The Nation Newspaper

Category: Hardball

  • Nigeria’s child prisoners

    Nigeria’s child prisoners

    Children in Nigeria’s correctional centres are among disturbing aspects of the country’s justice system. The Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, recently expressed concern over the issue at a high-level inter-agency stakeholder meeting in Abuja.

    He cited a 2024 report indicating that an alarming 26,000 children had been held annually in the country’s  correctional facilities over the past five years. He said this figure represented over 30 percent of the total inmate population, raising serious concerns about violations of child protection laws. He noted that the laws mandated “their placement in borstal institutions so that they can undergo reformation in line with their age.”

    The Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Interior, Magdalene Ajani, also observed that between 2018 and 2022, an average of 26,000 children and young adults were held in Nigeria’s custodial centres annually. “These statistics are not just numbers, they represent vulnerable lives in urgent need of intervention,” she said.

    Also, she underlined the need to promote non-custodial measures and diversion programmes as viable alternatives to detention, sharing best practices and strengthening legal frameworks to ensure detention is a measure of last resort, in line with Article 37(b) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and Nigeria’s Child Rights Act of 2003.

    Notably, Segun Olowookere, who controversially spent 10 years on death row before he was pardoned by Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke in December 2024, drew attention to the presence of minors in prison in an interview published after his release.

    He was 17 years old at the time of his arrest in November 2010, which means that he was a minor. Children, as defined by Nigeria’s Child Rights Act (2003), are any persons under the age of 18.

    He was in Ilesa Prison, Osun State, “throughout the trial of the case,” which suggests that he may have spent part of his years as a minor in prison.  He said police and courts “should consider the implications of throwing minors and small offenders into prison.”

    Read Also: FG targets 1.8 million unvaccinated children with N303 billion Gavi grant

    At the Abuja meeting, the minister said breaches would be investigated and that institutions failing to comply would face consequences, adding that the Federal Government was committed to reforming Nigeria’s correctional system, particularly focusing on the growing number of children in correctional facilities.

    International and national laws emphasise that the juvenile justice system should prioritise rehabilitation over punishment. Concerns about children being held in adult correctional facilities are valid as such detention can expose them to harm and hinder their rehabilitation.

    The country needs to urgently review its juvenile justice system, and ensure that children do not end up in adult correctional centres when they should be in juvenile detention facilities.

  • From Paul to Saul: Okowa

    From Paul to Saul: Okowa

    By that Biblical tale, Saul turned to Paul, after a blinding flash, en route to Damascus. 

    By the PDP sour-grapes tale, Ifeanyi Okowa, former Delta governor, just turned from Paul to Saul, by regretting his ill-fated presidential run in 2023, with Atiku Abubakar.

    Since that run, the PDP, as Shakespeare’s Macbeth, had murdered sleep, so it could sleep no more.  The Delta defection hurricane is latest proof.  Yet, keen observers would note that it was PDP’s second “death”. 

    The first was after Obasanjo’s do-or-die (s)election of 2007.  As living dead, it corralled 28 governors out 36, in that toxic flatulence of a do-or-die vote. 

    But as Chinua Achebe quipped in one of his works, it stole too much for the owner not to notice!  That first “death” knocked it out of power in 2015.  Why, Obasanjo that staged that do-or-die vote of 2007, even tore his PDP membership card, as PDP lost power in 2015!

    A third “death” will probably wipe the PDP out of Nigeria’s political map, as Obasanjo-era subversion eventually killed the defunct Alliance for Democracy! Karma never forgets!

    But back to Okowa and his Paul-to-Saul story.  Top PDP hierarchs, buffeted with ruin from every angle, lash out, alleging that Okowa is a “traitor”.  Pray, how could Atiku’s running mate, only in 2023, jump ship to APC in 2025, as part of the Asaba great sink?

    Even Bukola Saraki, who not only betrayed PDP for APC, but also double-crossed APC, to be Senate President at all cost, is washing his mouth on Okowa! 

    Read Also: FEC approves Nigeria’s membership of Asian Infrastructure Bank

    Saraki’s accomplice back then, Ike Ekweremadu, is serving a jail term in London.  In 2019, Saraki met own political wipe-out: the Kwara  “O-to-ge” army routed Saraki and torched the empire his father, Dr. Olusola Saraki, left him!  Karma never sleeps!

    But while Okowa could deserve any flak that comes his way, by his embittered ex-comrades, he has demonstrated the courage of deep and honourable introspection.

    His run in 2023, with Atiku, was a mistake, that birthed disaster fore-told.  His Delta folks didn’t want another northerner as President, after President Muhammadu Buhari’s eight years.  His was opportunism gone sour.

    Okowa has correctly analyzed his error and owned up to it.  But that’s un-PDP, whose members love deceiving themselves, thinking they are deceiving others. 

    Which is why the third — and final — PDP death appears inevitable. Well, no tears from here!

  • Uzodimma’s avoidable embarrassment

    Uzodimma’s avoidable embarrassment

    Governor of Imo State Hope Uzodimma’s appointment of Justice Theophilus Nnamdi Nzeukwu as the acting Chief Judge of the state without the required approval of the National Judicial Council (NJC) was unlawful. It was also done in unseemly haste. The NJC is the body responsible for the appointment and discipline of judicial officers in Nigeria.

    Consequently, the NJC, following its meeting held on April 29 and 30, directed the governor to “appoint the most senior judicial officer in the state High Court’s hierarchy as the acting Chief Judge of the state in conformity with Section 271 (4) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended).”  Justice Nzeukwu is not the most senior judicial officer and should not have been appointed to the position.

    Ridiculously, after the NJC’s directive, the state’s Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Declan Emelumba, still struggled to rationalise Justice Nzeukwu’s unlawful appointment. He stated: “While the appointment was made within the bounds of the law, the Government of Imo State will, in line with its longstanding respect for due process and the judiciary, comply with the NJC’s recommendation. Accordingly, steps are being taken to implement the decision of the National Judicial Council.”

    Read Also: 28-year-old Nigerian entrepreneur inducted as fellow of ICMCI

    Before its meeting, the NJC had said it “has not given approval to the governor for the appointment of the acting Chief Judge.” The council also said it “is not a party to the process of the purported appointment.”  It explained that the governor had written to the council requesting its approval to appoint Justice Nzeukwu, “who is number four in the hierarchy of seniority,” as acting Chief Judge of the state. The council said he “gave reasons why in his own view, the three most senior judges are not appointable.”   However, the council stated that “the said letter is yet to be considered, as deliberation on the request is slated for the next council meeting, which is scheduled to hold on 29th and 30th April, 2025.” It stressed that “the governor’s request is yet to be considered by the council.”

    This context clearly shows that the governor jumped the gun and the state government had acted unlawfully, contrary to the commissioner’s assertion that “the appointment was made within the bounds of the law.” 

    Importantly, the council also directed Justice Nzeukwu to explain within a week why he shouldn’t face disciplinary measures for violating constitutional guidelines by presenting himself for swearing-in.

    Uzodimma could have avoided the embarrassment of being ordered to reverse the appointment of Justice Nzeukwu as acting Chief Judge.

  • Not a level–playing field

    Not a level–playing field

    AbdulGaniyu Obasa, the son of Lagos State House of Assembly Speaker Mudashiru Obasa, is at the centre of an intriguing development in Agege ahead of the July local government elections in Lagos State. He is a member of the ruling party in the state, the All Progressives Congress (APC). 

    The coordinator of a political group, Agege Youth Vanguard, Ismael Garba, recently announced that its members had contributed N5million “to buy APC nomination form for AbdulGaniyu to enable him to contest the party primary.” They want him to be elected chairman of Agege Local Government. 

    He added that the group was supporting AbdulGaniyu to achieve good grassroots governance, stressing that their backing “is not about personal gain or to make Agege any political leader’s private fiefdom as may be insinuated in some quarters.” He argued: “That his father is the Speaker of the State House of Assembly should not deny the community of a competent leader.”

    According to him, AbdulGaniyu “is well-educated and competent… has a Bachelor’s degree in Accounting and Finance from the University of Hertfordshire in England, and a Master’s in Accounting and Finance from Aston University, Birmingham.” He further said he is “a PhD student at Babcock University,” and also “an affiliate member of the Association of Chartered Certified Accountants.”

    He highlighted his work experience, saying he had worked at PriceWaterhouseCoopers, Providus Bank Limited, and Parallex Bank Limited, where he served as Head of Performance Management and Strategy.

    Read Also: Champions League: LaLiga EA Sports  to field   five clubs next season

    Interestingly, the incumbent council vice chairman and chairmanship aspirant, Oluwagbemiga Abiola, announced his withdrawal from the race, saying “the party has spoken, and I fully agree.” He said the party’s leaders and stakeholders “have asked the Speaker to allow his son to contest, and I respect and support that.”

    Abiola said he “will never go against my leader, Mudashiru Ajayi Obasa. This is the man who made me.” He explained that Obasa “appointed me Special Assistant on Media when he became Speaker in 2015. In 2016, I was appointed Sole Administrator of Agege LGA, thanks to his recommendation to the governor. That appointment made me the youngest council boss in Lagos State at the time.

    “In 2017, I became Secretary to the Local Government, and in 2021, Vice Chairman — all through the party’s and Speaker’s support. So, why would I oppose a man who built me politically and helped me grow in experience and influence?”

    It is easy to see that Abiola is more politically experienced than AbdulGaniyu Obasa. Why do the backers of the younger Obasa consider him a better man for the job? The narrative that his father’s influence is not a major factor behind the scenes is hard to believe. Would he have been the preferred candidate if there was a level playing field?    

  • Atedo’s clannish nationalism

    Atedo’s clannish nationalism

    Atedo Peterside, smart banker and illustrious son of Rivers, is angry.  Why? 

    “So, a man leaves Cross River State, comes to Rivers in an inflamed situation to help achieve stability and healing,” he said of the Rivers Sole Administrator, Admiral Ibok Ete Ibas (rtd) on Arise TV, “but he might be inadvertently adding fuel to the fire.”

    How?  Again, hear from the horse’s mouth: “We know ourselves in Rivers State.  You make appointments from the people you’ve chosen.  I can tell you, with due respect to the people he appointed, in my personal opinion, they are riff-raffs.”

    But can appointees be “riff-raffs” just because Peterside disagreed with the way the Sole Administrator — don’t forget: from Cross River! — appointed them? Or because they have specific flaws, which make them “riff-raffs”?

    It would appear they are “riff-raffs” because Peterside did not like the way they were picked.  An opinion, in a democracy, is no crime.  Hardball just wished Peterside would be humble enough that his opinion can’t hold true for others.

    Though he didn’t dismiss Ibas as a “riff-raff” as his Rivers appointees, it was clear Peterside thinks so little of Ibas’s appointment as Sole Administrator.

    To him, Ibas “emerged in an irregular manner”.  Then, the “executive” — read the Presidency– “were misguided”.  Then, the legislature — including members from Rivers — used the “rascality” of “voice vote to confirm his appointment.”  The case is now sub-judice.  But who knows what Peterside’s judgment would be, when it’s decided?

    Read Also: FULL LIST: Top 15 European scholarships Nigerians can apply for in 2025

    Still, wait a minute!  Hardball, thought Peterside was a banker of the purest crust!  When did he morph into a jurist, making sweeping pronouncements in such legal matters?

    It’s all blather and bluster, of course, from an angry and irate son of Rivers!  Fair enough.  Even then, isn’t Peterside’s anger coming a tad too late?

    When Siminilayi Fubara, the suspended governor, was pulling down the Rivers House of Assembly, did Peterside raise his voice?  When he was spending unappropriated money for two years running?  When he seized legislators’ salaries — were the victims too from Cross River?  And when the so-called Rivers elders were talking from both sides of the mouth?  Of course, Peterside’s own contribution was a loud quiet!

    This latter-day Rivers nationalism, hinged on hollow, clannish condescension, is all so unnecessary.  Ibas is not the enemy here.  It’s Rivers people themselves — or more appropriately, the elite — that hee-hawed, instead reining in the wild breed in their public space.

    The enemy is right inside, not some stranger from Cross River.  Let Rivers subdue own demons, instead of blaming others.  Atedo, grumble to the right quarters.

  • Nigeria’s child prisoners

    Nigeria’s child prisoners

    Children in Nigeria’s correctional centres are among disturbing aspects of the country’s justice system. The Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, recently expressed concern over the issue at a high-level inter-agency stakeholder meeting in Abuja. 

    He cited a 2024 report indicating that an alarming 26,000 children had been held annually in the country’s  correctional facilities over the past five years. He said this figure represented over 30 percent of the total inmate population, raising serious concerns about violations of child protection laws. He noted that the laws mandated “their placement in borstal institutions so that they can undergo reformation in line with their age.”

    The Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Interior, Magdalene Ajani, also observed that between 2018 and 2022, an average of 26,000 children and young adults were held in Nigeria’s custodial centres annually. “These statistics are not just numbers, they represent vulnerable lives in urgent need of intervention,” she said.

    Read Also: Shettima, Ganduje, APC govs storm Delta Monday to welcome Oborevwori, Okowa, others to APC 

    Also, she underlined the need to promote non-custodial measures and diversion programmes as viable alternatives to detention, sharing best practices and strengthening legal frameworks to ensure detention is a measure of last resort, in line with Article 37(b) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and Nigeria’s Child Rights Act of 2003.

    Notably, Segun Olowookere, who controversially spent 10 years on death row before he was pardoned by Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke in December 2024, drew attention to the presence of minors in prison in an interview published after his release.

    He was 17 years old at the time of his arrest in November 2010, which means that he was a minor. Children, as defined by Nigeria’s Child Rights Act (2003), are any persons under the age of 18.

    He was in Ilesa Prison, Osun State, “throughout the trial of the case,” which suggests that he may have spent part of his years as a minor in prison.  He said police and courts “should consider the implications of throwing minors and small offenders into prison.”

    At the Abuja meeting, the minister said breaches would be investigated and that institutions failing to comply would face consequences, adding that the Federal Government was committed to reforming Nigeria’s correctional system, particularly focusing on the growing number of children in correctional facilities.

    International and national laws emphasise that the juvenile justice system should prioritise rehabilitation over punishment. Concerns about children being held in adult correctional facilities are valid as such detention can expose them to harm and hinder their rehabilitation.

    The country needs to urgently review its juvenile justice system, and ensure that children do not end up in adult correctional centres when they should be in juvenile detention facilities.

  • Humpty Dumpty PDP

    Humpty Dumpty PDP

    To laugh or to cry — the Titanic PDP sink in Delta?  No shred of doubt: nothing like it before in Nigeria: a state ruling party of 26 years, uprooting itself and throwing itself at the federal ruling party!

    The APC is, of course, upbeat and happy.  The PDP, miserable — and rightly so, though many of its bitter members, in coming days, would gripe with sour grapes.

    But the political party system?  Not so upbeat. Defections — into any side — is the partisan equivalent of rubbing Peter to pay Paul.  Such hardly powers organic growth, talk less of development, the only way the party system can deepen Nigeria’s democracy.

    PDP current Delta debacle!  What past crimes might the PDP have committed to bring such upon itself?

    As usual, no tears from Hardball — but just a grim lesson, from history, to the APC too.  During the PDP halcyon days of power, President Olusegun Obasanjo did not blink how he subverted opposition parties.

    He suborned the All People’s Party (APP) national chairman as political adviser, at a time APP was the leading opposition party in numbers, if not in sheer dynamism.  That was clearly the forte of the smaller but much more vibrant Alliance for Democracy (AD).  In no time APP ended in PDP’s great tummy!

    For daring to make such a row, AD’s fate was corporate death.  After 2003, with PDP poaching some of its National and state assembly legislators, and sending five out of its six South West governors to political Golgotha, AD progressively could not even win sole council chair elections anywhere!

    Read Also: NiDCOM celebrates Lord Mayor Katung’s induction into Nigerian women’s hall of fame

    Is that the putative fate now staring PDP in the face?  Not the best of times!  Still, it’s Karma serving the former federal ruling party the cold breakfast it had, with cold relish, served others!

    Which is why the APC itself — now all flush with new flesh — must learn from PDP’s pitfall.  Crowing over opposition flank come to swell its ranks is no wiser than the old folly of excited screeches, while PDP subverted others.  Karma’s gate is ever wide open!

    The only way to slam shut that gate, and cut the cycle of Karma, is the present ruling party committing  itself anew to the wellbeing of the people.  In truth, mortar for mortar, it has chalked off more accomplishments in 10 years than PDP did in 16.  But such are the present challenges it must work overtime to lift the people.

    No sympathy for PDP for ending up in own dug pit.  But APC must avoid such a future pit too.  Let the people be the exclusive kings and queens of its policies and programmes.

    Meanwhile, can all of the king’s horses and all the king’s men put the PDP Humpty Dumpty together again?

  • Awaiting trial inmates

    Awaiting trial inmates

    It’s an old issue that has refused to go away. “Overcrowding, no doubt, stands out as the most pressing challenge of the NCoS,” the Acting Controller-General of the Nigerian Correctional Service (NCoS), Sylvester Nwakuche, noted during an interactive session with field officers on January 13.  He said 48,932 inmates in the country’s correctional facilities were Awaiting Trial Persons (ATPs), many of them “on non-bailable offences.”

    He unveiled his plans to tackle the problem, saying, “I intend to interface with the attorney-general of the federation and minister of justice, the inspector-general of police, and other prosecuting-agencies and critical stakeholders to fast track the trial of these inmates. This is necessary, especially those on non-bailable offences like armed robbery, murder, and others that constitute over 60 percent of awaiting trial persons (ATPs).”

    He added: “While engaging state chief executives to expedite the trial of the over 90 percent state offenders in custody, the use of non-custodial measures and early release mechanisms will be taken up with the judiciary. We will also fast-track the construction of proposed 3,000-capacity ultramodern custodial facilities and other centres across the country.”

    Notably, Segun Olowookere, who controversially spent 14 years on death row before he was recently pardoned by Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke, drew attention to prison conditions in the country in an interview published after his release.

    He was sentenced to death and life imprisonment for conspiracy to commit armed robbery and robbery with firearms, and to three years imprisonment for stealing. But the popular narrative that he was given a death sentence for stealing fowls ultimately led to pardon by the governor.  

    He was in Ilesa prison, Osun State, “throughout the trial of the case.” After the judgment, he was moved to Ibara Prison, Abeokuta, Ogun State. He was later moved to Kirikiri Maximum Prison in Lagos, in 2016.

     According to him, “The major challenge was congestion. There were too many people inside a limited space. Because of the population, 50 inmates would occupy a room that should naturally contain a maximum of 10 people. We sleep like fishes packed in a carton because everywhere is measured for us. As an inmate, a space is measured for you to sleep because of congestion.”

    •First published January 29, 2025 

  • Atiku’s metamorphosis

    Atiku’s metamorphosis

    Remember Wole Soyinka’s Jero’s Metamorphosis: that cynical Bar Beach, Lagos, Aladura priest, who upped his spiritual roguery to game the gullible, when it was fashionable to be a “desk general” in the Nigerian Army?

    Well, Bar Beach is gone, with its armada of opportunistic clerics, offering a coterie of healing: from the all-too-common sea baths with comely women, to smart cookies among them peddling now-now miracles, and the frenetic dancing and thumping of drums, in spiritual discos, that left you drained!

    O, that era of the clolourful Bar Beach is gone!  But not so political quackery, targeted at the no less gullible, this time in wild, wild social media!

    In the heat of Election 2023, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, near-contemptuous of all the yammering over a “southern president” after President Muhammadu Buhari, pronto re-branded himself the “northern candidate”. 

    He was very clear: the “North” must vote for him — Atiku Abubakar — their “own”. 

    His “North” listened.  He won in his native North East.  He huffed and puffed in the North West but marginally lost.  The North Central knew their own “northern” reality.  They gave Atiku the short shrift.  He came a distant third, after Bola Tinubu and Peter Obi.

    Read Also: Ganduje rallies Diaspora support for Tinubu in France

    The “South” too voted its own — and left Atiku in the cold.  From that misadventure came the PDP southern electoral collapse, with the opportunistic Obi immensely cashing in, adding cynical “Christian” votes to his clannish South East votes.

    But the value-added comic was both Atiku and Obi, that had neutralized each other, jerking awake to claim “victory”, in an election they damn well knew they lost!  Can two losers claim the same sole win?

    Now, it’s 2025 — and open sesame! — but still obsessed with the presidency: Atiku just re-branded himself a “pan Nigerian”, orchestrating a coalition to take power! Haba!

    In 2023, Atiku was unapologetically “northern”!  Now, in 2025, he just became : “pan Nigerian”!  Just like that? Even chameleons: do they change that suddenly? Ha!

    Atiku can pitch his new pitch to the marines!  There’s something about diseased obsession that blocks our reason — or even stark reality.  Fortunately for him, the social media — X, FB, etc– are bubbles that teem with ghosts.  They’ll well receive Atiku’s new fancy as reality.

    From “northern” candidate in 2023 to “pan-Nigerian” crusader in 2025!  That’s the Atiku country of rich political fantasy!  Some Jero’s metamorphosis!

  • Rescue or ransom payment?

    Rescue or ransom payment?

    There is still a lack of clarity about how retired Brig. Gen. Maharazu Tsiga, former Director-General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), regained his freedom after more than 50 days in captivity. He was kidnapped from his home in Katsina State on February 5. He narrated his hellish experience in captivity, saying he endured “beatings.”

     On April 3, the National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu, reunited him with his family at a ceremony at the National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC), Abuja. Eighteen others were reunited with their families at the event. They included Amb. Gideon Yohanna, former Deputy Chief of Mission to Pretoria, South Africa, who was kidnapped in January, in Kaduna State.

     Curiously, Ribadu said nothing about the kidnappers.  Where were they? What happened to them?  These were inevitable questions that demanded answers.

     But there were no answers. He said the handover event involved “very powerful and important personalities,” adding, “We are grateful to those who made their rescue possible.” He also said  previous handovers were “a result of the work of our armed forces and other security services.”   

    Read Also: Countrywide killings: Put Nigeria on war footing

    Interestingly, a “Note of Appreciation,” dated April 4, 2025, signed by Brig. Gen.  Ismaila Abdullahi (retd), surfaced online. It gave an insight into how Tsiga possibly regained his freedom.  Abdullahi said after the abduction, Tsiga’s friends and associates had created a “WhatsApp platform that we named simply “TSIGA.”  He stated that the kidnappers had demanded N400 million  as ransom. “We decided to solicit  donations on our TSIGA PLATFORM. The response was overwhelming. On this platform, we had over 300 members,” he said, adding, “I feel fulfilled as our collective efforts have finally yielded a very positive outcome.”

    This suggested that Tsiga was released after his kidnappers had collected ransom. It appeared to contradict the official narrative that he was rescued by security agents.

    However, the Director of Defence Information, Brig. Gen.Tukur Gusau, issued a counter-statement describing the claims by Abdullahi as “misleading” and  “disparaging.” He called the release of  his “Note of Appreciation”  “an act of mischief calculated at undermining the dedicated efforts of the military to eradicate terrorists/bandits and other criminal elements from the North West region.”  He added that it was “only fair to recognise the significant sacrifices made by these troops who have worked day and night, often at great risk to their own lives in their search for the senior officer.” The Defence Headquarters explained that “military operations comprising both kinetic and non-kinetic strategies facilitated the rescue of General Tsiga,” and described it as “a successful search and rescue effort.”

    Notably, the Defence Headquarters also said nothing about the kidnappers, which raised the same questions about  where they were and what happened to them. No answers.

    It was puzzling that Ribadu  claimed the kidnap victims had been rescued, which suggested that they were taken from their abductors. A rescue suggests physical action on the part of the rescuers. If the abductors released the captives, possibly after the payment of ransom, that can’t be strictly described as a rescue.

    Rescue or ransom payment? This question comes up routinely regarding kidnap cases in the country. The Tsiga kidnapping incident and its resolution triggered the question yet again.