Category: Hardball

Suspended Commander of the Intelligence Response Team (IRT) of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) Abba Kyari, who is standing trial at the Federal High Court in Abuja over his alleged involvement in a cocaine deal, is fighting back fiercely.

Kyari, a deputy commissioner of police, was arrested on February 12. He has sued the anti-narcotics agency for violating his fundamental human rights, and seeks N500 million as compensation.

In a fresh counter-attack, Kyari, through an affidavit deposed to on his behalf by his younger brother,  was reported to have claimed that “corrupt” officials of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) usually cleared a certain drug baron, “and even escort him from the airport to his destination.”

According to him, the said drug baron “as usual shipped drugs (cocaine) from Ethiopia to Enugu Airport. The officer of NDLEA cleared him within the airport; then officers of FIB-IRT arrested the suspect with the help of an informant.

“That before the informant accepted to work with the officers of FIB-IRT, they both had an agreement to compensate the informant.”

He also said “officers of FIB-IRT, having noticed that officers of NDLEA were the ones clearing the said suspect with his drugs (cocaine), they immediately took the suspect to NDLEA and also reported those officers involved in the act.

“That instead of the NDLEA to handle the matter accordingly and bring their officers involved to book, they decided to frustrate the informant, thereby refusing to compensate the informant.

“That it was at this juncture that the attention of the DCP Abba Kyari was called, who because the NDLEA officer involved is his friend, decided to intervene for the purpose of compensating the informant.”

At this point, he has a lot of explaining to do on why he was brought into the matter, or why he came into the matter despite the fact that he had received a suspension following his alleged involvement in a multimillion-dollar Internet fraud case for which he is wanted by the US government. He provides no explanations.

He continued his story: “That the NDLEA officer who refused to compensate the informant was the one who framed DCP Abba Kyari up on a trumped-up allegation that he was trying to bribe him.”

His claims should be thoroughly investigated. But there is no doubt that his credibility has been damaged by his previous alleged implication in the fraud case for which he is wanted by the US government.

Kyari seems like a drowning man desperate to survive. Can he survive?

Two pieces of “rejection” just made the rounds, from the corridors of the Ebora Owu in his Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library (OOPL), Abeokuta lair.

The first was Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa, who after a courtesy call at OOPL, claimed former President Olusegun Obasanjo had endorsed Igbo presidency, because of Obasanjo’s flattering comment on the Ndigbo famed industry and entrepreneurial savvy.  Obasanjo, through his spokesperson, poured cold water on that claim.

Ohauabunwa’s foray to OOPL was understandable.  The former local Big Pharm boss was part of organized Business Nigeria that pushed for Obasanjo’s third term bid of 2006, though the most prominent faces of that bloc were Ndi Okereke-Onyuike (then czarina at the Nigerian Stock Exchange) and Festus Odimegwu (then boss at Nigerian Breweries Plc, who fell out with the NB board on account of that campaign).

They wanted Obasanjo to subvert the two-term limit in the 1999 Constitution, to continue with his “reforms”, whatever that meant.  Might Ohuabunwa then be hoping for some pay-back endorsement?

Then, a section of the media jumped on the cold shoulder reportedly given Femi Ojudu, factotum to Vice President Yemi Osinbajo and apparent apostle-in-chief of Prof. Osinbajo’s rumoured presidential dreams.  Ojudu was reported to have carried the Osinbajo gospel-to-run for the Ebora Owu’s blessings and possible endorsement.

But Obasanjo not only cold-shouldered Ojudu and his delegation, he balked at seeing them after keeping them waiting for a while. He also reportedly dismissed Ojudu as a “rabble rouser” notorious for “garrulous and unstable incursions into sensitive political matters.”

Aside,he reportedly tongue-lashed the Vice President for sending a proxy to plead his case, when he should be man enough to declare his intentions, not hiding behind a funny finger.  That alleged rebuke got lobbies opposed to Osinbajo’s rumoured presidential push wild and excited.

But before folks get ahead of themselves, how much exactly is Obasanjo’s endorsement worth, beyond perpetually putting the Ebora Owu himself in front of the klieg lights?

In 2019, Bishop David Oyedepo, Catholic Bishop Matthew Kukah and Sheikh Abubakar Gumi, among others gathered at this same OOPL to plead former Vice President Abubakar Atiku’s case.  That was the high season of Obasanjo’s “third force”, a beautiful electioneering mirage if ever there was one.  The Ebora even claimed to have “forgiven” Atiku and endorsed his candidacy.  Still, what happened to that bid?

The fact is outside the formal structure of the Presidency or military head of state, Obasanjo hardly boasts any community value.  Yeah, the Nigerian media, always on the lookout for sensation and titillation, would pour indecent attention on OOPL visits.  But beyond that, it’s nothing beyond a shiny mirage!

Beyond endorsement-crunching visitors however, Baba has too many demons swirling in him, concerning his controversial presidency, which made all the right sound bytes but delivered little on actual stuff.  Those visits fit in pat with the OOPL as personal worship shrine, which glitter Obasanjo somewhat hopes would launder and blot out his political-economic dirt and rot.

So, those allegedly “rejected” should take heart.  Baba’s support is worth near-nothing in real terms.

There are times “late” may indeed amount to “never.”  So President Muhammadu Buhari’s remembrance of the Federal Government’s housing promise to the heroes that won the 1994 Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON), 28 years after, has its downsides.  It is commendable that Buhari remembered, but it is too late for some members of the squad who have passed on.

This raises questions about the meaning of continuity in government. The Federal Government at the time did not fulfill its promise. Also, the other administrations that preceded the current Buhari government did not remember the promise, or were not interested in fulfilling it. What happened to institutional memory?

Buhari, who was represented at the inauguration of the administration’s National Housing Programme this month, was reported saying:  “This occasion provided the opportunity to remember our heroes, the valiant Super Eagles to whom our country made a promise of providing housing for winning the 1994 African Cup of Nations.

“On behalf of the Federal Government of Nigeria, I feel proud and privileged to redeem the promise made to these patriotic Nigerians, even if belatedly.

“It’s better late than never, and I have approved an allocation to redeem the outstanding allocation to 22 members of the Super Eagles in the National Housing Estate located in their system of choice.”

The Super Eagles defeated Zambia 2-1 at the 1994 AFCON final in Tunisia to win their second title. Nigeria has won AFCON thrice, 1980, 1994 and 2013.  The well-rated 1994 champions included Austin Okocha, Sunday Oliseh, Samson Siasia, Steven Keshi, Augustine Eguavoen, Emmanuel Amuneke, Rasheed Yekini, Victor Ikpeba and Mutiu Adepoju.

But some of them have died, meaning that they are not around to benefit from the Buhari administration’s remembrance.  Perhaps their relations will get the houses.

Rasheed Yekini, Uche Okafor, Thompson Oliha, Wilfred Agbonavbare and Steven Keshi played for Nigeria in the 1994 AFCON tournament. But they are now dead.

The 28-year delay in providing the promised houses to members of the squad is a long time. It is inexcusable.  It was easy to make the promise, but not so easy to keep the promise.

This instance of a failed promise that the Buhari administration has drawn attention to shows that a promise made must be a promise promptly kept. In particular, those who are in power at all levels in the country should not make promises on performance, and then fail to keep them promptly. It may not always be better late than never.

When you look at the newly minted Electoral Act 2022, what do you see?  Obviously, a much improved document to corral decent elections from sworn non-democrats running Nigeria’s democratic space?

Yes, yes!  That would explain the welcome euphoria.  Still, for all you know, those strategically placed across all parties, with zero democracy in their DNA, are probably already plotting to subvert the new law!

Remember how panicky fellows in 2015 pulled all stunts to subvert — and abandon — the then new card-readers, to willy-nilly deliver their thunderous marine votes?

Still, looking at the new law, what do you really see, particularly in the contentious Clause 84(12), which states: “No political appointee at any level shall be a voting delegate or be voted for at the convention or congress of any political party for the purpose of the nomination of candidates for any election.”

That clause caused presidential angst, as the omnibus direct primary clause, which the president used to veto a previous version.  But President Muhammadu Buhari signed this latest version, on the reported mutual understanding that Clause 84(12) be expunged since, in the president’s thinking, it collides with the constitutional basic rights of the political appointees (public officers?) who the Constitution had ordered to resign only 30 days to election, if they seek elected offices.

In this contentious Clause 84(12), therefore, you could see an executive-legislature class battleground.  Presidents and governors — and, at that, local government chairs if they had the chance — have grown progressively notorious to pack intra-party elections with appointee cronies as voting delegates.

That way, they have built pseudo-hegemonies that have seen them playing lords — no, gods — of the manor, in political parties, which grund norm should be equal access and opportunities.  That has subverted the political party system more than any other single factor.

In Electoral Act 2022, it appears, the law makers had banded as a class, on their own turf, to confront this executive oppression — the same sentiment that had motivated the earlier imposition of compulsory direct primaries on every party.

Again, the lawmakers’ cause would appear just, given the presidents/governors’ ringing abuse of party nomination processes?

Still, what if that clause had been an over-reach; and that it really subverted the appointed officials’ fundamental rights, to vote and be voted for (even in intra-party elections), under the 1999 Constitution as amended?  Indeed, what if ultimately the Supreme Court voided Clause 84(12)?

Then the entire Electoral Act 2022 could come crashing — except, of course, the suit being adjudicated specifically asked for that clause to be expunged.

That is the peril Electoral Act 2022 faces — which is why the National Assembly would do well to think carefully, and address areas in which it could compromise on the matter.

For starters, the Senate has shown little wisdom by its summary rejection of the process.  The entire law might well be in danger.

Who should be believed? There are two different versions regarding the state of the body of 22-year-old Bamise Ayanwole , a fashion designer found dead in Lagos  some days after she was declared missing after she boarded a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) vehicle.

Commissioner of Police Abiodun Alabi told journalists that her body was not mutilated and all parts of her body were intact.  He said he saw her body at the morgue and her family members who were also present saw the body.

But Damilola Titilayo Ayanwole, sister of the deceased, has another version, “This is a money ritual case,” she told journalists, adding, “They removed her private parts…They did not kill her before they cut her private parts.”

Which of these versions is true? Which one is false?  Based on the circumstances of Bamise’s death, many people concluded that she was a victim of ritual killers. The driver of the BRT bus she boarded at Ajah, Lagos on the evening of February 26, leading to her disappearance and eventual discovery of her body, has been arrested.

Identified as 47-year-old Nice Andrew Omininikoron, the driver was on the run when he was arrested in Ososa, Ogun State.  He said some gunmen had taken Bamise away after forcing him to stop around Carter Bridge.

“I picked her from Chevron and I picked the other three guys at Agbegi, when those guys showed me the weapon as I was driving, I couldn’t be myself anymore. Fear came over me, so whatever they asked me to do, I did,” he narrated.

“So when I followed that Carter Bridge, that overhead bridge, they told me to stop there. When they ordered me to stop, they asked me to open the door, when I opened the door, they started dragging her. I saw her crying for help but I was helpless. When the issue happened, I ran away because I was afraid.”

There are questions he needs to answer, rough edges of his story that need to be smoothened. He has quite a lot of explaining to do.

Bamise was going to Oshodi from Ajah, and was said to have observed that she was the only passenger in the bus and the driver was not picking up other people on the route.  She was suspicious and fearful, and was said to have sent voice notes to her friend describing her situation. Information she had provided helped in locating the bus and the driver after she was declared missing.

The police need to get to the bottom of her tragic murder, and ensure that the perpetrators are punished. As investigation of the case continues, there should be clarity on what actually happened.

The other day, Hardball was thinking aloud when the real apology, from Ikeja Electric (I.E.) would come, for its audacious bills, for the estimated billing segment of its customers?  The answer just came: never!  For sparse power supply in January, it just outed with its normal jumbo bills.

It all came to life from the latest bills the DisCo was sharing for January, the same month for which it had fulsomely apologized, for supplying below-par power.  In that month, power supplied totalled no more that six or eight hours daily.  Yet, the bill suggests violently otherwise.

In a bill it sent to Customer 0100218678, I.E. claimed “current charges” of N39, 459. 22.  It’s decreed payment was N43, 000, though it didn’t bother to explain why “estimated charges” fell behind “payment” by a few coins.

It also marked, as “previous balance”, N165, 374. 68 — voodoo bills it had ratcheted up in the past, but which long-suffering customer just paid a part of that he felt was fair.  It decreed its “due date” as 17 February 2022, by which time it would send its disconnection gang to harass and disconnect.

However, Customer 0200218678 decided to humour I.E. by paying its “payment”  in full: N43, 000 for near-concentrated darkness.  Yet see, even after payment, the text message I.E. sent him: “Dear customer, our record shows that as of today (that was February 17) — three clear days after the bill had been paid — you have outstanding bills yet to be paid.  We advise that you please settle all outstanding bills to avoid service disruption.”

But it added a final proviso: “Please disregard if full payments have been made. Thank you for allowing us to serve you” — more of scam you!

What does this text show?  The all-mighty I.E. has enough presence of mind to issue a bill warning.  But it lacks all gumption to pin-point its message to only those who deserve it.  What service-savvy business does that in the 21st century?

Indeed, it’s a huge scandal that a private company would rip its customers off, month in, month out, without remedy from the Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), the industry regulator.

Since impunity fast grows into something much uglier, I.’E’s attitude, from its often rude and care-free communications, is that it doesn’t care a hoot about the service it provides.  It only cares for revenue, however creamed, by hook or by crook.

That can’t be a sustainable business model.  In this case, its estimated billing customer segment can’t be a rogue el-dorado for service not supplied.  It can’t be a growth area to make up for revenue not earned from customers fitted with prepaid meters.

NERC should call I.E. and other DisCos to order.  A word is enough for the wise.