Category: Tuesday

  • Macbeth of Edo

    Macbeth of Edo

    Olakunle Abimbola

     

    Between the fictive Macbeth of William Shakespeare, and Edo Governor, Godwin Obaseki, there appears a rather interesting link, in legit and otherwise aspirations.

    Macbeth, as Thane of Glamis, was a model Scottish subject-soldier.  He quelled the fierce rebellion against his King, Duncan; and replaced the treacherous Thane of Cawdor, as royal reward for rare duty and bravery.

    But his tragedy started when three witches, aided by a fourth: his own wife, the evil Lady Macbeth, goaded him to commit regicide, and supplant Duncan.

    From that point, Macbeth zoomed to own doom: riled by insane suspicions, plagued by mass desertion-cum-defection, and consumed by extreme paranoia.  Appears an eerie Macbeth frame, for Obaseki’s current bind, doesn’t it?

    Not even the witches’ pithy fib, of the dual “impossibility” of a moving forest, and a man not born of woman humbling the embattled usurper, could save Macbeth.

    In the final anti-Macbeth push, Birnam wood indeed “moved” to Dunsinane hill  (a visual illusion of troops, carrying boughs, moving into combat positions).  Of course, Macduff, that eventually slew Macbeth, was strictly “not born of woman”.  He was delivered by caesarian surgery!

    Well, this is no review of Shakespeare’s play, Macbeth.  But it’s just amazing how much Obaseki, as governor, shares with this fictive tragic figure, in a play first performed in 1606.

    Still, before the Obaseki-Macbeth parallel, how about first x-raying the present harsh political furnace chastening Adams Oshiomhole, Obaseki’s estranged godfather, now sworn to unhorsing a worthless godson, with all grassroots savvy at his disposal?

    To start with, the Obaseki plague wouldn’t have arisen, had Oshiomhole not dealt two trusted allies a sleight of hand, on the former governor’s succession question.

    Dr. Pius Odubu, loyal deputy for eight years, was shunted aside.  So was Osagie Ize-Iyamu, director-general of Oshiomhole’s second-term run: the one to reinforce the growing sickly culture that deputies (to governors or presidents) are never good enough; the other to underscore the equally execrable culture of use-and-dump.

    Obaseki, sole beneficiary of this cynical theory of political expendables, has become, for Oshiomhole, political migraine: spectacular, head-splitting and life-threatening.

    Odubu rode out the storm, staying true to his Edo APC.  But Ize-Iyamu stormed out to PDP, though he was there, in those foundation-building years, from Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), to All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Sure, both Odubu and Ize-Iyamu are back in APC to unhorse Obaseki, the ultimate “ingrate”, now the PDP candidate.  But that has consigned Oshiomhole to the ultimate political crucible, searing and grilling: going on the stump to swallow all the harsh things he said about Ize-Iyamu, and all the sweet things he said about Obaseki — tough luck!

    But even from this grim purgatory, political redemption appears to beckon.

    A chastened Oshiomhole cuts the picture of an ashen King David, after seizing Bathsheba, dispatching Uriah, her loyal soldier-husband, to the hottest part of battle to be slain, and earning the fiery ire of Jehovah.

    Still, for his Obaseki bad judgment, an apology-mouthing Oshiomhole, either on his knees begging Onogies, or bantering with the hoi-polloi on the hustings, comes across as the ultimate grassroots politician; that takes to doting people in the streets as fish take to purring water in the pond!  Besides, he cuts the quintessential loyal party man, even with a sweeping personal setback.

    That somewhat cushions his hard crash, from boisterous chairman of a national ruling party, to an ordinary card-carrying member — a crash the Obaseki camp had throatily mocked, and hoped would cripple, if not outright smash, his street value.

    Well, it hasn’t — and the Obaseki camp, framing own campaign as rabid Oshiomhole demonization, is ample proof.  Yet, it is Ize-Iyamu, not Oshiomhole, on the ballot!

    But if you still doubt the Oshiomhole grassroots rebound, just catch the panicky screech from Salihu Lukman.  He yelps Oshiomhole might be “plotting” his way back as national chairman, just because he bosses the Edo local campaign!  He may yet endure a long night of “severe pains” — to parody Ekiti loudmouth, Ayo Fayose!

    Lukman may be the so-called director-general of the Progressive Governors Forum (PGF).  But really, he is the unfazed face and growling voice of the intra-APC, anti-Oshimhole coven of political witches.

    Political witches!  That takes the discourse back to the Macbeth-Obaseki parallel.

    The Edo electorate would decide who wins on September 19.  But no matter the result, it’s almost safe to vouchsafe political witches may — nay, will — destroy Obaseki, just as the three witches destroyed Macbeth.

    Much of Obaseki’s second term gambit appears propelled by bubbly promises of political witchery, than reasoned products of political rigour.

    For starters, Obaseki’s subversion of the Edo legislature is the grievous democratic equivalent of Macbeth’s regicide.  No one does that and lives happily ever after!

    First, a wilful stonewall of 17 legislators, out of 24, split the Edo APC’s hard-earned electoral sweep.  Then, by gifting the rival PDP those legislative “captives”, a defecting Obaseki added heinous institutional sabotage to despicable personal opportunism.   Something, sooner or later, had to give!

    Any wonder then, that the legislative majority called the governor’s bluff; and rattled his camp enough to goad them into wilful destroyers of the hallowed chamber, while posing as comical fixers, all in a dumb move to block legitimate majority access?

    Outside Edo, Obaseki’s patron “witches”, like Macbeth’s three witches at the Scottish heath, thunder fire and brimstone. But what, when the chips are down, would they plead?  That seven is greater than 24, in the legislative chamber?  Or in court, that a governor, in a fit of gubernatorial outlawry, can pocket the legislature, more so in a presidential democracy, with its rigid separation of powers?  Tough chore!

    Indeed, from that early legislative cripple (though he little realized it), Obaseki hugged his political free-fall, probably to plumb in utter democratic ruin.

    But that gambit, though a survivalist ploy, beams Obaseki’s horrible public persona: that savage desperation to go for broke; that penchant to viciously kick, bully and destroy; that fierce loyalty to no one but himself; that ever-ready Samson complex to crash everything on everyone, including himself, if he won’t have his way!

    Obaseki, the private citizen, may sure have admirable traits.  In office, his confederates hail him as a brilliant policy wonk, hence their support for his second term.

    But the fair and abiding image, of Obaseki’s tenure so far, is the governor as graceless brute.  This polity deserves much better.

  • Desperation in Edo

    Desperation in Edo

    By Gabriel Amalu

    The political gladiators in Edo State are getting desperate as the September 19, off-cycle gubernatorial election draws nearer. The desperation has shifted to the control of the state House of Assembly, and some partisans are behaving like desperados. The state governor, Godwin Obaseki, who is now the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the election, but who was elected on the platform of the All Progressive Congress (APC), ignited the first public fire, in the state that calls itself the heartbeat of the nation.

    In a 24-member state House of Assembly, Governor Obaseki, found favour with only 10 members, and surreptitiously inaugurated them after the 2019 general elections. Through political grit and deft manoeuvre in the courts, he positioned the minority members as the state House of Assembly since June last year. By his reckoning, the other 14 members have lost their membership of the house for not meeting the sitting requirement provided in section 109(1)(f) of the 1999 constitution (as amended).

    Of course, it is convenient for Governor Obasaki, to feign ignorance of the fact that he made it impossible for the 14 members he politically rejected to sit to perform their legislative duties. Tragically, that farce was condoned all the while by the APC controlled federal government, because it was expedient. Now that Obaseki has moved to the PDP, the APC has resolved to wield the big stick by using the police to restore constitutional democracy in the Edo State House of Assembly.

    Presently, the 14 members who had been unconstitutionally excluded by the governor’s group, joined by three members from the governor’s group, have reportedly taken over the house, and the federal Attorney General and Minister for Justice, Abubakar Malami SAN, has directed the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to provide security for the members, to exercise their constitutional responsibilities. The governor’s group are justifiably afraid that the new leadership may bring them to their comeuppance.

    To frustrate the 14 plus three members from sitting to hatch any plans, the governor’s group again resorted to unconstitutional conducts. The executive arm of the government sent carpenters to remove the roof of the building housing the state legislative assembly, in a manner reminiscent of an old Lagos landlord, determined to evict a recalcitrant tenant, albeit illegally. Also a truckload of sand, gravel and granite, purportedly for the renovation of the state assembly complex, were dumped in front of the entrance doors.

    Thinking that he still has the ear of President Muhammadu Buhari and the favour of the federal government to overlook his infraction of the constitution, Governor Obaseki has called on President Buhari, to intervene in the interest of rule of law. What a mockery of the concept of the rule of law. On his part, the governorship candidate of the APC, Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu, has congratulated the new speaker, elected by the 17 members, who told reporters they have removed the former speaker, Hon. Francis Okiye.

    No doubt, the former Governor of Edo State, and the erstwhile godfather of Governor Obaseki, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, who is leading the opposition in Edo State, appears to have cornered Obaseki, in the political cheese game. They are deftly taking the breath away from the governor, and pushing him to take desperate measures. By reviving the turf war between the 14 legislators and the governor, they have reverted the minds of the public to the original casus belli of the Edo State debacle.

    So, Obaseki deserves the harsh words of the leader of APC, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, concerning his intransigence and desecration of the 1999 constitution (as amended). By purportedly inaugurating 10 out of the 24 elected members of the state House of Assembly, the governor violated the clear proviso to section 91 of the constitution, which says that: “a House of Assembly of a state shall consist of not less than twenty-four and not more than forty members.”

    The forceful reduction of the number of members of the state House of Assembly to 10 by the governor’s henchmen, since after the 2019 general election is an aberration; a violence to the constitutional order. Again, in my opinion, the constitution did not envision that attendance of a member at the first session of the house after the proclamation by the governor, provided for in section 105(3) shall determine the eligibility of a duly elected member as provided in section 94 of the constitution, to function as a legislature.

    The only constitutional imperative is for such an elected member to declare his assets and liabilities in the manner prescribed by the constitution, and subsequently after the speaker and the deputy are elected, to take and subscribe before the speaker of the house, the Oath of Allegiance and Oath of membership prescribed in the seventh schedule to the constitution. For Obaseki and his backers, they were hoping to frustrate the 14 members not in his good books, by ensuring they do not meet the constitutional requirement provided by section 109(1) (f) and (3) of the constitution.

    The sections provide that a member of the house must not miss “one-third of the total number of days during which the House meets in a year.” But the said sub-section (f) prefaces the section, with the words: “without just cause he (a member) is absent from the meetings of the house….” No doubt, there are ample evidence that the 14 members where prevented by forces beyond their control, from meeting the constitutional requirement. One recalls that even the National Assembly tried to take over the legislative affairs of the house, but was resisted by forces loyal to the governor.

    Those who orchestrated the incongruity of running a 24-member house with 10 members, by chasing away 14 duly elected legislators, and are now seeking to declare the 14 absconders, do injustice to the doctrine of separation of power. Such a political manoeuvre is unjust, unequitable and unlawful, by any stretch of imagination. To uphold it, is to do grave violence to the express provision of section 1(1) of the constitution, which provides: “This constitution is supreme and its provisions shall have binding force on all authorities and persons throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria.” Indeed, to defang any of the three arms of government, provided for, in the 1999 constitution, is treasonable.

    What baffles this column is how a sitting governor could be so out manoeuvred during the election of state legislators, and misadvised in the management of the elected members.  Obaseki’s failure, deserves enquiry by political scientists. With the speaker beholden to Obaseki removed, if care is not taken, he can be impeached.

  • Sovereignty and the scroundrel

    Sovereignty and the scroundrel

    By Olakunle Abimbola

    It may be early days yet.  But grab pre-SAP newspapers of 1986, and do a content analysis of their pulsating debates.

    You may well strike a rich parallel of patriotic hysterics, akin to the current “rail-sovereignty” debate.

    That patriotic rail, against IMF and notorious conditionalities — hardly a sane choice! — for “home-grown” economic reforms, birthed Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s structural adjustment programme (SAP).

    But SAP was no more than IMF-plus-conditionalities smuggled in through the back door, except that the irate patriots were too angry to know — until it was too late!  Their recourse?  Eternal lamentation ever after!

    Now, as then however, the thundering herd, with their media champions in tow, are no scoundrels — no, never!  They are just riled, patriotic bulls.

    As the “IMF!” red rag drove them wild in 1986 (so bellicose to completely miss IBB’s trickery), so does “debt!” now drive them gaga, so much so they scorn Transport Minister, Rotimi Amaechi’s caution: that standard commercial clauses hardly equate trading off sovereignties.

    This new excitement is on Nigeria’s US$ 500 million loan from China, to modernize the country’s rail.  For this, Amaechi’s passion for his job has made him, in the books of many, Nigeria’s new debt Judas.

    To this dashing army, bristling with patriotic bile, any mention of “loan”, even to fund putative future progress — as modern rail clearly is — must ideologically equate “peonage”; which you must shout down, with searing patriotic heat.

    Perhaps once bitten, twice shy — given the fulsome record, of past debt abuses?  Perfectly understandable!

    Still, ask how, without cash, you could fund life-changing infrastructure, sans the debt market?  Here comes the answer: grumpy, roiling silence!

    But years hence, just as their SAP-ped forebears of 1986, these boisterous, goodly patriots would most bitterly lament their fate when, no thanks to a rail-less economy, mass poverty grinds harder!  Whoever thinks straight when seized by a wild rage?

    Still, beyond the passionate press and patriots, guess who else came to party? Gamers!

    The ever-ready Atiku Abubakar, former Vice President of the Federal Republic, lost no time to latch on, as new, radical anti-debt hero.

    So did the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the former ruling party, whose 16 years of economic “reforms” could not roll back the deforms SAP wreaked on the Nigerian real sector, since 1986.

    Though President Goodluck Jonathan, after eons, managed to complete the Abuja-Kaduna standard rail, it was the Buhari government that eventually commissioned it.

    Even then, that was a rare oasis in the PDP desert of infrastructural delivery, though Nigeria earned much more cash, to fund such.  If they had done that, there would have been less need for Chinese (or other) loans.

    So, you’d ask: what did Atiku, his principal, former President Olusegun Obasanjo and their ruling PDP, show for their long ruling years: sleek expressways, or ultra-modern rails, or even regular power, that from the ruin of SAP, could have recreated the real sector, of mass manufacturing, with its plethora of factory jobs?

    Hardly!  Their legacy is offensive personal gains — private universities (when the public ones in their care degenerated); and, of course, the prime jewel of power vanity, the Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL), first in Africa!

    To be sure, OOPL is an obscene temple of personal service, in lieu of genuine monuments in the people’s heart.  Nevertheless, it is a fair reflection of the self-first — and last — credo of the Obasanjo era.

    So, when brilliant infrastructure-delivery failures of the immediate past, with rank opportunism blunder into the rail loan debate, their suspect motives ought to loom large.

    There, sovereignty may well be the last bastion of the scoundrel! — to parody the Samuel Johnson famous quote, that opened this piece.

    Still, such characters barge in because deep introspection, flowing from vibrant institutional memory, is seldom a strong pillar of Nigerian public discourse.

    That’s why people, amplified by the media, screech as if there was no yesterday; there won’t be tomorrow; but only this minute: and the most piercing screecher carries the day!  Any wonder then, there is seldom any solid context, historical or otherwise, to these debates?

    Ossai Nicholas Ossai, House of Representatives Treaties, Protocol and Agreements committee chairman, did his parliamentary oversight duty to motherland, to “uncover” (to use Saharareporters’ words) the “offensive” sovereignty clause, in Nigeria’s loan agreement with the Export-Import Bank of China.

    But by opting for full sensationalization — again amplified by the media — he followed the loud but empty trails of Ndudi Elumelu who, faced with the Obasanjo-era power mirage uproar, grabbed his head with both hands in dramatic surrender, for the cameras to click away!

    Till this day, however, not that drama, or the patriotic rage that followed, has resolved that conundrum.

    So, Ossai’s heroics may only provide grist for future yarns, in varied mutations, on the debt and sovereignty question.  Yet, it’s getting established that it’s only a standard commercial clause, with such contracts.

    Of course, the National Assembly must do its duty, combing every treaty and contract, to ensure Nigeria gets the best deal.  That is imperative.  But even that should be no excuse to ridicule those battling hard to raise Nigeria’s infrastructure stock.

    Take Amaechi and his rail records, not to talk of his passion to leave a worthwhile rail legacy.  He warns: don’t criminalize contracts, in the excitement of the moment, for terms you don’t fully understand.  If you did, funds for other crucial rail projects, nation-wide, just might dry up.   Commonsense, isn’t that?

    For that however, not a few have gored the minister as the new Satan, sworn to shackling Nigerian future generations with Chinese debt!   Typically Nigerian, isn’t that, to talk at, instead of talking to, one another?

    Still, lest we forget: the feared debt Armageddon will come, only if you default.  But what if you don’t?  You could almost hear an irate patriot bawl: what if you do — as we always did in the past?

    Fair question — but hardly an answer: for a rhetorical question is no well thought out and logical answer.  The truth is: that you default in the past is no surety that you’d always default, even if it’s fair to keep that past misconduct as a constant check — but constant check, not constant crippler!

    So, instead of making a fetish of past defaults, to justify possible future paralysis (an ultra-lazy approach to public policy), the media should lead a vanguard for positive behavioral change.  That way, we would have annexed past misdeeds for future gains.

    With no own cash, Nigeria needs loans to scale up infrastructure for development.  Now, are we going to bleat “debt peonage” in self-pity, or think through it all to turn that short-term handicap to long term glory?

  • Blues for a COVID-skeptic sista

    Blues for a COVID-skeptic sista

    In the future,” the American artist, film director and producer Andy Warhol is reported to have stated in the programme for a 1968 exhibition of his work at the Moderna Museet in Stockholm, Sweden, “everyone will be world-famous for 15 minutes.”

    Those 15 minutes became splendidly real for Dr Stella Immanuel some two weeks ago.

    There she was, a physician who had transcended the suffocating humbug of the coronavirus epidemic and the sterility of thought that its prevention, diagnosis, management, treatment and cure have spawned.

    There she was, a bevy of acclaimed physicians in their snow-white laboratory coats and their stethoscopes dangling from their necks, all of them standing one respectful step behind her as she excitedly but authoritatively exploded the myths and superstitions that had held humankind captive for the better part of the past six months

    In that period, the world woke up every day to grim bulletin of fresh outbreaks of the plague that the world has come to know as Covid-19, the latest number of infections, the most current number of patients successfully treated, and those who perished in a battle in which human ingenuity and the latest advances in the medical sciences have proved no match for the virus.

    And the depredations just multiplied from one day to the next, with no end in sight.

    In that period, the world embarked on a desperate race to produce what will certainly qualify as the Holy Grail of the ages – a vaccine or some other remedy that will inoculate individuals against the virus and restore the rhythm of life that it has so cruelly dislocated in some areas and destroyed in others.

    It is a race against time, in which colossal amounts of money and time and energy are being poured in the hope – and it is only a hope, according to the best authorities – that a remedy of sorts will be found. The smart money is on a vaccine that will serve only for a brief while as an inoculation against Covid-19.  Not as a prophylactic.  And certainly not as a cure.

    Against this dispiriting prospect, Dr Stella Immanuel, a physician born in Cameroun and trained at our own University of Calabar, burst sensationally upon the scene in Houston, Texas,  to provide the reassuring clarity that the best authorities in the best universities of the world working in the best endowed labs have failed to achieve and will never achieve unless they put away their microscopes and test tubes and go back to basics.

    Unlike other investigators at the spearhead of the war against Covid-19, Dr Immanuel has not caged herself with the self-imposed inhibitions and protocols – the so-called scientific method — that have vitiated their research constricted their vision. Just because you cannot observe something under a microphone or in a test tube does not mean that it does not exist.  Is it not a notorious fact that so-called para-normal phenomena often contain far more normality that we can apprehend?

    In keeping with the Holy Scriptures, she has been content to rely on “the evidence of things not seen.” And see what spectacular insights this singular approach have yielded!

    Covid-19 is a hoax.  It is a fake disease.  Even its name is a fake, for there is nothing novel about it.  At bottom, it is malaria fever that celebrity-seeking scientists and their sensation-crased collaborators in the media have blown up into an invincible force, before which the whole world must bow and tremble.

    It can be prevented, and it can be cured.  Dr Immanuel knows because she has been preventing and treating it long before it was foisted on the world as the all-conquering disease that it is not.  And she has more than 300 living, thriving former patients to prove it.

    And there is nothing wondrous about the hydroxychloroquine she has been using with such stunning success as prophylactic and curative well before President Donald Trump’s personal physician insinuated it into his daily repast of hamburger, without having the grace to acknowledge that it was from her that the White House had learned of the drug.

    It has the great merit of being available for the asking.  Just stop by the patent medicine store at the corner.

    Forget the billions that have been ploughed into or pledged for developing a vaccine and the unseemly race to clinch the patent and win the manufacturing rights.  Even if the cost were not so prohibitive, why seek a vaccine when a cure already exists?

    But Big Pharma would hear nothing of it.  If they cannot kill such an initiative outright, they will denigrate and pooh-pooh it and assail the integrity and expertise of all those promoting it until it fizzles, not minding the consequence for public health even as the pandemic ramifies.

    Any wonder, then, that they have spared no effort and held back no resources in their desperation to take out the one person standing between them and their nefarious plot to keep the world safe for Covid-19 and  the stock market booming for their stakeholders?

    They are putting it about that, assuming but by no means conceding that Dr Immanuel is variously a trained radiologist or paediatrician, she is nevertheless an intruder and a dangerous one at that.  If she is the one or the other, how come she had taken it upon herself to treat with the same drug all sorts conditions of people supposedly afflicted with Covid-19, a good many of them children and some in the ninth decade of life?

    They are also pointing to what they say is a toxic blend of pseudo-science, religious fundamentalism and mediaeval superstition in her approach to medical practice.  She is alleged to hold, for instance, and to dispense from the pulpit of the church of which she is the resident pastor in a strip mall next door to her clinic, that aliens from invisible worlds have been sleeping with female earthlings, causing them to be infertile and to suffer from gynaecological problems.

    And so on, and so forth.

    The vast majority of those making these slanderous charges are no doubt actuated by envy, a rampant phenomenon in American society.  Who among them will not not give a limb or an eye to be noticed by Donald Trump? Being God’s own “battle axe,” Dr Immanuel has little to fear from them.

    The people she needs to fear in the main are her former patients with eyes on the main chance. Her treatment has saved their lives, but instead of showering her with gratitude, they will blitz her with malpractice lawsuits.

    They will invent, contrive or confect any condition known or unknown to medical science and claim that it was brought upon them by the hydroxychloroquine she had prescribed, totally unmindful of the side effects documented copiously in the scientific literature.  They will assert that the medication inflicted on them unspeakable mental and emotional distress, to say nothing of acute pain that led them to resort to dangerously addictive analgesics.

    They will demand compensation commensurate with the injury.  And they will not stop until they have sued her lab coat off her back and her stethoscope off her neck.

    If her premium is fully paid, her medical insurance will avail, up to a point.

    Meanwhile, I can report that the usual people are busy poring over the records of her sojourn in the United States, from her immigration application to her compliance to her medical license and everything in between, not forgetting her marriage licence and her federal tax returns.  The most insignificant spelling error will be construed as evidence of intentional deception and hence sufficient cause for immediate deportation unless she can prove the contrary to their complete satisfaction

    I can also report that there is little sympathy for her among Cameroun nationals here. One of them told me he would not be surprised to find that the people back home had placed a curse on her – a punishment they reserve for those who don’t send money home regularly.

    “What else would lead a person to do such wanton damage to herself?” he asked.

     

     

  • Asari’s beloved pick-pockets

    Asari’s beloved pick-pockets

    By Olakunle Abimbola

    Pre-Goodluck Jonathan, Niger Delta depredation was a serious issue, amplified by justified militancy, with over-flowing national guilt.

    During the Jonathan Presidency, with the natives themselves scaling new heights in stratospheric greed — their “Niger Delta president” be damned! — it became a joke.

    Post-Jonathan, it is descending into a farce.  The tragedy, however, remains: the poor, long-suffering Niger Delta mass, raped with murderous unison, by both natives and aliens.

    That sad impression comes from the thick scandal of alleged sleaze, oozing out of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), like some thick, black, noxious smoke; and the sick apologia for native robbers, who Mujahid Dokubo-Asari beatified as mere “pick-pockets”!

    Did someone, somewhere, echo that Wole Soyinka play, Beatification of the Area Boy?

    Now, who will save the Niger Delta from own home-grown, unapologetic plunderers?

    Make no mistake: everything about that putrefying stench, from NDDC, is a racket.

    The alleged sleaze itself, probable mismanagement of a whopping N81 billion, by an interim management committee (IMC), has got to be a classic in soulless racketeering, that turns a core development agency into a chronic, grinding under-development coven.

    Irony of ironies: the dismissive Asari wants to dub it all a witch hunt, even if that coven teems with native economic witches!

    Now, if a management could blow such eye-popping dough in the interim, what much havoc would it do, were it to enjoy a longer tenure?  The grand irony was that it was emplaced to checkmate previous long-term rodents!  Talk of a cure worse than the ailment!

    But in all of the outrage, what do two generations of the Niger Delta elite, symbolized by Pa Edwin Clark and Dokubo-Asari, have to offer?

    From Clark, celebrated Jonathan-era presidential godfather, is deathly quiet — a never golden racket of silence, perhaps?

    And El Hajdi Mujahid Dokubo-Asari, dashing general of the Niger Delta People’s Salvation Force?  An apologia, wrapped in arrogant sophistry, that makes you puke with irritation and cry with shame!

    In one breath, he beatifies Niger Delta native robbers as mere “pick pockets”.  In another, he demonizes non-native hustlers as the real robber barons that folks should worry about.

    But nowhere, in this beatification-demonization divide, do you feel this mouthy troubadour cry for his ravished native land!

    With Clark tongued-tied (though quick to point fingers and jump, with both feet, into controversies elsewhere); and Asari snaring self in self-deceit and communal delusion, who will make the case for the Niger Delta poor, given such criminal elite insouciance?

    Still on racketeering and the NDDC stench: Godswill Akpabio, the former uncommon governor, turned uncommon senator and latterly uncommon minister, is now enmeshed in uncommon scandal, buzzing accusations and counter-accusations, with spicy salacious tales to boot!

    The salacious tit-for-tat, between Akpabio and Joy Nunieh, estranged former NDDC interim managing director, projects Akpabio as a deformed reformer, that somewhat entered equity with rather filthy hands, to borrow that popular legal-speak.  Incidentally, both Akpabio and Nunieh are trained lawyers.

    But the same exchange also casts Nunieh as a suspect dissenter.  Had she not been bounced off NDDC, as interim boss, would she have come out blazing as she did?

    Again, the tragic tale of a reform-minded duo getting mutually deformed — at least in the mind of the outraged public!

    Still, while Nunieh leaves a whiff of sexist titillations, her successor, Kemebradikumo Pondei, by his shocking COVID-19 palliative self-settlement tales, echoes that selfish tortoise, in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart.  Just to corner all of the gravy at a party in the skies, it re-christened itself “All of You”!

    Little wonder: when Prof. Pondei fainted under a barrage of searing House questions, almost everyone concluded it was a contemptible Oscar show.  But his faint could well have been real, given Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila’s admission that the chamber was a bit stuffy.

    Whatever the truth, Pondei epitomizes that eternal helplessness, nay hopelessness, of the Niger Delta poor.  Whereas the Achebe fictional tortoise got flung down to earth by its irate benefactors, Pondei and co appear untouchable, to their ravished people.

    This is rather scary because Prof. Pondei’s shocking revelations portrayed an NDDC culture of systemic rape.  Yet, his interim management, backed by the embattled Akpabio, flashes a forensic audit of the commission’s past, with cynical drama.

    Sounds like a pack of salivating cats shielding doomed rats, doesn’t it?  Hardly a trust-building affair!

    All the flurry of accusations and counter-accusations, involving the National Assembly itself, leaves untenable Akpabio’s position, as Niger Delta Minister.  It’s, therefore, left to President Muhammadu Buhari to do the needful.

    But even Akpabio could be a victim of a racket of emotions, not necessarily in empathy with the Niger Delta poor, but by fellow elites settling personal, regional or partisan scores  — the uncommon senator, turned uncommon minister, reeks with uncommon enemies, across the partisan aisle!

    His old PDP scorn him as a treacherous deserter, so think little of roasting him.  So, in classic partisan demagoguery, hated Akpabio could be PDP’s perfect “proof” that APC is no cleaner, despite its trumpeted anti-sleaze war!  Cynicism begets cynicism!

    His new APC — at least some elements therein — dub him a dangerous opportunist, come to chisel their party of change, in ruinous PDP’s image of greed.  So, head or tail, Akpabio stays roasted.

    Within the Niger Delta, Akpabio appears to, not a few, as manipulating the president’s anti-corruption fervour to seize the NDDC, and allegedly feather his own nest, under the cynical ploy of fighting “corruption”.

    How else, they argue, do you explain Akpabio persuading the president to freeze the NDDC board, already confirmed by the Senate, for an interim management that has done nothing but sour everywhere with its stinking can of worms?

    Still, all of these are raucous elite noise, though arising from an age-old rape of the voiceless.  It’s vital, therefore, that this elite bedlam does not block out the real issue.

    The real issue?  Justice for the Niger Delta poor and voiceless, which umpteenth brazen sleaze has always buried alive, as living dead.

    That is why Asari’s hollow pick-pocket theory and Clark’s loud quiet are a monumental betrayal of their own people.  Every true son — and daughter — of that troubled region ought to be outraged by the latest NDDC scandal.

    Which is why President Buhari must get to the root of these swirling allegations and conk the guilty.

    Before then, however, he should realize, without prejudice to the much vaunted forensic audit, that Minister Akpabio, and all cited in the NDDC scandal, are damaged goods.

  • What’s sovereignty worth?

    What’s sovereignty worth?

    Sanya Oni

     

    Words – so goes the African wise saying – are like eggs; when hatched, they have wings. Another version of the proverbs goes like – the spoken word, like an egg, once spoken it is impossible to put back together. Never mind the flurry of declamations, clarifications and the rather strident attempts to undo the damage, I suspect that Rotimi Amaechi, minister of transportation would still by now, be ruing those outlandish comments he uttered while appearing before the House of Representatives Committee on Treaties and Agreements last Tuesday.

    If Nigerians were ever in any doubt about the meaning, import and span of ‘sovereignty’ to those appointed to superintend over their affairs, never have we had it painted in such unedifying colours by one of the so-called leading lights of the Buhari administration.

    And the crux of the matter? House committee chairman, Nicholas Ossai, had alluded to certain clauses in the loan agreements conceding Nigeria’s sovereignty to China during the meeting with Amaechi. He cited an example – the agreement for a $400 million loan facility obtained for Galaxy Backbone, federal government’s information and communication technology (ICT) agency in 2018 which purports to waive irrevocably, Nigeria’s “immunity on the grounds of sovereign or otherwise for itself or its property in connection with any arbitration proceeding pursuant to Article 8(5), thereof with the enforcement of any arbitral award pursuant thereto, except for the military assets and diplomatic assets”.

    Clearly, if the lawmaker was flummoxed at the text of the so-called agreement, just as confounding, it would appear to him, was the knowledge that the National Assembly was not even carried along on the deal.

    And what did Amaechi say to all of these.

    First, he contends that Nigerians should not put so much big deal in the so-called waiver of sovereignty’; in other words, it is a non-issue’; second, that all that matters is for our officials to put pen on paper; the rest, including any study of the text of the agreement can follow much later; and third, that Nigeria, if it comes to that can, wriggle its way out of tricky agreements – never mind that the Process and Industrial Development (P&ID) deal has since proven otherwise.

    And fourth, when arguments fail as it apparently did that Tuesday, resort to subtle blackmail while insisting that the country should proceed post haste since time is of the essence!

    “Can we be allowed to get this loan?” An exasperated minister had reportedly asked the equally flabbergasted committee members.

    “Then you can summon us, not to start what you are doing and the whole process will then be stopped.

    “My fear is that at the end of the day, some sections of this country will suffer if they stop giving us loans; two projects that will suffer: the first one is Lagos-Ibadan (rail line), we have not finished disbursement.

    “We are asking for a loan to commence work from Ibadan to Kano. The day they (China) say ‘the government is not supporting the loans you people are taking, we are no longer giving you,’ that is the end of the project.”

    That is coming from a minister of the federal republic.

    Alarmed? Wait until you factor in the implicit suggestion by the minister that nothing (at least on the Nigerian side) is actually sealed; not even the Lagos-Ibadan segment of the rail project for which some have gone over the moon to celebrate and which, by the minister’s latest confession, only requires a stalled negotiation on the Ibadan-Kano segment for the brakes to be pulled!

    As for his earlier position on ‘sovereignty’, it is now a matter of what you make of the minister’s dubious semantics: “There is no contract without an agreement and that agreement must contain some terms and one of the terms that this one contains, is not that you’re signing away the sovereignty of the country. No country will sign away its sovereignty. What you do is, you give a sovereign guarantee; and I’m ashamed of those who interpret it the wrong way”.

    I do understand the eagerness of the minister, former speaker and two-term governor, to get the job done.  He might even feel entitled to a measure of arrogance – which is of course understandable given what his present role as minister demands as against his former imperial office where his word was once law; what he’s not entitled to is the right to insult those Nigerians who do not share his specious interpretation of the unambiguous text.

    Between Amaechi’s ‘sovereign guarantee’ and the cited agreement, there is of course a world of difference; even at that, Nigerians, couldn’t be blamed for raising hell about developments which, from all indications, offers them another one-way fare to debt peonage. In all, what is apparent is that those charged with the public duty of crafting and executing agreements have learnt nothing nor forgotten nothing – being either too blind to appreciate the nuances of international financial agreements or too consumed by their greed that they will not mind selling an entire country for the proverbial morsel of bread.

    Yesterday, it was the London and Paris club of shylock debtors. Under the duo, Nigeria reportedly took some $32 billion in loans under the guise of developing the economy. In the end, nothing of value was delivered; yet the country, in the end managed to pay a sum nearly equal the borrowed sum in penalties, charges and compounded interest even as the original loan sum remained untouched in the intervening years! That was the situation until the Obasanjo administration decided, under an equally odious settlement, to shell out $12 billion in one-off payment to escape the clutches of the debtor cartel.

    A decade and half after, that past appears to have caught up with us again. From the P&ID fiasco which would have seen Nigeria cough out a record fine of $9.6 billion, we have managed to land another swirling controversy on the Azura-Edo IPP project which seeks to put us in another $1.2 billion hole.

    And now we are talking of billions of dollars of loans from the Chinese – sums of which Nigerians have not only since lost track of, but whose sole justification – often falling short of the rigour of due process – is that the country could not have it any other way.

    Surely, that is not the way to go. If in doubt, ask Zambia whose airport, national broadcasting company and power plant ZESCO has fallen to the Chinese overlords.  So much for the hunger for the Chinese pie.

  • Healing Nigeria

    Healing Nigeria

    Gabriel Amalu

     

    Those who accuse President Muhammadu Buhari of exhibiting a messianic complex should not blame him. Rather, they should blame the circumstances of his political rebirth. Prior to his fourth presidential contest and eventual victory in 2015, he had been written off by many as too insular and tribal to rule a complex nation like Nigeria. Even religious bigotry was hauled at him. But despite the allegations, the majority saw him as the answer to the nation’s greatest challenge – corrupt practices.

    So, Nigerians, who voted President Buhari, into power expects him to heal Nigeria of the disease of corrupt practices, and he has been at the war front. How far he has succeeded is out with the jury. But there is the other ailment, which afflicts Nigeria, and perhaps has done as much damage to the corporate existence of Nigeria, as corruption. That is the pestilence of tribalism. When Nigeria was at the cross-roads in 1966, ethnic sentiments trumped the hatred, for corrupt practices, as those celebrated for overthrowing the 10 percenters, soon became alienated and vilified, following the resurgence of ethnic sentiment.

    To heal Nigeria therefore, the healer must be able and willing to face those twin challenges head-on. On the score of tribal and ethnic favouritism, President Buhari has been bashed from many quarters, especially with respect to the appointment of persons to man the key national security agencies and assets. Some have accused him of damaging the fabric that holds Nigeria together. For this column, while the president has not been fair in the spread of key appointments, he has fared better in addressing the key infrastructure needs of the various parts of the country.

    But a sticking sore, is the railway programme of his administration, for which the nation is entering into a debt peonage. The president must appreciate that if the entire citizens are to pay for the huge debts the country is accumulating for the railway projects, it is scandalous, and an aberration that while the country is borrowing furiously to modernise the Lagos-Kano rail line, that from Port Harcourt to Maiduguri has been left unattended to. The Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, recently acknowledged the depressing pressure he faces, for the neglect of his home front in the railway projects.

    Interestingly, the immediate past regime of Goodluck Jonathan, also concentrated the nation’s resources to modernise the Abuja to Kaduna rail line, for which many vilified him as a stooge of the northern power brokers. So, it is fair to ask, why the concentration of energy to modernise the railways, only in one part of the country? If President Buhari, wants to apply some balm to the nation’s ethnic sore, he must ensure the revamping of the rail line that runs from Port Harcourt to Maiduguri, with a detour to the federal capital, Abuja.

    After all, the resources that will be used to build the rail lines and to repay the huge debts the nation is accumulating for the projects, will come substantially from the south-south part of the country. Again, to maintain ethnic balance, it is unfair that while people of the northwest are already enjoying a train ride to the federal capital, peoples from other regions have to wait for more rail lines to be built in the northwest, connecting Kano, Kastina and even Niger Republic, before the people from Southeast, South-south and Northeast would be connected to the federal capital, Abuja.

    You cannot heal a sore, by sprinkling pepper on it. If the rail line from Lagos through Ibadan is developed up to Abuja, it is only fair, that energy be shifted to build the one from Port Harcourt, passing through south-east to Abuja, and the one from Maiduguri, down to Abuja, which is situated in the north-central. The pursuit of even development for all the regions is a sine qua non for peace and national progress. Conversely, the effect of the neglect of some parts of the country, moves from physical underdevelopment, to national insecurity, sabotage and the failure of a nation.

    Indeed, if President Goodluck Jonathan, from whose ethnic backyard, the resources for the development of the rail lines come from chose to start with the rail line that connects the northwest to the federal capital, President Buhari, from the northwest, should not show excessive ethnic bias in favour of the region he comes from, in the development of that critical national infrastructure. Indeed, those who suggested to him, the extension of the rail line, from his home state of Kastina to Niger Republic, merely wanted to entrench the accusation of ethnic slur.

    Admittedly, this column has praised President Buhari for the revamping of the Akanu Ibiam International Airport’s runway and the Second Niger Bridge, which the past regimes made a song and dance of, without turning the sod. But similar infrastructure development, are also going on across the other regions. So, there is no justification for the neglect of the railways in the region, just as there is no justification for the neglect of the region in the nation’s gas project. At a recent meeting of the Southeast governors, the states in the southeast appealed to the president to include the region in the nation’s gas pipeline projects, opting to pay for it.

    An evenly spread development, is the greatest antidote to the agitation for the division of the country. So, the federal government cannot be borrowing to develop the Ajaokuta-Abuja-Kaduna gas pipeline, while the South-south and Southeast where the supply pipeline passes, are not factored in the projects. Again, that is scandalous, and condemnable. Addressing reporters, after the meeting of the Southeast Governors’ Forum, the chairman, Governor David Umahi, appealed to the federal government thus: “since the pipelines are going to come from the south-south and south-east, we feel the states in the region should also benefit.”

    As noted by Alan R Ball, in his book: Modern Politics and Government: “economic differences appear to provide a universal source of political disagreement.” The author also noted that “if politics is the resolution of conflict, the distribution of power within a political community determines how the conflict is to be resolved, and whether the resolution is to be effectively observed by all parties.”

    President Buhari has shown ardour, whenever he is convinced on a course of action. He must wear that armour to heal the nation’s sore points, as part of his legacy. This column feels vindicated about its last outing, after the president agreed that there are some fake Buharists in government, who have abused his trust as the essay argued. He must tweak his infrastructure programmes to reflect the diversity of Nigeria, if he wants to apply balm to the nation’s sores.

  • A misbegotten re-christening

    A misbegotten re-christening

    Olatunji Dare

     

    WHEN I learned that the Nigerian Press Organisation, of all, had re-named the NIJ House on Victoria Island, Lagos for Isa Funtua barely a week after his death, my heart sank.

    Have the inversion of values and the failure of leadership so characteristic of our national life that the news media are forever lamenting:  have these same ailments finally caught up with the media as an institution and emasculated them a time when their critical insights and capacity for fine discrimination have never been in greater demand?

    This was the thought that raced through mind, followed quickly, intuitively even, by the judgement that they might have, in effect robbed some very emiment stalwarts of journalism in Nigeria to pay Funtua, the spectral business mogul, media entrepreneur of a bygone era and a person who wields enormous but unaccountable power as PresidentMuhammadu Buhari’s in-law, counselor and confidant.

    Lateef Jakande, who turned 91 three weeks ago, came immediately to mind.    More than anyone alive or dead, Jakande has in a life dedicated to the journalism of the highest standard as reporter, columnist, editorial writer, media educator, administrator, and entrepreneur, and as a crusader for press freedom on the national and global stage, seemed to me to have earned the naming rights to the NIJ House.

    It was through Jakande’s agency that the Nigeria Institute of Journalism came to Nigeria with assistance from the Zurich-based International Press Institute, of which he was for many years vice president and subsequently president, and in which latter capacity he hosted an Assembly of the global body in Nigeria in the 1907s.

    Jakande secured temporary housing for the institute on Breadfruit Street, in downtown Lagos, until it moved to the building named for it, and from there uptown to its present location in Ogba, in the Ifako/Ijaye LGA of the state. As Governor of Lagos State, he had expanded the strategic site earmarked for construction of the NIJ House, thus endowing it with the capacity to become a prime  commercial asset

    The directing faculty, whose services Jakande secured with the help from the IPI, laid good foundation for the institute and gave it high visibility.  From time to time, Jakande himself  served as visiting faculty.  When asked what he would be doing after he lost office following the overthrow of the elected civilian government in 1983, he replied, with not a little delight, that he would be teaching at the NIJ.

    In the many influential and demanding positions he occupied in public life, Jakande maintained a constant interest in the NIJ.  He followed its fortunes and occasional upheavals, offering advice and guidance, and ensuring that it strove to live up to its founding ideals.

    Against this dazzling record, one blemish stands out.  Never had the Nigerian press witnessed the kind of repression it suffered under the regime of the loathsome Sani Abacha, in which Jakande was the senior cabinet minister.  Independent newspapers were banned, editors were assassinated or hounded into exile, kidnapped and detained in squalid conditions, or jailed in proceedings that were a manifest travesty.

    Those who expected Jakande to resign in disgust – I count myself among them – were disappointed.

    I recall that Dr Doyin Abiola, managing director of MKO Abola’s Concord Newspapers and I, from The Guardian but without the paper’s formal authority, held a long meeting during one environmental Saturday in December 1994 with Jakande in his Ilupeju home and challenged him on this point. How could he, a pillar of the Nigerian press, serve in a government that visits such barbarities on the media?

    Jakande listened attentively and patiently, never once interrupting us.  He said we were mistaken in our judgement of his role.  Then he advised us to go talk with General Oladipo Diya, Sani Abacha’s nominal deputy.  The meeting, with Yemi Ogunbiyi, ex-officio member of the Newspapers Proprietors Association (NPAN) in tow, served only to reveal how very little Diya knew of the working of the government.

    But this blemish of Jakande’s pales beside his transcendent contributions to journalism in Nigeria and the collateral respect that flowed to the profession from his performance on so many fronts as a public administrator, innovator and achiever of the first rank, arguably the ablest of his contemporaries.   And he was never one to draw attention to himself; never one, as far as the records show, to seek to enrich himself through “public service.”

    It is in recognition of these contributions that the NIJ Complex in Ogba is called Lateef Jakande House. It is an honour richly deserved.  Naming the NIJ House on Victoria Island for Jakande would have been gross, and Jakande would have been the first person to say so.

    There are so many deserving candidates for the honour.  What qualified Isa Funtua above them all?

    I never met the man. They say he was very personable, that he always played for results, and that his interventions were usually decisive.  Though better known as a business mogul and influential insider, he was not altogether a stranger to the media scene.  More than two decades ago, he was co-promoter of a Kaduna-based newspaper that called itself The Democrat.

    But neither in spirit nor in content nor yet in aspiration did the paper even pretend to live up to its name. It railed endlessly against privately-owned newspapers that questioned government policy and pronouncements and generally asked questions the authorities found inconvenient.

    It enthusiastically called for the banning of such newspapers, and suggested in earnest that it would not be a bad idea to bash a few heads in the process.  It considered it unpatriotic for any individual or body to demand a review of the annulled 1993 presidential election.

    It backed a decree setting up a so-called media council that was at bottom a licensing authority and a press court, with powers ousting the jurisdiction of national and international courts.  You had to go back to medieval times to find a parallel.

    There was nothing “Democratic” in or about The Democrat.

    Funtua’s subsequent service as chair of the NPAN may well have converted him to a believer in press freedom, to the point of wiping out the sins of his earlier foray.  But does that qualify him  to be called an “icon” of journalism, that Jabberwock that has now come to denote the ultimate status especially when, as in this instance, it does not flow from solid and enduring accomplishment.

    Those defending the renaming of NIJ House for Funtua say that he fully deserves the honour and the citation that prefaced it.  Unknown to the querulous commentators, they say, NIJ House was falling apart and was in need urgent repairs. The NPO – to its shame, it is necessary to insist –could not raise the funds.

    Then, Isa Funtua stepped in.  Drawing on his vast business connections, he came up with the N200 million needed for the job.  But for his decisive intervention, the NIJ House may well have collapsed, as so many buildings and structures do in any given month, with considerable loss of lives and damage to property.

    It is a noble gesture to be sure, and eminently deserving of memorialisation.  But this particular memorialisation breaks faith with the storied history of the NIJ.   Plus, it occurred within a week of Funtua’s passing.  Why the haste, which some have, not without justification, called unseemly?

    Even at the best of times, a week would hardly have sufficed for the wide consultation and discussion – and research — that such a momentous renaming would have entailed among the rank and file of the journalists, editors and publishers who constitute the NPO.  Given the dislocations caused by the coronavirus pandemic and the responses they call forth, it seems unlikely that the task could have been completed inside that period.

    Indeed, questions have been raised about whether such deliberations were ever held in the first place.  The NPO has not been forthcoming with an answer, thus lending wings to rumours that the renaming was done by only a handful of officials and presented to the rank and file as a fait accompli.

    Please, tell them it ain’t so, Prince Nduka Obaigbena.

     

     

     

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  • Malami Vs. Magu

    Malami Vs. Magu

    By Gabriel Amalu

    With the media feasting on the accusations and counter-accusations against those that ordinarily should be the arrowheads of the war against corruption in President Muhammadu Buhari’s government, one only hopes that the much hoped for, war against corruption, has not been won and lost. Of the course, the winners would be those who never wanted the war to succeed, and the fake Buharists, in government, who have turned public service to a bazaar, just like we experienced, particularly under the government of former President Goodluck Jonathan.

    The losers are President Buhari, whose life legacy, would stand or fail on the anti-corruption war, and the grieving Nigerians, who have suffered and would continue to suffer the debilitating impact of corruption, in our wasting country. With the media leaks, linking the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF), Abubakar Malami SAN, to allegations of official corruption, the on-going administrative probe of the suspended acting chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Ibrahim Magu, should be expanded to include the probe of Malami.

    I make the recommendation based on the need to clear the smog surrounding the two major actors in the war against corruption, once and for all times. Such clearance would enable the Buhari presidency start the difficult process of reclaiming the moral higher ground, without which, the war against corruption may end up as a ruse, especially in the eyes of those who never wished it well, from the beginning.

    While this column has its sympathy for the success of the war against corruption, it considers the present haze on the integrity of Magu and Malami as major dents on the war against corruption. So the earlier the integrity status of the suspended EFCC czar, Magu, and serving AGF, Malami, is determined and publicly disclosed by President Buhari himself, the higher the chance of resuscitating the war on corruption.

    With President Buhari’s second term in its second year, another long drawn media bashing on the integrity of the AGF might just be the final nail on the integrity of the anti-corruption war. So, there is the need to join an enquiry on the mind boggling allegations against AGF Malami, to that of EFCC’s Magu, so that the two cases can be dealt with simultaneously, as quickly as possible.

    It would be a monumental tragedy for the anti-corruption war that is already besmirched by the public trial of the EFCC chairman, Ibrahim Magu to again suffer distraction by another public trial of Malami, before reclaiming the initiative in the public domain. President Buhari’s presidency cannot afford such luxury. So, it may be better to endure the pains together, and hope for a simultaneous healing.

    The truth be told, with the allegations of corruption levelled against Malami by persons recruited by the president to fight corruption, the allegations would simply not go away, without an examination by an eminent panel, such as that now quizzing Magu, in the presidential villa. If Magu, ordinarily has a chance to clear his name before Justice Ayo Salami’s administrative body, then the AGF who has now been accused of several corrupt practices, should use the same procedure to clear his own name.

    After all, what is good for the goose is good for the gander. More importantly, the office of the AGF is the fulcrum of criminal investigation and prosecution, with enormous tentacles across power centres, in a democracy. The 1999 constitution is unequivocal about the importance of the AGF, amongst the persons authorised to aide an executive president.

    Section 150(1) of the constitution provides: “There shall be an Attorney General of the Federation who shall be the Chief Law Officer of the federation.” Section 174 grants expansive powers to the office of the AGF. Sub-section 1(a) provides: “The Attorney General of the Federation shall have power: to institute and undertake criminal proceedings against any person before any court of law in Nigeria, other than a court martial, in respect of any offence created by or under any act of the National Assembly.”

    Section 174(1)(b) gives the AGF power “to take over and continue any such criminal proceedings that may have been instituted by any other authority or person” while 174(1)(c) enables him: “to discontinue at any stage before judgment is delivered any such criminal proceedings instituted or undertaken by him or any other authority or person.”  Agreeably, section 174(3) provides: “In exercising his powers under this section, the Attorney General of the Federation shall have regard to the public interest, the interest of justice and the need to prevent abuse of legal process.”

    So, the AGF is clearly one of the most important ministers in a presidential system of government, and for a government which made anti-corruption its cardinal objective, should be the most important official. President Buhari has never hidden his disdain for corrupt practices, whether as a military president or as a civilian and that maybe why he chose Abubakar Malami, SAN, reputedly his lawyer, before he became the president. So, Buhari should deal decisively with the allegations against his ally and trusted aide, considering that his other eminent aides are the accusers.

    A president, who during the last election, checked the party his wife voted for, before she slotted the paper in the ballot box, should not shy away from confronting the challenge he is facing, from a close and trusted ally, who regrettably is now the subject of scurrilous allegations of corruption in the public domain. Of course, those opposed to the war against corruption can go to any extent to besmirch the war against corruption, and perhaps the allegations against the regimes’ top aides, are not coming from them?

    While Nigerians are hiding their heads in shame at the lunacy that were visited on the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), the Minister of Labour and Productivity, Dr Chris Ngige, has told the nation that those formerly in charge of the Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF), also corruptly enriched themselves in a manner showing their lack of respect for the reason, their principal, President Buhari, was elected as president twice. Similar tales of corruption also trailed the former administration, at the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC).

    So, those who are close to President Buhari should feel concerned that the man’s life legacy is being maligned, by those who never had stood for anything, despite their closeness to the man. How the situation can be salvaged must be their utmost interest, as the tenure of the man whom the rich and mighty loved to hate, draws towards the end. Whatever can be done lawfully should be done urgently to restore the integrity of the war against corruption.

  • Missing in Action

    Missing in Action

    Sanya Oni

    If the report that Donald Trump’s America has bought the world’s entire supply of remdesivir, the antiviral drug produced by the US biotechnology company Gilead is any indication of the shape of the global supply chain post Covid-19, countries in the sub-Saharan Africa had better pay attention or prepare for another dark spell long after the pandemic subsides. Recall that the same United States had in March attempted to secure the rights to any coronavirus vaccine developed by German biopharmaceutical firm CureVac for its exclusive use.

    Mercifully, the company, while stoutly refusing the bid, followed up with a statement that it was developing a coronavirus vaccine to “help and protect patients worldwide”. The German government, ostensibly, in a fit of Euro-centric rage would add that it was “interested in ensuring that vaccines and active substances against the new coronavirus are also developed in Germany and Europe.”

    Before then, India, the world’s largest producer of hydroxychloroquine, actually sought a temporary export ban of the medicine in its bid to preserve domestic stocks. That was to be – until Trump –the same Donald Trump (ironically) – talked Narendra Modi out of the nonsense at the risk of a massive US retaliation!

    Trump’s words, although reeking of the typical arrogance of a supremo, left little imagination about what was at stake: “I spoke to him [Modi] Sunday morning, called him, and I said we’d appreciate your allowing our supply to come out. If he doesn’t allow it to come out, that would be OK, but of course, there may be retaliation. Why wouldn’t there be?”, he had stated rather icily.

    That was four months back. Between then and now, Covid-19 cases have continued to rise globally, but then, so has the race for the vaccine assumed a frenetic if not a desperate pace.

    It had to be. As at the last count, the entire humanity had lost 649,208 souls to the pandemic out of the 16,249, 165 cases; the global economy, meanwhile, has been roiling in the after-effects, which experts reckon would take several years– vaccine or not – to shake off.

    Mercifully, the countdown to the long-awaited vaccine has long begun. As at last week, there are, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO), 25 candidate vaccines in clinical evaluation with 141 others in preclinical evaluation. Yet, as fierce as the race to get the vaccine out, the scramble for access would appear even more deadly.

    The United States government for instance, has after pumping $1.2 billion, secured 300 million doses of the potential AstraZeneca vaccine. Apparently not to be outdone in the acquisition race, the United Kingdom, with three types of vaccine under development, has reportedly, signed a deal with the drug maker, Pfizer for 90 million doses of the latter’s potential vaccine, currently under trial. Germany on its part, in an apparent effort to fob off attempts by foreign interests to take over CureVac, the country leader in the vaccine quest, made clear its plans to take 23 percent stake in the firm.

    Surely, we know what this means for everyone. For the drug manufacturers, it guarantees billions of dollars in secured revenue and millions of jobs to be created across their countries vast logistical and manufacturing value chain. As for the rest of the world, they are, for now, free to scramble for whatever is left of the products of other peoples’ intellectual property!

    Don’t ask me the place of Big Brother Nigeria in all of these. You know some of the answers already. Whether on the testing front or the vaccine production front, we are, to put it mildly, missing in action. As at 5 pm yesterday, Monday, we have only managed to test 266,323 persons out of which 40,532 cases have been confirmed with 858 dead. This figure – which comes to a mere 53,000 on a monthly average – is supposed to be progress after five clear months into the business of testing!

    It is known to be much worse on the vaccine front. At a time when developed countries are already making plans to secure access to vaccines – never mind that these are still at various trial stages – our government, haven’t even begun the elementary process of planning how to access them! Is it, as some have suggested, that the government may be waiting for either the Covax Facility or its partner in the Vaccine Alliance – GAVI, to avail the long-suffering citizens of their so-called guarantee of ‘rapid, fair and equitable access to Covid-19 vaccines worldwide’?

    My finding on Nigeria’s place in the global quest for Covid-19 vaccine was even more confounding. With two flagship medical and pharmaceutical research companies – the National Institute for Pharmaceutical Research and Development (NIPRD) and the Nigerian Institute of Medical Research (NIMR), I had somewhat assumed that national vaccine research and development effort would be led by these two foremost institutions. Well, I was wrong!

    What do I mean? I have, like other interested Nigerians, been tracking global developments in that particular area. Using the WHO list of contenders earlier referenced, the only Nigerian entity found was (to me) an unlikely one – a certain Helix Biogen Consult, Ogbomoso & Trinity Immonoefficient Laboratory, Ogbomoso, Oyo State, Nigeria – a wholly private entity! We are here talking of a list that has the National Research Centre, Egypt on it!

    I have heard it said that the Covid-19 pandemic presents countries with unique opportunities to re-set their development priorities. Very true. But then, this can only be true of countries not only prepared, but equipped to convert the challenges into opportunities. From the economy, to education, to health and to the science and technology sector, whereas the chant across the global community is that the world, after Covid-19, will be a vastly different one, our leaders from those in government, the private sector to the academia have done little else than recycle the same old excuses that brought us to this very pass.

    More than the scores of deaths and devastation brought on by the deadly pandemic, our inability to creatively respond to the emerging challenges might yet prove the greatest tragedy of the current season. Trust me, I do not even pretend to speak as a prophet!