – all a carefully designed industrial synergy.

    And this is not to talk of the steel mills – the flagship being the Ajaokuta complex in Kogi State designed to receive its chief raw material – iron ore from next door Itakpe Mines. To complete the cycle are the rolling mills in Katsina, Jos and Osogbo. By the way, we even had a machine tools industry – to service the needs of industries in high-tech spares.

    Where are they today?

    What about the paper and allied industry? I mean Iwopin Paper Mills and Products; Jebba Paper Mill and of course the Oku Iboku Newsprint Manufacturing Company all of them designed to meet the paper needs of the country – from bond to art paper, stationeries and exercise books, to newsprint. The idea was not just to save the country the huge foreign exchange required to bring them in but also to create jobs.

    Again, imagine how things would have been were these conglomerates in operation today. We wouldn’t just be talking of billions of dollars of forex savings but of millions of jobs and a thriving economy to boot.

    And the power sector? That is another story. From Electricity Corporation of Nigeria (ECN) to National Electric Power Authority (NEPA) and later Power Holdings Company of Nigeria (PHCN) we have had the utility company morph only in name but nothing else. The reform-minded Obasanjo came in with the Power Sector Reform Act – to provide the institutional framework for the power sector’s transformation – but in the end blew $16 billion to achieve nothing! The threat by his successor, Umaru Yar’Adua to declare an emergency became something of an alibi – and a joke. As for President Goodluck Jonathan, he probably thought the sector was too much trouble to dabble into! At a point when the nation recorded some modest improvements under President Buhari, we were told to look for the magic in the President’s body language!

    Far too much have been written about the nation’s four refineries with combined refining capacity of 425,000 barrels of crude per day. It’s the same old story of abandonment by successive administrations. But then, like the government with its worn argument on subsidy removal, one line that Nigerians would also never be tired of telling our leaders is why they cannot see through the folly of shelling out some 40 per cent of our entire forex earnings on fuel importation!

    And so, here we are in year 2020 debating whether the country should subside fuel consumption or not in the absence of domestic refining capacity; an ill-served citizen being forced to bear the brunt of the inefficiencies of a moribund power sector in what our taskmasters in the Breton Woods Institutions elegantly dub as cost recovery. And all of these at a time the nation is fighting a war on terror; a time when poverty and unemployment are at the highest levels ever.

    It seems to me a lesson of how not to learn at 60!

  • Diamonds for the senator

    Diamonds for the senator

    Olakunle Abimbola

     

    SENATOR Oluremi Tinubu, sitting senator for Lagos Central, packs sparkling diamonds — and that’s not just for turning 60 on September 21; and basking, as it were, in the sparkle of it all.

    Even with her own radiance, the senator’s diamonds sparkle more in others, mostly youths from humble homes — thanks to the value she has added to their lives.

    She may now sit in the not-so-popular red chamber, of the National Assembly.  But Mrs Tinubu’s legacy, as passionate youth and gender mentor and equal opportunity crusader, of example and excellence, was cemented since her days as First Lady of Lagos State (1999-2007)

    If you doubt, ask the bevy of one-day Lagos State Governors, mostly kids from humble homes, graduates of Lagos State public schools, who were Spelling Bee contest laureates, Senator Tinubu’s project, as First Lady.

    Of this brood of 51 (from the official list of one-day governors, spanning 2001 to 2018, most times featuring each year’s winner and the two runners-up) two, for different reasons, stand out.

    Chukwuebuka Anisiobi, the first-ever Lagos one-day governor in 2001, is the dean of them all.

    Now a rig manager with OES Energy Services (a stand alone oil upstream firm, which used to be part of Oando Plc), he remains the proud dean of Spelling Bee winners, making quality contributions to national development, as a young professional.  His two 2001 runners-up were Kelikume Oliseh and Rhoda Olateru.

    But even more remarkable, in grabbing with two hands, that rare opportunity to make good, which Spelling Bees offered talented teens in Lagos public schools, was Alexander Ezenagu.

    In 2004, Ezenagu wasn’t the winner, or even the second-placed contestant.  Those were Tolulope Esan (2004 one-day governor) and Tobi Balogun (the “deputy”). He placed third, representing Bolade Grammar School, Oshodi, Lagos — and you can link the school’s locality to its probable demographics.

    Yet, that win propelled Ezenagu.  He would go ahead to earn a first class in Law from the University of Ibadan; and another first class at the Nigerian Law School.

    But all those were mere morning, on a long, brilliant and sparkling academic day, as Ezenagu would, by sundry scholarships, go ahead to earn an LL.M in commercial law, from Cambridge University, UK.  He would crown it all with a PhD in international tax law, from McGill University, Canada.

    Dr. Ezenagu now works for Qatar Foundation, in Qatar, as assistant professor at the College of Law, Hamad Bin Khalifa University (HBKU), owned by the Qatar Foundation.

    Now, look at his trajectory: from Bolade Grammar School, Oshodi, Lagos, to Ibadan, Nigeria’s premier university, to Cambridge, a global Ivy League university, and Canada’s McGill University! That is the quintessential Oluremi Tinubu sparkle!

    Now Ezenagu faces a glittering global career in international tax law, transfer pricing, tax planning, investment advisory and commercial law advisory and practice, as part of Nigeria’s ever twinkling Diaspora.

    No happenstance — this humble-local-to-global-renown story.  Rather, it’s a product of Spelling Bee, quality public education thinking, from a First Lady, an extra-constitutional honorific that nevertheless, for Ezenagu and co, made stellar personal developmental difference.

    That both Anisiobi and Ezenagu responded to emails sent to them in virtual minutes, just underscores how the senator sparkles, much so brightly, in the hearts of her grateful brood of mentees, who she adores, like a loving mom.

    The Spelling Bee contest was well and truly revolutionary — and Anisiobi, Ezenagu and co, kids from different ethnics, in the Lagos public school system, but who belonged to a common tribe of limited opportunities, are grateful and living proof.  Their grooming and honing, post-1999, is proof all is not entirely dreary for Nigeria at 60, as the jeremiad ensemble love to drone on and on, on the eve of Nigeria’s own, to be fair, rather non-sparkling diamond!  Still, passionate jeremiads, as end in themselves, hardly change anything.

    In contrast, Spelling Bee, and its midwife, the New Era Foundation (NEF), show what heights Nigeria can scale, if individuals, in or out of government, can buckle down to our collective challenge, and give their all without stint.

    That is the Oluremi Tinubu ultimate sparkle; and the enduring legacy she left, as First Lady, in Lagos public education.

     

    Tershaku: My Benue CJTF story

     

    IN “Felled: Benue’s Fulani herdsman!  (15 September 2020), Alhaji Aminu Yaminu aka Tershaku, came across as metaphor for the tapestry of Benue’s politics of violence, which underscores its violence of politics: dummy killings, proxy guilt and sickening ethnicization of crime, that leave the majority clutching at the gory straw.

    It would all appear a grim parody of the French playwright philosopher, Jean-Paul Sarte’s famous quip: hell is other people!

    But after reading the story, a sad but measured Tershaku got across, pleading his innocence, his tone echoing another famous quip in English literature: more sinned against than sinning — from Shakespeare’s King Lear, and later, Thomas Hardy’s Tess of the D’Urbervilles.

    That set Ripples on a columnist’s nightmare — could the column have inadvertently hurt an innocent citizen?  Though the Alhaji hung up after being asked about an alleged “wrongful arrest”, a claim by one of his confederates who goes by the Facebook name of Swi Swi, Ripples decided to present Tershaku’s own story, from an unnamed document Tashaku sent to Ripples’ WhatsApp account.

    “Alhaji Aliyu Tershaku was a great messiah that God sent to Benue State,” the document wrote of his involvement in the Benue Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF). “Alhaji Tershaku worked hard by ensuring there was peace, in our communities by introducing CJTF.  He ensured that there was peace between us and our invaders.”

    The document also claimed that way back in 2013, the CJTF was a pact reportedly entered into by Benue and Nasarawa state governments, and secured by the then DIG Operations.

    The document also listed other eminent Tivs, reportedly privy to that initiative: Gen, Atom Kpela (rtd), Abu King Shuluwa, Tor Sankera 1, (Sankera was the zone where the Gana terrorism bit most), Prof. Daniel Saror, the late Dr. Sule Abenga (then Ter Makurdi), David Iorhemba (former Speaker House of Assembly), Surveyor John Tondo (former commissioner for Land and Survey), (then) Attorney General and commissioner for Justice, President and Secretary Mzough U Tiv, and Adviser on Special Security to Governor Suswam.

    Beyond sainthood or devilry, however, both the Benue CJTF and the South West Amotekun push, to better secure the people, a radical restructure of the current one-Police federal civil security system.

    That is the disease.  Every other thing is a symptom, though fast growing into grave distractions.