Category: Louis Odion

  • Of narco caste and  Rivers’ political slaves

    Of narco caste and Rivers’ political slaves

    If any doubt had lingered on the certainty of opioid epidemic afflicting Nigeria’s youthful population, it surely was removed last week with the cold statistics reeled out by the University of Lagos.

    For parents who might wish to stand up in arms against its new extra-ordinary policy to administer drug test batteries randomly on students with the aplomb with which road safety marshals subject any suspicious-looking driver to breath-analyzer on the highway, the outgoing vice chancellor, Professor Rahman Bello, painted a rather chilling picture likely to fill older alumni with nostalgia for the age of innocence and the paradise lost.

    Last academic year, he confirmed that no fewer than 100 students tested positive to drug abuse. Of course, psychotropic substances abused range from conventional cocaine, heroine, marijuana to the new ones – Refnol, Tramadol and codeine.

    Then, the UNILAG authorities chose to be supportive by not expelling them outright. Rather, they quietly put them through some rehabilitation lasting two or three semesters, re-admitting them into the classrooms only upon certification that their system had been cleaned out and an undertaking never to go back.

    Now, Bello says: “With the test kit, anyone who is suspected, his or her urine or blood … is collected for test. The thing about drug is that when you take it, it’ll be in your blood for a long time, so you cannot say ‘I did not use it’ once the test kit detects it.”

    The drastic measure, he hopes, will help the institution deal squarely with the menace of drug abuse on campus because ”If the individual is not stopped, he or she will influence so many others.”

    Indeed, UNILAG’s number is even insignificant compared to the raw figures polled elsewhere in more permissive environments. In most urban centers today, drug culture is truly festering. According to Olarenwaju Ipinmisho, immediate past Director General of the NDLEA, “If you take an estimate of 10 boys, particularly in Kano, seven will be on drugs”. It is that critical.

    If nothing at all, this surely confirms Nigeria’s transition from mere producer (of methamphetamine) and  preferred smuggling route to a big-time consumer of the dark ware.

    More troubling is the implication of the women folk. Whereas the indigent male who can’t afford expensive cocaine goes as far as sniffing petrol or fermented human waste known as “Jenkem” with hallucinatory effects, the female prefer to source their own “high” from the overdose of regular codeine syrup.

    By and large, never has drug use been this glamorized and its abuse romanticized. We hear it in hip-hop songs topping the national chart. Musical videos airing on television during evening hours you would consider “family moment” explicitly depict the new cool as lads snorting powdery substance on the glass top. It makes them “get high”.

    Taken together, the deleterious effects of this new epidemic on the larger society – both in immediate and long terms – is better imagined. It is already bad enough that we are presently yoked with an underachieving nation. The dark prospects of being succeeded by a generation of drug addicts should truly terrify all Nigerian patriots today. While one is not advocating a Duterte-kind of brutal crackdown that has left thousands dead in Philippine, now is the hour to break the conspiracy of silence over the cancerous development.

    To begin with, the puzzle is what is keeping the government from formally declaring an emergency and enacting a policy that not only seeks to conscientize the youths against the terminal danger but also rally the socializing agencies (including the media) in the advocacy. It certainly will be more beneficial if emphasis of the counter strategy is also extended to the demand end of the drug chain, not exclusively on the supply as presently constituted.

    At the level of law enforcement, let it be known that the conventional tactic of merely having some hyperactive anti-drug goons lay ambush on the provincial highways for off-road jalopies concealing bags of Indian Hemp or jaded NDLEA officials mounting sentry at the national borders is simply no longer adequate to contain the new monster. Tramadol and the likes come in more convenient micro package and lurk around the street-corners. They circulate discreetly at both big and small night clubs.

    So, the tactics of the sheriff have to change as well. For instance, the new Lagos Commissioner of Police has directed night clubs operating in the metropolis to equip their premises with surveillance cameras. That is quite imaginative. But that alone will not do. Undercover agents should be deployed in addition to apprehend those promoting drug sale and abuse. Offenders deserve to be treated with as much severity as anyone found committing felony as grave as treason against the country.

    At the level of advocacy, I propose that the media take the lead. It will not be out of place if newspaper proprietors and editors jointly resolve to, as a civic duty, deliberately erect a hall of shame where, for instance, musicians whose songs promote drug use/abuse or cross the line of decency are lined up daily for public ridicule.

    Things cannot continue like this.

     

    Soldiers in PH convoy fight

     

    Following media reports of the show of shame in Port Harcourt last Sunday, a reader (on 08057376075) was sufficiently enraged to call yours sincerely and ask that all the policemen involved on both sides – whether Nyesom Wike’s or Rotimi Amaechi’s – be summarily dismissed for “bringing shame to the Nigeria Police” and acting like political slaves.

    But that will not be enough.

    With the Rivers governor and Transport minister hardly seeing eye to eye anymore over political differences, what should ordinarily be a non-issue, had commonsense prevailed, was allowed to degenerate to a fierce power show Saturday along Trans Amadi Road over who had the right of way. ”Mr. Projects” (Wike) was reportedly on routine inspection of ongoing constructions while the “Lion of Ubima” just breezed into town that afternoon.

    Weapons capable of mass killings were cocked and brandished amid the exchange of expletives. Regardless of subsequent finger-pointing by their aides, nothing can absolve both Wike and Amaechi. It takes two to tango. As governor, the burden of leadership was on Wike to rein in his guards, even under extreme provocation. As for Amaechi, it is even more scandalous that he, as an appointed minister, could ever allow himself to be drawn into ever contesting the supremacy of an elected governor within the latter’s own jurisdiction.

    Logically, the power-bike outrider leads the governor’s motorcade. Knocking Wike’s pilot down (as seen in the newspaper photograph and on Channels TV) could only have been driven by a daring that bothers on lunacy. When Amaechi was governor himself, it is doubtful if he would have tolerated that. The bitter truth has to be told.

    Beyond the show of shame, another sordid thing inadvertently exposed is the misuse of our military. One read and re-read the vigorous defense by Amaechi publicists; nowhere did they deny that soldiers were among those escorting the Minister that day. Which tends to lend credence to stories already circulating that soldiers usually chaperon the minister around in Rivers in a blatant abuse of the Nigerian military.

    The Commander-in-Chief could not have approved that.

    It is doubly scandalous that the now controversial head of the F-SARS (Federal Special Anti Robbery), Akin Fakorede, was also implicated in the Saturday infamy. It is perhaps a measure of the corruption of the F-SARS mandate that, rather than chasing ubiquitous criminals, its materials and men are now deployed as bouncers to visiting Abuja big men.

    We know Fakorede’s posting was influenced by the politicians. But must he go that far publicly to demonstrate appreciation?

    The other day, rain-beaten Fakorede was pictured holding umbrella over the MD of NIMASA as the latter stepped off a jet onto the tarmac at Port Harcourt airport. Maybe, F-SARS also now offers meteorological protection.

    The least expected of the high apostles of “change” of the ruling party is to be exemplary in their own public conduct and not continue the iniquities and impunity PDP was accused of yesterday.

     

     

  • Restructuring and its frenemies

    Restructuring and its frenemies

    Back in the Athenian garden where the tradition of public debate was first documented in antiquity, the danger had long been recognized. Logicians call it red herring.

    Those in the habit of artfully diverting an argument in order to obfuscate the question prefer this kind of fallacy.

    Such, it would seem, is the clear and present threat now encroaching the national gallery over the issue of restructuring. Depending on where you stand on the divide today, the word is applied loosely in a manner likely to confound even those who originally conceive the word, “perestroika” (restructuring), in the last years of the old Soviet Union.

    Unable – well maybe unwilling – to keep the old empire together under the force of arms, often meditative Mikhail Gorbachev did not stop at “perestroika” beginning from 1986, he added “glasnot” (openness) in a steely resolve to reform the old union, but ended up as the last president of the empire cobbled together by the Bolsheviks several decades earlier.

    To the political establishment in Abuja and a faction of the ruling party today, the word is perhaps no more than the new synonym for the shriek wailing of the politically displaced, if not treasonable dismemberment of the nation. To the opposition, it is undoubtedly an invocation to hold the ruling party to certain high standards to which they themselves were however also unable to rise yesterday when in power.

    Further afield, the understandably querulous actors of the civil society are no less divided today in defining restructuring in the Nigerian context. So, in the ensuing philosophical melee, we now find ourselves having to separate the truth from lies the same way we distinguish our friend from the enemy.

    Or, is it the darker creature the English dictionary newly classified as frenemies – enemies disguising as friends?

    Only a few, in in my view, have brought a clarity to the issue like Bashorun Seinde Arogbofa does in his new book, Nigeria – The Path We Refused To Take. He identifies the challenge as twin: systemic and human. To resolve the malaise, the first step is to “plant a good system and simultaneously… grow the right people to implement the system.”

    His prognosis is that a return to regionalism will revitalize the polity and free the latent energies across the land that will, in turn, catapult the nation to greatness. He argues that the quality of leaders a country parades is only a reflection of the integrity of the system in place.  It needs be clarified, however, that the problem with Nigeria’s federalism from the outset was more human than systemic. By obliging regions to retain 50 percent of the fruits of their labour and remit 30 percent to the government at the centre and the remaining 20 percent in the general pool to be re-distributed according to collective needs, that post-Independence federalism recognized the nation’s cultural diversities, abundant resources and, therefore, sought to incentivize industry rather than the entitlement mentality.

    It is a measure of the synergy of such symbiotic arrangement that the groundnut pyramid spiraled in the north, cocoa boomed in the west and palm oil flowed abundantly in the east, to the prosperity of the nation at large.

    But poor actors soon tainted the politics with nepotism, intolerance and “ten percent”, eventuating in the collapse of the First Republic and the military incursion on January 15, 1966.

    Since the military is unitarist in philosophy and operation, the next casualty was the federalist character beginning with the Aguiyi-Ironsi’s unification decree. The nation then morphed into one huge garrison synchronized to a central command. Long years of military rule helped deepen this aberration.

    Sadly, successive constitutions fashioned by soldiers for the nation only sought to normalize this anomaly, which gradually shifted emphasis from real production to the carnality of monthly sharing of oil receipts in Abuja. Hence, the intensification of the struggle to control political power as the master key to easy money and the weaponization of the electioneering process as do-or-die.

    This, let it be said, has been the bane of Nigeria’s development in negation of the evidence of phenomenal growth.

    Meanwhile, symptoms of the old gangrene, which metastasizes by the day, are quite visible to all. State governors have to daily fund a Federal police they don’t control. Someone sits in Abuja and aspires to build homes for residents in faraway communities they don’t know. Niger Delta generates wealth that does not reflect its material condition. Lagos generates roughly 60 percent of VAT, gets back only a fraction of the amount, but have to endure the environmental pain arising from the economic activities that make that possible…

    Paradoxically, the average Nigerian politician usually shares this perspective until they gain power. Suddenly, the erstwhile clear-headed, fire-spitting visionary turns into an agent of reaction, feverishly seeking to preserve the sitting arrangement at the national buffet and the crooked sharing formula.

    It explains why PDP hierarchs had pooh-poohed the idea of restructuring while in power but today are quite vociferous in its advocacy. The same reason the APC barons who canvassed the idea most vigorously yesterday now seem to either feign memory loss or are busy scratching their heads in false ignorance, having secured power.

    Therefore, the perennial tragedy of the Nigerian situation is the assumption – usually promoted by whoever is in power and their friends – that tends to conflate the promise of “good leadership” with the imperative of restructuring. They are far from related. The former is the product of the exceptionality of man.

    Conversely, durable institutions don’t happen by accident; they are erected on solid foundation resulting from clear architectural vision. If any lesson is to be learnt from history, it is that institutions are far more durable than mortals. So, whereas the exertions of the “good leader” may secure today, only institutions guarantee social security expected to endure much longer.

    No country readily illustrates this today better than the United States. If the world’s super power has not yet collapsed under Donald Trump’s foul eccentricities and abominable imprecations, it is because America’s socio-political institutions are durable and kicking. The system ensures that even when the avuncular Republican bully would rather have fellow citizens who don’t see the world through his narrow prism be either punched in the face or thrown overboard and those wishing to enter “God’s own country” henceforth be screened based more on the faith professed or colour of their skin rather than the content of their character, there remains a good number of conscientious judges across America committed to interpreting the law in a manner that defends and promotes social liberty.

    For Nigeria, the enduring challenge of statesmanship, as powerfully put by Bashorun Arogbofa in his book, is not to settle for what is convenient for the day but muster the political courage to institute a new reward regime that instead frees the Nigerian from a fixation on only what they stand to gain rather than what they can contribute in a new shared commitment to true nation-building.

     

    Re: Changing sitting order in stuck Titanic?

    Your article with the title, Buhari’s Speech: Changing sitting order in stuck Titanic?, of August 23 refers. I must you commend for the objectivity of your writings. But I challenge objective columnists like you to also find courage to speak up on the big moral question of Rivers State today. A curious Appeal Court judgement was entered last week over River East senatorial seat in favour of All Progressives Congress (APC) at the expense of Peoples Democratic Party. Suddenly, all is quiet on the media front despite many glaring inconsistencies.

    To arrive at this strange judgement, the court relied on “results” supplied by police, and not INEC. When did police become electoral agency? Why is the media quiet?

    So incompetent, they easily let the cat out of the bag with their poor oversight. The serial number of the result sheet brought by the police was exactly the same as that of INEC which the court ignored. Same serial number, different entries! Who is fooling whom?

    I observe that whenever PDP won cases in the past, APC was always quick to say judges took bribes. Recall the midnight raids on judges’ residence by security agents in search of “dollars” believed to have changed hands.

    But how come no one is saying anything this time when one of the presiding judges in the latest judgement happens to be a spouse to one of the APC leaders. Now, the chorus seems to be “fantastic judgement”.

    Really? The objective facts do not support that. Historically, Rivers State, like others in South-South except Edo, has always belonged to PDP. So, “court-allocated” victories can’t change that. It explains why Onyesom Wike won the governorship landslide in 2015. It is debatable if the ruling party at the centre has really done anything tangible in the last two years to win the people over. I dare say that, given many things APC has not done well since, PDP will win Rivers again if elections are held today. My only puzzle is why the court that ought to be the last hope of the underdog should become collaborator of political desperadoes bent on subverting the will of Rivers people.

    Please, truthful columnists like you should not keep quiet on this matter. This impunity has to stop.

     

    • Belema Henneiken,

    Yenagoa, Bayelsa State.