Category: Hardball

Soldiers are called “kill and go” in local parlance. This unflattering description speaks volumes about how they operate, and what the public thinks about how they operate.

But the 10 soldiers accused of killing policemen who had arrested alleged kidnap kingpin Bala Hamisu, also known as Wadume, in Taraba State, should not be allowed to get off scot-free if they are guilty.

It is curious that the soldiers were not in court on June 8 and 22, to face trial with Wadume and others who were arraigned.

The police operatives had arrested Wadume , in Ibi, Taraba State, and were taking him to Jalingo, the state capital, in a bus, when soldiers at a checkpoint allegedly killed them.

The police had described the trio of Inspector Mark Ediale, Sergeant Usman Danzumi and Sergeant Dahiru Musa, as one of the “best and most highly trained IRT teams” in the country.

The police said the soldiers had opened fire on the officers, who were members of the Intelligence Response Team (IRT) of Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Mohammed Adamu , despite proof that they were on legitimate duty.

The killing of these three police detectives, and two civilians, allegedly by soldiers of the 93 Battalion of the Nigerian Army, Takum, Taraba State, happened on August 6, 2019.

Wadume had escaped. When he was re-arrested in Kano State two weeks later, he said the soldiers “took me to their headquarters and cut off the handcuffs from my hands and set me free.”

In a shocking confession, he revealed that he carried out his criminal activities in collaboration with soldiers and policemen, including an army captain who allegedly ordered the attack on the IRT operatives, which led to his escape.

Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice Abubakar Malami (SAN), in a statement by his media assistant, Umar Jubrilu Gwandu, said the accused soldiers were unavailable for trial because they “need to be released by the military authorities.”

The military authorities have not clarified the situation. Why have the accused soldiers not been released for the trial at the Federal High Court, Abuja? This should not be a case of kill and go scot-free.

A human rights lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN), acting on behalf of the family of one of the killed policemen, Inspector Mark Ediale, had in a letter to the AGF dated June 15, 2020, demanded the arrest and prosecution of the accused soldiers within seven days. Falana threatened to take “appropriate action” if this did not happen.

The story is developing. This should not be a case of kill and go scot-free.

Hardball

“Tis the eye of childhood,” quipped Lady Macbeth, “That fears a painted devil”.  The malevolent Lady Macbeth was busy goading her doddering, tottering, ill-fated husband, King Macbeth, to his doom, after usurping the Scottish throne and willy-nilly trying to keep it.

But were the fictional Lady Macbeth, in Shakespeare’s tragic play, Macbeth, to be around today, she probably would have sneered, looking at how our politicians celebrate defections and counter-defexctions: “Tis the eye — and mind — of childhood that toasts a painted lolly!”

Each time political players do the hop-skip-and-flip, they unleash a pantomime, staged for the converted and the unwary.  But they also kid themselves every other person is conned.  Hardly!

And the defector, in that shameless tradition, now starts speaking in tongues, like some neophyte at the first crusade of his or her new faith: drooling, non-stop, his latest destination is sheer paradise on earth.  Nice try!

Since the late Akin Omoboriowo did the jump before the ill-fated elections of 1983 — Omoboriowo, the self-acclaimed Awoist-forged-in-heaven — the drama had been off.  Yet, each time there is an encore, the players put up a show, to scam the unwary.

Of course, ideological politics more or less ended with the Omoboriowo era of the 2nd Republic (1979-1983).  After that time, Ibrahim Babangida had infected the polity with his so-called “new breed”, who have now come of age, rippling with the lack of ideological core, with which Babangida planted his “a little bit to the left” and “a little bit to the right” parties, with both somewhat finding him flush at the centre, as the real deal!  But even that aborted in infamy — if only wishes were horses!

Those getting excited over current partisan movements are entitled to their fancy.  But after all the initial frenzy, what is it worth in real terms?

The most peripatetic of current politicians is clearly former Vice President Atiku Abubakar.  He had moved from PDP to AC, moved back to PDP, again to APC, before going back to PDP.  Yet, the presidential diadem he so covets, with his political nomadism, has continued to elude him.

Well, the most nomadic might be Atiku.  But the most crumbled has been Bukola Saraki, former president of the Senate, a position he corralled by selling off his own party for personal gain.  After that “original sin” had matured, he found himself an internally displaced politician (IDP), shooed off his Ilorin base, and Kwara lair, with mocking screams of “o-to-ge” (enough is enough)!

Atiku and Saraki’s personal odysseys have shown “jump-ology” neither grows individual nor collective political culture, much as it raises political adrenalin, while in season.  Yet, it is dross that must be shed for the political party system to grow, mature and deepen.

So, the current cross-party pageants are not new.  They probably won’t be the last.  But they are the shedding of dross needed to purify individual parties and solidify the political party system.

Still, as actors, individual and collective, celebrate short-term gains and losses, let them know vacuity confers no partisan advantage.  If your partisan reputation is anchored on nothing, you’d probably get nothing out of the show, no matter how long.

Hardball

It was good that reason prevailed in Cross River State last week when the state government shelved its plan for experimental reopening of schools amidst the Covid-19 pandemic. Cross River is yet to formally record a case of the pandemic, but its status is highly controversial as stakeholders like doctors have argued that the zero disease burden owes to few tests conducted.

The Governor Ben Ayade administration had penciled three public schools to reopen on 16th June in each of the state’s three senatorial districts. To that end, it committed to making protective gears including face shields and Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) overalls available in schools gratis to students as they resume. Reports however said only a few students of some affected schools got the items while others made do with personal improvisations like handkerchiefs for facemasks. In some schools, nothing allegedly was provided. Besides, many of the schools scheduled for reopening were not fumigated.

According to reports, many pupils of the designated schools showed up for resumption but were turned back by principals who pointed out that only SS1 to SS3 students were expected.

The inadequacy of protective gears is being addressed though by the state government, which is said to have engaged Indians for massive production and distribution of the equipment to schools for free. A senior government official was quoted saying: “The facemasks and shields will be distributed in phases and there is need to fumigate the schools before they resume. We are doing it in phases and we have asked students to go back home until they hear from us.”

Before that rethink, the state’s chapter of the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) had urged that the proposed experimental reopening of schools be put on hold. In a statement by Dr. Agam Ayuk and Dr. Ezoke Epoke, chairman and secretary respectively, the association raised the alarm about “flu-like symptoms, respiratory disorders and loss of smell and taste in various hospitals,” saying this could indicate “potential community transmission of an undetected disease in the mode of Covid-19.” The doctors added that hasty reopening of schools despite genuine reasons for caution could trigger disease outbreak among students.

So, it was triumph of reason that the Ayade administration pulled the breaks on its plans; it is expected it would return to the drawing board for a more realistic appraisal of the risk factors. But it isn’t the Cross River government alone that need do this, so does the administration of Governor Seyi Makinde in Oyo State.

The Oyo government has scheduled resumption of classes for Primary Six, JSS3 and SS3 students for Monday, 29th June, at a time the state’s case count for Covid-19 is hugging 900. And it hasn’t even made the kind of commitment Cross River made for reopening its schools. How rash!

By Hardball

Why does Shehu Nicholas Garba, the House of Representatives member representing Jema’a/Sanga Federal Constituency, Kaduna State, think he needs 79 aides to effectively carry out his work as a federal legislator?  He is statutorily entitled to only five official aides.

Garba, 60, a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), is in his third term in the lower federal legislature. Before his current term, which will end in 2023, he was a member of the house from 2011 to 2015, and 2015 to 2019.  It is not clear when he concluded that he needed more than the statutory number of official aides to do his work.

His Adviser on Media and Publicity, Mock S. Kure, in a statement, listed the 79 aides expected to help Garba serve his constituency maximally.  The aides, according to a report,  come from “the 23 wards that make up the Jema’a/Sanga Federal Constituency, with responsibility covering: Legislation, Liaison, Political Affairs, Strategy, Women/Youth Mobilisation, Media, Elders Council, Physically challenged among others.”

According to Garba, “these aides were chosen on the basis of their competence, deep commitment to the PDP and grassroots-orientation and are expected to contribute in bringing representation closer to the people.”

He added that “these appointments will help in empowering and motivating party faithful and also contribute to the sustenance and visibility of the party in the constituency.”

It is not clear if the extra aides will be paid for their work, and how much they will be paid.  If they will be paid, it is not clear how Garba intends to provide the funds.

It is noteworthy that some time ago, the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reported that some members of the National Assembly, “especially principal officers, have more than the statutorily approved number of aides in their employ, who also draw their salary from the assembly’s funds…It was also revealed that many legislators draw the emolument of their aides from the assembly’s funds but pay them fractions. Some of the lawmakers employed only one or two aides but are collecting the full salary for the five they are entitled to.”

The point is that Garba needs to clarify the question of funding.  Importantly, he is the Chairman, House Committee on Anti-Corruption, which means that he needs to demonstrate honesty.

Lawmakers should respect rules. Garba cannot justify the appointment of the large number of extra aides, which contradicts the rule.

By Hardball

When is Fashola Babatunde absolutely not Babatunde Fashola? When, Hardball guesses, commerce goes awry!

That is the drama of the absurd oozing from the latest COVID-19 season howler, involving controversial musician and unfazed bohemian, Azeez Fashola aka Naira Marley.

The first trouble was the Funke Akindele early COVID-19 lockdown excitement, that fetched the beloved “Jennifer” of the comedy screens a court conviction.

Funke had decided to treat her beloved hubby to a birthday bash.  It was a lovey-dovey domestic stuff of enduring matrimonial tryst, at their highbrow Amen Estate, Ibeju Lekki, Lagos home.  Well, things got frightfully awry when Naira Marley and “ECOMOG” reportedly stormed the party; and someone somewhere was reckless enough to upload the fun-making band — social distancing be damned! — on cyberspace, to the ire of cyber-denizens.

Funke and hubby got convicted.  So too was Naira Marley had a negotiated settlement.

Some three months later comes the next howler, but now in Abuja, not Lagos.  A private executive flight had booked one “Fashola Babatunde”, which the embattled airline claimed it thought was “the” Babatunde Fashola, former governor of Lagos and sitting Works and Housing minister.

Well, it turned out “Fashola Babatunde” was no more than the travel name for Naira Marley, whose surname is Fashola, but his first name is Azeez.  There are claims that the “Fashola Babatunde” was actually a Naira Marley sibling.  Now, why was that name used?  Was it to game the airline, to mistake the person for the minister, and therefore facilitate approval, since normal shuttle flights are suspended?

That’s what the airline claims.  But “the” Babatunde Fashola would have none of that crap — mixing up his name in such seedy deeds.  A release from his office has told everyone he had never stepped out of Abuja since March 22, when he returned there from official functions to inspect construction work on the Enugu-Port Harcourt expressway.

Of course, there was no doubt!  And the whole thing wouldn’t have been an issue had Naira Marley not danced himself into trouble, reportedly playing at a concert at the Jabi Lake Mall in Abuja, despite the COVID-19 social distancing protocols, to shield people from the spread of the virus.  Marley played at that concert, thus earning a threat of a second prosecution, foe breaching COVID-19 safety protocols.

The conduct of Marley, and every person at that concert is careless, reckless and utterly reprehensible.  It is scandalous that as the governments, federal and state, stretch themselves thin to contain COVID-19 and save lives, some citizens are not taking personal responsibility.  This is despite the ballooning number of cases and increasing deaths.

That is why the law must take its course on as many of that reckless band as the law can trace.  Those who put others’ lives at risk must taste the severe end of the law.  That is why the FCT authorities must make haste to prosecute and punish those involved.

Even at that, Naira Marley must earn especially severe censure.  To go perform at a concert at the height of COVID-19 storm is the height of irresponsibility.  To be caught twice, with such infringement, is very unfortunate indeed.  Even artistic licence is no free licence to absolute lack of common sense.

Hardball

If delisted political parties take their litigation to upturn being deregistered by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) forward to the appellate levels as threatened, they would be duly exercising their right under our country’s laws. But trust Hardball, it is a phantom voyage unlikely to lead anywhere.

For the second time within a month, the Abuja division of the Federal High Court ruled last week that INEC was within constitutional remit in deregistering 74 non-performing political parties in February, this year. Justice Anwuli Chikere gave this verdict on 11th June in a suit filed by 32 delisted political parties. Earlier, in a verdict delivered 18th May, Justice Taiwo O. Taiwo had dismissed a petition by the National Unity Party (NUP) against its deregistration by INEC along with 73 others.

INEC had delisted the 74 parties on 6th February for non-performance. Justice Chikere later in February issued an order restraining the electoral body from acting on the notice as per the 32 parties pending the determination of their suit. In her verdict last week, however, she ruled that Section 225A of the 1999 Constitution as Amended gave INEC power to deregister parties that fail to comply with statutory requirements. The judge held that the parties failed to state seats they’ve won or show certificates of return they’ve been issued by the commission in elections contested since the constitutional provisions came into effect, adding that where a provision of law is unambiguous, it ought to be given its simple interpretation; hence Section 225A of the Constitution being clear and unambiguous should be interpreted in support of deregistration. She vacated her February injunction and dismissed the parties’ suit in its entirety.

Justice Taiwo, in his earlier verdict, had ruled that the reasons given by INEC for delisting the parties were valid, in conformity with law, sacrosanct and not affected by the fact of anticipated council elections by some states which dates were not fixed, certain or even ascertainable.

Now, it’s being reported that the 32 ex-parties have vowed to appeal the trial court’s decision up to the Supreme Court, if necessary. The Punch last week quoted National Chairman of the United Patriots, Chukwudi Ezeobika, saying the applicants had instructed their counsel to appeal the verdict, and had resolved to take the case up to the Supreme Court if the decision of the Court of Appeal turns out not favourable to them. “The purpose is to ensure party democracy. We will oppose one-party democracy in Nigeria. We want the apex court to make a pronouncement on this issue,” he stated.

But, sir, party democracy does not consist in pretenders clogging the electoral space, heavily encumbering INEC’s logistics and the cost of polls. Parties should deepen the competitive value of elections, not complicate the process. That is the apparent intent of Section 225A the appellate courts will yet take a view on.

By Hardball

Instead of wailing about his disqualification from the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship primary election, Edo State Governor Godwin Obaseki needs to look in the mirror.

He will see that the things he said about the party’s screening process, after his dramatic disqualification, ironically describe his own governance style.

The governor, in a statement by his Special Adviser on Media and Communication Strategy, Crusoe Osagie, described his screening as a “mockery of democratic process” and “an unfortunate, disheartening and dreadful spectacle.”  He also said it was an “open display and enthronement of illegality,” and called it an “open show of shame, illegality and travesty of justice.”  He described his disqualification as “unjust,” and accused the APC’s National Chairman, Adams Oshiomhole, of “maladministration of the party.”

Talking of democracy and democratic process, Obaseki conveniently forgot his spectacularly undemocratic role in the sidelining of members-elect of the Edo State House of Assembly who were not in his camp, and were loyal to Oshiomhole, also a former governor of the state and his political benefactor with whom he had parted ways.

After a deliberate delay, he eventually transmitted a letter of proclamation to the clerk of the house, which was necessary for the inauguration of the legislature.  However, only 9 of the 24 members-elect, loyal to Obaseki, were first inaugurated, then 2 others, in June last year, in questionable circumstances.

With the deliberate exclusion of the others, who were not inaugurated, Obaseki’s loyalists took control of the legislature.  What could be more undemocratic than such weakening of a critical arm of government?

It is noteworthy that the political crisis in the state worsened in December 2019 when the House of Assembly declared vacant the seats of 12 lawmakers-elect yet to be inaugurated.

Suddenly, Obaseki remembered democracy when the governorship primary election drew near. He was ready to do anything in order to get re-elected for a second term. He showed his desperation by choosing Governors Babajide Sanwo-Olu (Lagos), Simon Lalong (Plateau) and Senator Ehigie Uzamere to work out a peace deal with the sidelined legislators-elect.   ”The exclusion of the… members-elect is one of the issues behind the virtually intractable crisis rocking the All Progressives Congress (APC),” a report said.

Why did Obaseki wait till the approach of the governorship primary election, scheduled for June 22, and the party’s decision to conduct a direct primary election, which he was opposed to, before trying to normalise the anomalous situation he had helped to bring about in the state legislature?

Obaseki’s wailing after his disqualification shows that he has not been looking in the mirror. It may well be that he reaped what he sowed.

By Hardball

With the protocols governing measured relaxation of Covid-19 restrictions hitherto in place on congregational religions in Nigeria, worship now has an entirely new face. It is a new world – not a ‘brave’ one like that in Alex Huxley’s epic, but a timid one of avoidance and extreme caution. Not that anyone could complain, though, in view of potent risks posed by the pandemic.

The two local epicentres of the pandemic have taken egg-steps towards unleashing previously shuttered worship centres. The Federal Capital Territory (FCT) opened its places of worship over the last weekend while Lagos State will do same over this weekend: mosques for Moslem worship will be opened tomorrow, Friday, and churches for Christian worship on Sunday. But if you look at the rules governing these re-openings, you would hardly recognize the faiths from what they historically entailed. It’s indeed a new world!

In unshuttering places of worship, the FCT administration stipulated besides the basic protocols that age-long fellowship norms of camaraderie, including sharing of worship items like prayer mats and musical instruments, is forbidden. Worshippers above 55years along with those having underlying co-morbidities are to “stay at home and consider remote participation or non-contact attendance such as drive-in services.” Among a legion of other rules, worship leaders are to consider using surface markings to guide social distancing and encourage people from same household to stay together. To boot, religious leaders are discouraged from visiting followers’ homes.

Lagos State has very similar protocols, including the prohibition of vulnerable members – those below 15years and above 55years – from participating in physical congregations. “Officiating priests above 65years are exempted, but they must maintain appropriate social distance from the congregants,” Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu said. One implication for Christian faithful is that children churches hosted by most assemblies remain suspended, hence parents eligible for congregational worships as permitted must find some way of safely engaging these tender breed while worship experience lasts.

Other protocols include 40 percent maximum capacity utilisation by every worship centre or a cap of 500 participants at a time for large assemblies, avoidance of communion when shared from common dishes and prohibition of Muslim faithful from sharing kettles during ablution.

These protocols are fully justifiable when you consider the contagion rate of Covid-19, but monitoring of implementation portends an arduous task. Governor Sanwo-Olu, for instance, directed the Lagos State Safety Commission (LSSC) to enforce the new rules at worship centres with support from allied agencies. But with literally every nook and cranny creeping with such centres, it is extremely moot that there is residual capacity to effectively deliver that mandate.

We must hope this isn’t a hasty measure taken in sheer capitulation to pressure.