The Nation Newspaper

Category: Hardball

  • Enang-speak

    How, nobody can accuse Senator Ita Solomon Enang, chair of the Senate Committee on Rules and Business, of political prostitution. Since 1999, the National Assembly veteran has maintained an admirable fidelity to his party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which was, perhaps, why he was “promoted” to the Senate (representing Akwa Ibom North East Senatorial District), after three terms at the House of Representatives (representing Itu-Ibiono Ibom Federal Constituency), broken by an interregnum in his “second term”, when he was judicially removed midway for suspect election. Not then, for Enang: to be elected on one platform, and then cross over to another without a fresh election. Admirable!

    However, he is no Solomon (apologies for the pun on the distinguished senator’s middle name) when the matter is partisan cross-carpeting, the subject on which the loyal PDP partisan has, of recent, been shooting from the hips.

    Virtually bawling like some crusading angel for political morality, Senator Enang declared that those who cross carpet should “automatically” forfeit their seats. “The party is sovereign and if one is not granted the ticket by his party, the political ambition of the person suffers a setback.” Excellent logic!

    But where was Senator Enang during the 2003-2007 legislative season? He was in the House of Representatives, when Bashir Bolarinwa, an All Nigeria People’s Party (ANPP) MP from Lagos State, defected to the PDP and retained his seat. If Enang’s silence was deafening then, why is he waxing poetic on moral purity in politics now?

    Then the more visible cases of the triad of Lagos AD senators: Wahab Dosunmu (of blessed memory), Adeseye Ogunlewe and Musiliu Obanikoro, who defected, and who PDP received rapturously. Indeed, Ogunlewe, later as minister of Works, virtually declared war on his native Lagos, by “banning” LASMA corps from “federal roads” in the Lagos metropolis, perhaps as his cavalier contribution to his new party’s destabilisation ploy, in its eternal dream to “capture Lagos”.

    Again, mum was the word from Senator Enang, now no-nonsense crusading angel for partisan integrity and probity!

    But it is just as well that Senator Enang has been jarred from his reverie; and told, by other members of the Senate, that he spoke only his personal views and not the Senate’s. It couldn’t have been otherwise, for the law is clear on defections: whenever there is a split in party, as it clearly is in the PDP, then defections are allowed. Sure, it is not moral. But it is legal.

    Why Senator Enang’s past silence and present excitability? Simple: the Nigerian political elite’s credo: when it suits me, it is okay; when it does not, it is not! So, Senator Enang might boast impeccable political morality; but his personal morality issues from unabashed PDP group immorality. Shall we just call this Enang-speak?

  • Pastor Goodluck

    Pastor Goodluck

    Spectacularly, right before our very eyes, President Goodluck Jonathan is apparently going through a curious metamorphosis. Interestingly, though, the transformation did not begin today, and the course of the evolution has been steady, leading to a seeming identity crisis.

    Nowadays, no one is sure whether Jonathan is a pastoral politician or a political pastor, largely on account of the fact that he has converted the pulpit into a podium for political talk. But, make no mistake; he can’t be called a reverend gentleman.

    At his most recent pseudo-spiritual outing at the National Christian Centre, Abuja, during the Armed Forces Remembrance Day service on January 12, Jonathan made snide remarks about some unnamed elderly politicians, saying, “They are people who are probably 70 or 80 years, who have seen it all, who ordinarily should know that the unity of this country is more important than the interest of any individual. “

    The innuendo was unmistakable, especially in the context of his running battle with specific political greybeards. Similarly, he used the opportunity of the Christmas Day service at the Cathedral Church of the Advent, Abuja, to throw barbs at politicians who think they “own this country.” The same theme coloured his speech at the New Year service at the Catholic Church at Area 3, Abuja, where he said: “All we need to do is to make sure that we continue to do things rightly. That is why I always plead with my fellow politicians that, yes, we must play politics; but let us take the interest of the country more than our own individual interest.”

    In this fascinating cavalcade of political jabs, the most declarative must be Jonathan’s statement that God made him president, implying that no man could claim credit for his ascension to power. “I am here today (as President) by the grace of God,” he asserted during the Sunday service on December 29, at the Apostolic Faith Church, Jabi, Abuja.

    For the avoidance of doubt, Jonathan went on to explain his movements on the church circuit, which are akin to pilgrimages, saying, “Probably, this is the first time I am worshipping with you since I came to Abuja in 2007. Probably you would have seen me more than 10 times, if we don’t have a chapel in the Villa. So, we worship there every Sunday. But during the Christmas and New Year period, I like to go round and interact with other brethren. The reason is actually to thank all of you for what you have been doing for this country, for your prayers. I always say and I will continue to say it that but for your prayers, probably it would have been worse than this.”

    Content analysis of his comments suggests that he recognises that things are bad; but his thinking that they could have been “worse” implies that, as far as he is concerned, things are not bad enough. It is such mentality of tolerable negativity that encourages governmental inaction to the detriment of the country.

    It is simplistic and intellectually dishonest for Jonathan to attribute the alleged non-deterioration of the country’s dire circumstances to divine intervention occasioned by church prayers. Is he suggesting that the people should look forward to more of churchy governance?

     

  • NNPC blew the money, stupid!

    Nigerians are very ungrateful people, aren’t they? Unlike the Obasanjo years, Yuletide was wet with fuel and no one sapped wearied Nigerians with yet another fuel price hike as New Year present.

    To ensure the fuel wetness continues well into the far future, an organisation in its infinite operational wisdom, has maintained a strategic reserve for 32 days – even despite a daily petrol consumption of 40 million litres.

    And to further consolidate on product supply lines, this same corporation hurried to fix vandalised oil pipelines, undeterred by government bureaucracy, in the best tradition of a responsible and patriotic public corporation.

    Yet, some whistle blowers claim US $10.8 billion (N1.7 trillion) is missing from the Federation Account!

    That is why you must understand the palpable ire of Omar Farouk Ibrahim, in response to this national insolence and ingratitude!

    Dr. Omar, NNPC spokesperson, could not just understand all the fuss about the so-called “missing” money, when it is so clear his organisation has gone the extra mile to save the Jonathan Presidency avoidable embarrassment; and earned patriotic stripes for preventing the angry Nigerian rabble from storming the streets, reminiscent of January 2012.

    The Federal Government ought to have remitted subsidy to NNPC, if it really wanted steady supply of imported products, as witnessed without interruption throughout 2013. Since it was NNPC’s bounden and patriotic duty to keep fuel flowing, and the government was not forthcoming on subsidy payment, the firm just made adjustments for accommodation in its operational expenses. But instead of earning praise for its adaptable genius, it is accusations – baseless accusations – galore!

    Then, to be fair, the all-important strategic fuel reserve really ought to be commended. If NNPC had waited for the Federal Government bureaucracy, wouldn’t the reserves have dried up by now, the fuel queues all over again and everybody panicking and heating up the polity? For preventing this explosive tension, is it not better to hail NNPC for its strategic thinking, instead of nailing it for some phantom corruption charges, even as the books are still being reconciled?

    And then injustice of all injustices – the vandalised pipes! With increasing tales of oil theft, should NNPC dither, because it must tidy up some cosmetic books, and not hurry post-haste to fix the problem first and reconcile the books later? Verily, verily, I say unto you: patriotism is a thankless enterprise. But NNPC will not be deterred. We will continue to do our duty by our nation. That is the stuff of which true patriots are made.

    The above might well be the stream of consciousness of Dr. Ibrahim and other NNPC Ogas-at-the-top, as they wince under legitimate charges of playing hanky-panky with the nation’s cash.

    Still, it is curious that until CBN Governor Sanusi Lamido Sanusi blew his whistle, NNPC had not told anyone it spent any money on operations; and it is doubtful if it would ever have, had Sanusi not blown his shrill whistle.

    It is even more curious Dr. Ibrahim did not state what was spent under what operational head until the loud noise had become louder.

    Indeed, patriotism is the last bastion of the scoundrel.

     

  • Fooling around on expressway

    The 105-kilometre Lagos-Ibadan Expressway is in the news again, predictably for the wrong reasons. The challenge of rebuilding the major road, which has been dogged by inexcusable delay, may be further complicated by funding issues, following the government’s position that it would provide only N25 billion of its counterpart funds this year, and the balance of N25 billion in 2015. Under a Public-Private Partnership arrangement, the Federal Government is expected to bear 30 per cent of the estimated N167 billion cost of reconstruction, which is about N50 billion. Private investors will bear the remaining 70 per cent of the cost, which is about N117 billion.

    At the launch of the project in July last year, President Goodluck Jonathan gave a completion period of 48 months, but it remains to be seen whether the contractors, Julius Berger Nigeria Plc and Reynolds Construction Company Plc, will be able to work according to this schedule.

    It is a reflection of the hurdles in the path of contract implementation that the government in November 2012 terminated the 25-year concession given to Bi-Courtney Limited for the reconstruction and maintenance of the expressway, alleging failure to adhere to the terms. The 2009 concession to the company was valued at N89.53 billion.

    Against such bumpy background and government’s reported silence on a fresh concession and new investors, the project’s future appears bleak indeed, despite official claims that the contractors are working according to plan. If any evidence was needed that the government may be living in a fool’s paradise, the statement by the Director of Information, Federal Ministry of Works, Mr. Bisi Agbonhin, provided proof. According to him, “It is evident that road users who plied the road during the 2013 yuletide season enjoyed seamless motoring as there was free flow of traffic due to the reconstruction efforts embarked upon by the construction companies.”

    No one is fooled by the clearly sugar-coated exaggeration, not to say falsehood. The rosy picture painted by the official is a far cry from reality as experienced by users of the expressway who continue to bemoan not only its deplorable state but also the hellish feeling it brings.

    Sadly, the road is symbolic of the country’s progressively decaying infrastructure; and the apparent official tardiness is emblematic of its increasingly aloof government. At this rate, given the consistent disruption of work on the expressway, it will not be much of a surprise if there is yet another counter-productive policy somersault along the way.

    It is noteworthy that, apart from the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, there are a good number of similarly neglected road projects across the country, a situation that has worsened the safety rating of the road network, which remains the most used transport infrastructure. The fate of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway is unfortunately tied to the lives of people who regularly travel on the road, a reality that the government will do well to appreciate.

    The administration’s order of priorities, however, remains shamefully unpredictable, especially with the approach of the all-important 2015 general elections and the politicisation of governmental functions to the detriment of socio-economic development.

  • King Yuguda of Bauchi State

    King Yuguda of Bauchi State

    In Bauchi State, King Isa Yuguda has spoken! And who dares disagree – the parliament or the courts? Or even a pathetic member of parliament, a mere woman? It so happened that in 2012, King – beg your pardon, Governor – Yuguda sent to the Bauchi House of Assembly a bill (more of a diktat) by which he could change the headquarters of any local government (LG) at whim. Realising its non-rights in the divine kingship, the House rubber-stamped the diktat with double alacrity and unanimity.

    The first LG to taste that divine decree was Tafawa Balewa Local Government, always engrossed in a see-saw between the predominantly Christian Sayawa and the predominantly Muslim Fulani. So pronto, the headquarters vamoosed from Tafawa Balewa, a predominantly Christian town, to Bununu, a predominantly Muslim one.

    But Rifkatu Danna, MP representing Tafawa Balewa, smelt a rat and kicked, after noticing that the Fulanis in the House were pushing the governor’s LG bill with indecent ecstasy and were merrily railroading everyone into it. She demurred and rejected its basic unfairness, since her Tafawa Balewa people would hold the short end of the stick. But on that, she must have played the rebel Antigone, in Sophocles’ play of same name, who ignored King Creole’s unnatural decree and went ahead to bury her brother who had fallen in battle – though as a soldier against his own city.

    One thing led to another and the MP – cheeky woman! – got suspended from the House since June 2012. But Danna did not lie down to be slaughtered. She went to court and got the court to void the illegal suspension. But when the triumphant woman, flashing the court verdict ordering her immediate reinstatement and backed by hundreds of her supporters, mainly women, appeared, the House, Speaker, Sergeant-at-arms, mace and all, fled! Rather than obey the court verdict, they relocated elsewhere, like lawful fugitives from the law, and plotted an appeal. As lawful outlaws, they insisted their appeal was an automatic stay of execution!

    But, the House is blameless. Only Bauchi Chief Judge (CJ), Ibrahim Zango, whose court gave the verdict, deserves blame! How could the CJ misguide himself on the so-called law, when he knew full well King Yuguda’s rights are divine, which trump all earthly laws? And to be misguided by a mere woman!

    The good thing, though, is that Danna is not about to surrender her constitutional rights, just as the misguided House is not about to cede its illusion of divine gubernatorial rights in a democratic republic. We all know who history, legality and common sense will favour.

    But before the children of impunity fall victim to their own lawlessness, Governor Yuguda and his supine House had better call themselves to order. Once upon a time, a gubernatorial king in neighbouring Borno thought he could play God with the Boko Haram ragtag band of Islamist rebels. Today, that has resulted in a national headache. The North already has more than its fair share of religious conflict, and characters like Yuguda shouldn’t fuel a combustible situation. What is more, Danna should be given her due.

  • Riddle of seven flying wonders

    A voice from outside has apparently reinforced Nigeria’s international image as a land of the ridiculous. In spite of the denial credited to the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Dr. Reuben Abati, the negative publicity connected with the statement by a Kenyan lady that President Goodluck Jonathan recently visited her country with seven private aircraft will not just fade into insignificance. Indeed, rather than clarify the issue in favour of the administration, Abati’s counter-statement ironically deepened the opacity.

    Well before this particular incident, Nigerians were well aware of the fact that the country’s political elite had found a new and intoxicating status symbol, private jets, which they flaunted with incredible enthusiasm. So, the news was unsurprising. However, it was embarrassing that outsiders had not only noticed the craze but also observed the depth of depravity.

    A video which has gone viral on the social media has the Kenyan saying, “Your (Nigerian) President visited our country with seven private jets. That has never happened before, we were all excited, ‘this is Nigeria; it is the country with the highest number of private jets.’ Seven private jets. I know there could be more but for us, that is still wow! They all came in their private jets.” The video was reportedly twitted by Nigerians, including a former Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, which presumably compelled Abati’s reaction.

    Funny enough, the official response went thus: “That President Jonathan travelled to Kenya with seven jets is not true. I challenge the Kenyan lady to prove her allegation. Stop spreading lies. President Jonathan was in Kenya with only one aircraft. Provide concrete evidence to the contrary or shut up. That Kenyan lady is lying. It amounts to sheer laziness to take on crazy tale and broadcast it without verification. It is shameful. It is an absolute lie. A presidential jet is not difficult to identify. It bears a clear mark.”

    Interestingly, there is some confusion here, arising from some clever manipulation. The Kenyan was sufficiently definite in her qualification of the aircraft, using the unambiguous word “private”, which suggests that she was conscious of the difference between a clearly marked presidential jet and others.

    Furthermore, on the accusation of lying, the question of motive must come up. Why would she concoct tales about Nigeria’s leaders? Analysis of her comment rather betrays her as an excited witness to a spectacle. Contrary to the official position, the onus of proof in this matter lies with the Presidency, which ought to show evidence beyond mere words that the lady was fantasising.

    The love of showy opulence in government circles is corroborated by two recent instances: the yet-to-be-resolved scandal concerning Minister of Aviation Stella Oduah who stands accused of involvement in the morally repugnant purchase of two armoured cars for N255 million; and the government’s scandalous interest in a deposit of N1.5 billion for a new jet which will become the Presidential Air Fleet’s (PAF) 11th aircraft. As the observant Kenyan noted, perhaps only in Nigeria are such wonders possible.

  • Refineries’ yo-yo

    Conflicting news about the country’s challenged oil refineries demonstrate not only pathetic confusion in the presidency but also hopeless visionlessness. Against the backdrop of a looming strike by the country’s two main oil workers’ unions, Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) and National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas (NUPENG), over the federal government’s reported plan to privatise its four refineries, the presidency’s denial gives cause for reflection about the structures of power and how they often operate at cross-purposes.

    It is noteworthy that PENGASSAN, the 15,000-member white-collar union, according to its president, Babatunde Ogun, is scheduled for talks with officials of the Petroleum and Labour Ministries on January 7; and the group has indicated the possibility of a strike, if government does not drop the alleged intention to sell the refineries. The 30,000-member blue-collar NUPENG may also consider an industrial action, if the government does not back down, said its secretary-general, Elijah Okougbo.

    In a joint statement on December 18 last year, the unions declared that the alleged proposed sale of the refineries in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna, is “against the overall national interest and in the interest of a few,” arguing that it “will transfer government monopoly to cartels that will dictate the market.”

    Understandably, the oil workers had grounds for concern, following a presidential audit of the plants last year that recommended their sale based on alleged inadequate state funding and “sub-optimal performance.” To add to their discomfiture, this position was apparently reinforced by Minister of Petroleum Resources, Diezani Alison-Madueke, in an interview with Bloomberg TV Africa in London where she said, “We would like to see major infrastructure entities, such as refineries, moving out of government hands into the private sector.” Indeed, the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) has also indicated that it is preparing the guidelines for the privatisation of the refineries.

    With such alarming signals from official quarters, it would appear that the oil workers were not just crying wolf. But, strangely, the opposite is exactly what the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Dr Reuben Abati, would want the public to believe. According to him, “Government is not going to sell any refineries. There is no such plan and there is no presidential approval for such. Nobody, not even the minister of petroleum, has the powers to sell any government property.”

    This statement clearly contradicts the minister and the BPE, raising the question whether Abati was actually speaking for the government. Why is government seemingly speaking from both sides of the mouth? Obviously, the functions of government should not include perplexing the people, but the President Goodluck Jonathan administration probably thinks otherwise.

    It is instructive that the presidential audit identified inadequate state funding and “sub-optimal performance” as the bane of the refineries; and it is logical to assume that the one influences the other. Isn’t it puzzling that the government is not providing sufficient funding for a sector that is the country’s major revenue earner? It is sheer senselessness, especially when juxtaposed with the mind-boggling financial corruption that has come to define government business in the country.

  • Mimiko’s marvellous mockery of democracy

    What happened at the Ondo State House of Assembly in the name of budget presentation by Governor Olusegun Mimiko, without doubt, demonstrated not only the hallucinatory quality of the political helmsman but also his provocative contempt for law and order, which he was, ironically, elected to uphold, even if in highly controversial circumstances. It was one of those rare but enlightening instances when reality appears less believable than fiction.

    It surely takes a magical imagination to comprehend the fact that Mimiko presented the N162 billion 2014 budget in the presence of only nine of a 26-member legislative unit, which means that there was no quorum for the important ceremony. Excuse the hyperbole, but it could be likened to appearing before an empty House. Minority Leader Akpoebi Lubi, one of those who stayed away, said the governor needed two-third majority of the House before he could legally present a budget. The alarming fact that Mimiko overlooked this fundamental inadequacy, and went ahead to perform what was obviously a charade perhaps illustrates his empty desperation for the grandeur of power. For a man who relied on the strength of numbers to attain office, it is a shameful exposure of his weakness that he now seeks strength in zero. It is possible to interpret his defiance of decency as satisfying a personal need to feel in control in the face of overwhelming dimunition of his authority.

    What better signal of his loss of respect than the fact that 16 members of the ruling Labour Party (LP) in the legislative house rudely shunned the budget presentation. It is noteworthy that the Assembly is made up of 25 Labour Party members and one Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) member, meaning that Mimiko was openly disgraced largely by his own party members in the dramatic and spectacular event. Twelve lawmakers reportedly kept a distance from the main chamber of Assembly Complex but remained on the premises while Mimiko engaged in his self-serving self-ridicule.

    It is instructive that the Speaker, Samuel Adesina , was reportedly ill and unavailable, while Deputy Speaker, Dare Eniola, presided over the fakery and Majority Leader, Ifedayo Akinsoyinu, was present. Significantly absent were other principal officers, including the Chairman, House Committee on Finance and Appropriation, Fidelis Akinwolemiwa (Ondo East); his deputy, Akindele Adeniyi (Akure South); Chairman, House Committee on Information, Oyebo Aladetan ( Ilaje1) and Minority Leader, Akpoebi Lubi.

    Tellingly, their grounds for non-participation was reportedly the governor’s “non-consultation with the Assembly on the budget presentation and poor implementation of the 2013 budget.” One of the protesting lawmakers reportedly said that Mimko “recorded 30 per cent performance” in connection with last year’s budget.

    For a governor who controversially won a second term election in October 2012, Mimiko’s desertion by his fellow party members, particularly in the legislature, indeed speaks volumes about his acceptance. If his own colleagues could so emphatically dissociate themselves from him, it is logical to re-examine his supposed electoral victory, which was strongly but unsuccessfully contested by his political rivals who made charges of poll rigging against him. This remarkable episode, beyond the failed legal challenge by his rivals, perhaps demonstrated Mimiko’s pathetic alienation not only from his political base but also from the electorate who the lawmakers represent.

    Unquestionably, the 59-year-old physician would need to heal himself politically as well as socially, if not emotionally too, in the light of this exposure of his political ill-health. It is ironic that the proposed budget, with the label, “Caring Heart Phase Five,” was not presented with any sense of care for the law and the sensitivity of the people. Otherwise, a more law-abiding public office holder with a greater people-consciousness would have restrained himself from going ahead with the ceremony when it was obvious that the session would be inquorate. Unfortunately, that is apparently not the stuff of which Mimiko is made. He showed the qualities of a leader who doesn’t care a damn about both the law and the people!

  • Tormenting darkness across the land

    Tormenting darkness across the land

    It should have been an illuminating piece of news; but, on the contrary, it brought further darkness because of the confusion it generated. President Goodluck Jonathan sounded unbelievable in his New Year’s message to Nigerians when he declared, with unconvincing optimism, that his administration would ensure that the people enjoy better electricity supply in 2014. As if the sugar-coated idea was not enough, he left many people wondering what he was talking about when he said, “Government will also strengthen regulation of the sector, and closely monitor electricity delivery to increase this beyond 18 hours per day.” Did Jonathan imply that the country was already enjoying at least 18 hours of power supply daily? He couldn’t have been serious, and definitely should not be taken seriously, if that was his intention.

    It is no news that Nigerians have adjusted to the dark, with the inexcusable failure of successive administrations to fix power supply in the country. So Jonathan’s words were most likely treated with the sort of bemused smile that comes when a politician makes a politically correct but ridiculous statement.

    Listen to him: “In 2014, we will continue to prioritise investments in key sectors, such as infrastructure development, power, roads, rail transportation and aviation. In the past year, the Federal Government completed the privatisation of four power generation companies and 10 power distribution companies. We are also in the process of privatising 10 power plants under the National Integrated Power Projects (NIPP).” He added, “We shall boost investments in transmission to ensure power generated is properly evacuated and distributed. In this regard, we have already mobilised an additional $1.5 billion for the upgrade of the transmission network in 2014 and beyond.”

    Words are not enough! This truth was evident a day ahead of Jonathan’s speech when an entire town took to the streets in protest against an incredible five-month blackout. The scene was in Omu-Aran in Irepodun Local Government Area of Kwara State. “We have been in darkness since September,” said the leader of the protesters, David Adesina, who explained that their action was triggered by the failure of the Ibadan Electricity Distribution Company (IBEDC) to repair a faulty transformer after the community had made an advance payment of N250, 000.

    Hopefully, this episode will not be prophetic, and electricity users across the country will not have to experience the prolonged darkness that is tormenting Omu-Aran. However, it is a serious cause for concern that such dark examples persist even in the era of privatisation. As the private power distribution companies settle down to business, it would be interesting to see how much difference they will make to the country’s electricity challenges, and how much professional value they will add to the new way after a long and unrewarding period of government control in the sector. But, certainly, the IBEDC example is neither positive nor promising.

    Jonathan’s hyperbolic picture of the power supply situation, even with its dishonest foundation, sadly demonstrates a limiting mentality that can do the country no good. It would appear that the president cannot visualise a Nigeria that enjoys electricity round the clock; and that is why he could, even if untruthfully, only speak of “beyond 18 hours per day.” Even in his imagination, he could not see the possibility of “24 hours per day” and boldly proclaim it.

    Such conscious limitation is part of the tragedy of political leadership in the country. Another related aspect is a grand poverty of vision. These recognisable twins of under-development, unfortunately, continue to plague the country, and Jonathan’s case offers little relief or hope. His message did not bring the much-desired light; rather, it was, ironically, a testimony to undesirable darkness.

  • Jonathan’s N7b ‘talk show’

    Jonathan’s N7b ‘talk show’

    Just how much the presidency plans to spend on its controversial national confab expected to hold this year shows that the project will be as much about talking as it will be about money. Of course, it was anticipated that the dialogue would have significant financial implication; nevertheless, the figure of N7 billion projected for it certainly stretches the imagination. The Federal Government’s 2014 budget proposal, which puts the cost of hosting the conference at such eye-popping level, deserves to be viewed with suspicion.

    In particular, it is difficult to avoid distrust of the planned expenditure for the dialogue because there is curiously no breakdown of how the funds will be spent. Indeed, it would appear that this seeming omission is actually a commission. What could be the possible explanation for the oddity of presenting a total figure without defining its details? It suggests that perhaps the details don’t add up, or won’t add up. Also, it would amount to a fraudulent approach if the calculation is to get the budget estimate passed by the legislature before providing the desirable details.

    The bottom line here is that this is an unacceptable, if not condemnable, budgeting style. It should be expected that such absence of “full disclosure” would be rejected by the legislature, which would hopefully insist that Nigerians ought to have a full picture of the projected cost of the dialogue before it is passed. Failing to send this message to the executive in the strongest of terms would be grave dereliction of duty.

    However, there is the tragic possibility that the exclusion may be a deliberate attempt by the administration to provoke a situation, and thereby delay the passing of the budget figures for ulterior motives. Regrettably, holding up the approval of the budget will not be without precedent as the last two years witnessed serious disagreements over budget figures, resulting in delayed legislative consent. While it may be puzzling that government could be interested in pursuing this particular path, isn’t it even more perplexing that, wittingly or unwittingly, it left room for such counter-productive confusion? The country’s experience teaches that the ways of politics and politicians are mysterious and you really can’t put anything past them, no matter how absurd it may seem.

    To appreciate the importance of the missing information, it is relevant to highlight a similar project designed by former president Olusegun Obasanjo who in January 2005 sought legislative approval of N932 million to fund a three-month National Political Reform Conference. Significantly, the Obasanjo administration gave a breakdown as follows : delegates would earn N21.68 million as sitting allowance and N650.25 million as allowances in lieu of accommodation; N1.7 million for return tickets from London, Washington, Beijing and Johannesburg in addition to N28, 800 for return flights to Abuja for the inaugural session and subsequent conference meetings; N14, 400 for delegates for airport taxi and local transportation within Abuja ; provision for, at least, two CVU long wheel cars to be hired and fuelled at N2.9 million.

    So why did President Goodluck Jonathan apparently shun this path of reason? The nine-year gap between the two projects cannot explain this essential difference in specification. More importantly, the massive distance between Obasanjo’s figure of N932 million and Jonathan’s N7 billion cannot be on account of time factor alone. Furthermore, before apologists of the Jonathan administration identify inflation as a definitive factor responsible for the mind-boggling difference in costing, it should be pointed out that even such argument is farfetched.

    The most baffling aspect of Jonathan’s “talk show” is the fact that figures are being fixed while it is still unclear how the process will be organised, how long it will take, how many people will participate, among other key considerations. This is certainly a bad example of how to make budgets, or a good example of how not to make budgets.