Category: Discourse

  • Kigali, echoes of Rwanda genocide, other stories

    Kigali, echoes of Rwanda genocide, other stories

    By Tunde Rahman

    I had long nursed the idea of visiting Kigali, Rwanda’s capital, given the exciting stories of infrastructure development, well-paved network of roads and other beautiful things I had heard about that country. When, therefore, I needed to travel to the United Kingdom in late last year, I decided to route my trip through Kigali aboard RwandAir. So November 28, 2025 was my first trip to Kigali and my first on RwandAir, as well.

    The wonderful experience I had on RwandAir more or less offered a pleasant hint of the trip itself. Indeed, everything about the trip was flawless. The aircraft we flew in was new and clean. The check-in formality was faultless; the cabin crew were excellent. It was a five-and-a-half hour or so flight, but it didn’t feel like I spent up to five hours in the plane. Everything went smoothly that it seemed time simply rolled by.

    Within minutes of arrival at Kigali International Airport, I had recovered my luggage and passed through immigration with the help of Oluwaseun Akande, a senior official from the Nigerian Embassy in Kigali, who was on hand to receive me and accompany me to the hotel.

    Kigali International Airport is quite small, but what it lacks in size it offsets with an appealing design. A first-time visitor like me cannot help but notice the sheer beauty and cosiness of this airport. It’s also very functional and efficient. The services available at the airport were excellent. The internet wifi was smooth and fast.

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    Having effectively settled in 2000 Hotel in the heart of Kigali, described as a 4-star hotel, I now began to plan my itinerary.

    I decided to pick a hotel in Downtown Kigali because I really wanted to explore the city, catch a full glimpse of Kigali, meet and interact with the locals. As I indicated, I was en route to London and planned to spend only three nights in Kigali.

    The three nights must be well utilised, consistent with the trip’s objectives to know virtually everything about Kigali: the culture and tradition, the people, their history, and the tourist spots.

     Oluwaseun proved very useful in that respect. Along with a few tourists I encountered at the hotel, I visited several places including the Fazenda Sengha, Mount Kigali, Kimironko Market and, of course, the Genocide Memorial. Chauffered by my Rwandan cabbie, who simply gave his name as Godwin, I also went round the city centre to glimpse some of the important places like Kigali Government House, President Paul Kagame’s residence, some embassies, big conference centres and major hotels.

    Fazenda Sengha is an impressive recreational park. Its features include zip lines, archery, horse/donkey ride, train ride, paintball, and of course a restaurant and a bar. From this park erected on a mountain, one could get a bird’s eye view of Kigali. A river that snakes its way through the whole of Kigali can also be viewed. It was at this place that I saw donkeys again after a long time, and even rode on one.

    At Mount Kigali, a prominent hill in the city, which is 1,853 metres high, one can also have a panoramic view of the entire Kigali. Standing at the summit of Mount Kigali, this awesome hill is easily the main attraction in Kigali.

    Rwanda is a one-city country. Everything about the country revolves around the capital – Kigali. I was told there was no point visiting any of the other towns and villages, which are predominantly rural and far-flung places, because they featured virtually nothing remarkable. Notwithstanding this, President Kagame has made tremendous impact on Rwanda’s development. According to official documents in Kigali, the hallmarks of Kagame administration are peace and reconciliation, women empowerment, promotion of investment and entrepreneurship and access to information technology.

    On the streets of Kigali, President Kagame is good news. The people visibly adore him and commend his impact in the country. His residence is a sprawling structure next to the Government House. The sheer majesty of his residence is understandably so, given his status as the president.

    Reminded that Kagame has been in office since April 2000 and was recently sworn in for a new five-year term in August 2024, my cabman Godwin simply retorted: “That is not important to us. He is doing well and we love him. He treats all of us equally. Our country is okay. We don’t count how long he has been in power.”

    The impressive sights nonetheless, this is an unsolicited advice to President Kagame: after 26 years in power and still counting, it’s time he started thinking seriously of grooming a suitable successor to continue with his progressive policies, and quitting the stage when his present term expires. Otherwise, he would be putting at risk the good legacies he has built in the country and the huge impact he has made on Rwandan people.

    Like I said, that was unsolicited. The three-day trip to Kigali was generally eventful. It was exciting. There is so much to write about. Yet, there were also depressing and humbling moments during the trip. This was at the Kigali Genocide Memorial, built to commemorate the 1994 Rwandan genocide as a place of remembrance for the more than one million victims of the genocide against the Tutsi.

    Inside this memorial, the remains of over 250,000 people, the bones of those massacred – mostly of Tutsis – are interred. In this place, one is confronted with grim stories and pictures of how the Hutu turned against Tutsi; how brothers turned against brothers, friends against friends, families who had all along related well and inter-married turned against one another. The graves were well arranged in this large and sombre ground, evoking the tears and blood that flowed from the Rwandan civil war.

    Some accounts of those who survived the genocide were also pasted on the walls of the memorial centre.

    In his book “Conspiracy To Murder: The Rwandan Genocide,” Linda Melvern gave a chilling account of the killing in Rwanda during the war, quoting a part of the report of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) issued on April 29, 1994: ”Whole families are exterminated, babies, children, old people, women are massacred in the most atrocious conditions, often cut with a machete or a knife, or blown apart by grenades, or burned or buried alive. The cruelty knows no limit.”

    As I criss-crossed the memorial, moving from one room to another, from one point to another, reading the narratives and viewing the haunting and saddening pictures, tears welled in my eyes. I prayed silently that this should never happen anywhere again to any set of people or nation.

    Those alleging genocide in Nigeria and spreading the narrative of genocide do not know what they are talking about. Yes, Nigeria is battling security issues. Yes, there are killings, very unfortunate and disturbing, but the government is confronting them headlong. However, there is no genocide in Nigeria, whether of Christians or Muslims, and we should not pray for one. Anyone who has seen the magnitude of the Rwandan massacre as documented in Kigali Memorial will perfectly understand this fact.

    We must commend President Kagame for his post-war efforts on peace and reconciliation, and the people of Rwanda for how they have all embraced peace after the ruinous genocide. Speaking on his own personal efforts in maintaining peace after the war, Lydie Mutesi, a guide officer at the Kigali Genocide Memorial, wrote on the wall of the centre: “The memorial is a very important place. I feel responsible and humbled because I’m contributing to teaching the world and my community about building peace after genocide.”

    *Rahman is a journalist and media aide of Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu.

  • Celebrating 50 years of Ogun State

    Celebrating 50 years of Ogun State

    By Gboyega Nasir Isiaka

    When Ogun State was created on February 3, 1976, I witnessed that moment as a fourteen-year-old student on the assembly ground of Nazareth High School, Imeko. We stood under the watchful eyes of our Principal, Reverend Akosile, and cheered with the innocence of boys and girls who sensed significance without fully grasping its weight. History arrived quietly that day. Its meaning unfolded over time.

    That same year, my father, Prince Tijani Adebowale Isiaka, passed on. He was a transporter, a philanthropist, and a man devoted to community service. His life revolved around the people. His death left a deep silence. In that fragile season, the newly created Ogun State awarded me a scholarship that enabled my transition from a day student to a boarding student at Nazareth High School. The State became a steady presence when certainty disappeared.

    Life at Nazareth broadened my understanding of Ogun beyond geography. I studied alongside children of farmers, traders, artisans, and civil servants from across the State. We shared classrooms, meals, struggles, and aspirations. Those bonds endure. Many of my classmates chose paths outside politics and became teachers, entrepreneurs, and leaders in other fields. They became the quiet backbone of Ogun. When I meet them today, I am reminded that leadership finds its true meaning in how policy shapes everyday lives, often far from public attention.

    Secondary school formed my habits and values. Those habits later became the core of my ambitions. Discipline, fairness, teamwork, respect, and honesty defined daily life. Effort carried consequences. Responsibility demanded consistency. Through those years, Ogun was quietly forming my character, long before public service entered my thinking.

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    After a brief stint in the Mass Communication Department of the then Ogun State Polytechnic, like many sons and daughters of this State, I stepped beyond its borders to prepare for professional life and higher responsibilities. University life at Ife expanded my intellectual horizon. I encountered new ideas and perspectives. I observed how institutions thrive under discipline and falter when values weaken. Education sharpened my capacity while my identity remained firm. I carried Imeko with me. I served first as Director of Organization, and then as President of the then Egbado Students Association. That role clarified the meaning of representation. You speak for people who trust you to carry their voice. You listen carefully, balance interests, and act responsibly.

    Ogun stayed present in my thinking, defining my sense of duty and restraint. Each step outward was taken to build capacity, and each time I returned to Ogun, I did so with deeper understanding.

    When I entered the corporate world, the lessons Ogun had planted in me proved essential. Corporate leadership demands discipline, accountability, and clarity of purpose. Targets must be met. Resource management requires prudence. I learned that leadership rests on systems, structure, and trust. The values instilled early prepared me for corporate responsibilities and equipped me to shoulder responsibility when opportunity arose.

    My formal entry into public service came through Gateway Holdings, the investment company of the Ogun State Government, as the pioneer Group Managing Director. The mandate centred on professional asset management, protection, and value creation. I approached the role with a clear sense of duty, serving Ogun as a son of the soil, conscious that every decision reflected on the communities that raised me. Gateway Holdings was a public trust, demanding transparency, method, and respect for resources. Through this work, trust grew steadily, anchored in accountability and fidelity to process.

    I subsequently entered into the journey of partisan politics and electioneering, taking me into the nooks and crannies of Ogun State. Those journeys deepened my understanding of the culture, diversity, and the peculiarities of our people. I saw their resilience, their aspirations, and the ways each community preserves its identity while contributing to the broader fabric of Ogun State. Every encounter reinforced my sense of duty and the weight of responsibility that comes with serving this State.

    Ogun has taught me that trust grows quietly. It is built through consistency, through sustained presence, and through genuine attention to people’s concerns. The confidence I enjoy today rests on years of engagement, patience, and respect for institutions.

    I have remained present beyond election cycles. I have listened more than I have spoken and consulted more than I have announced. I have learned that trust is gradual. It is earned through action, through reliability, and through a lifetime of shared experience.

    I have lived Ogun as a child. I have learned and impacted Ogun through growth and through the communities that nurtured me. Ogun has molded who I am. It has instilled in me values, discipline, and a sense of responsibility that guide every decision I make. The State is in me. Its lessons continue to inform my character, my purpose, and my commitment to service.

    My Ogun story did not begin with politics. It began in Imeko. It grew through experiences. It matured through service and has been sustained by impact. Ogun formed my character before public service shaped my path. It prepared me for leadership long before ambition took shape. It remains the foundation of who I am.

    As Ogun State celebrates its Golden Jubilee, I acknowledge the dedication of our leaders, past and present, whose vision and service have guided our growth and stability. Their efforts, sustained by the enduring belief of the people, continue to inspire our responsibility toward a brighter and more prosperous future.

    May this anniversary renew our resolve. May it deepen our belief in service that places people first, in institutions that endure, and in a future worthy of the trust invested in us. Ogun has given me its values. I continue to believe in its promise.

    Congratulations and happy Golden Jubilee, my dear Ogun State.

    • Isiaka (GNI) is Chairman, House Committee on National Planning and Economic Development

  • Nigeria’s digital asset reform: From regulation to coordination

    Nigeria’s digital asset reform: From regulation to coordination

    By Kike Gbajumo

    Nigeria’s first encounter with the digital frontier of finance was reactive rather than strategic, characterised by episodic interventions rather than a coherent institutional design. That era—marked by “episodic constraint” and “shadow regulation”—saw authorities issue circulars restricting banks and telecommunications operators, creating a patchwork of control that was more reactive than anticipatory. Over time, however, this approach has given way to a structured legal and regulatory framework grounded in statute, fiscal oversight, and coordinated supervision. In its place, a new architecture of “sustained supervision” is taking shape. Yet anyone familiar with bureaucratic processes knows that the distance between enacting a law or issuing regulations and seeing a functioning system in practice is measured in friction, administrative deadlines, and the unyielding march of the calendar.

    By formally bringing virtual asset regulatory coordination under tax administration via Section 79 of the Nigeria Tax Administration Act 2025, authorities have signalled a pragmatic recognition: digital assets have grown too economically significant to be ignored. The classic sequence of regulatory power is on display here—first, make the market observable; then, stabilise it. Observability allows regulators to shift from suppression to market hardening, using oversight to enforce rules and ensure systemic integrity. Yet visibility is a double-edged sword. While the Securities and Exchange Commission’s jurisdiction has been clarified and constrained by Section 79, the statutory design effectively produces a model of “distributed supervision,” in which no single agency has full oversight. Coordination, therefore, becomes not just desirable, but essential—the difference between a functioning market and a regulatory bottleneck. What this architecture now requires is not further policy elaboration but clear command intent to ensure that agencies with intersecting mandates act in sequence rather than at cross-purposes.

    It is against this backdrop of fragmented authority and tightening timelines that regulatory measures have begun to stack, producing what can be described as a pincer movement. Fiscal, market-supervisory, financial-access, and security pressures now converge under overlapping, time-bound regulatory calendars, amplifying the need for precise sequencing.

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    On January 16, the Securities and Exchange Commission issued Circular No. 26-1, materially raising the cost of entry into Nigeria’s digital asset market. Minimum capital requirements for Digital Asset Exchanges and custodians were set at N2 billion, with a compliance deadline of June 30, 2027. Operators now face a stark choice: recapitalise, consolidate, or exit. This regulatory hardening coincides with parallel domestic and international pressures. Nigeria was removed from the FATF Grey List on October 24, 2025, after implementing a 19-point action plan, but obligations remain to strengthen virtual asset monitoring and inter-agency intelligence coordination. Concurrently, banks face a March 31 recapitalisation deadline under Central Bank, while a December MoU with France’s DGFiP highlights international coordination in digital tax enforcement.

    The challenge of poorly coordinated reform lies in the “ghosts” that inhabit bureaucratic machinery—conditionalities and procedural gaps that sit outside the formal permitting pathway. Consider a virtual exchange that meets the SEC’s N2 billion capital threshold, only to find that banks refuse to host its accounts because the CBN has not lifted restrictions on banking access. In this scenario, a SEC licence becomes operationally meaningless. Here, coordination is a matter of survival. Fortunately, the CBN occupies a central regulatory role in virtual asset oversight, whereas other agencies, such as National Communications Commission (NCC), occupy enabling roles. Telecommunications infrastructure—the digital arteries through which customers access platforms—remains pivotal. Unlike banks, whose regulatory obligations are directly enforced by CBN, telecommunications restrictions require additional action from NCC, following guidance from the wider security and financial-integrity apparatus.

    In short, the tax authorities, securities regulators, banks, and telecommunications operators must move in a single, synchronised formation. Without such coordination, the reform risks losing credibility. In a low-trust environment, legal compliance that is obstructed by infrastructure gaps is perceived as institutional failure, even if policy intent is clear. Coming after controversies surrounding passage of tax reform statutes and the MOU with France, operationalising Section 79 without a glitch is essential to maintain market confidence.

    At this stage, calendar and coordination converge, creating a unique urgency. The foundational laws are, however controversially, on the books, and institutions are adjusting to the realities of Section 79. What remains unannounced is the exact mechanism to operationalise coordination, even as sectoral reforms reach a critical point in banking, capital markets, and international fiscal cooperation. Capital is being raised, regulatory scrutiny has intensified, and operators are moving to comply. Yet the final test of reform will be whether a newly licensed digital firm can actually open a bank account and reach customers via the internet. Coordination is no longer a convenience—it is an essential condition for credibility.

    Since the formal lifting of CBN restrictions in late 2023, Nigeria has enacted at least three major statutes incorporating digital assets into multiple regulatory and fiscal regimes. Capital gains taxation, securities licensing, financial and compliance reporting, and revenue-led coordination are now grounded in law. Despite this momentum, residual access constraints have persisted in practice, prolonging a costly period of legal limbo for compliant operators while unregulated actors continue to serve the market. The central challenge is execution—aligning policy intent with operational reality.

    Ultimately, the Gordian Knot is not legal but coordinative. Policy intent is clear, statutory foundations are in place, and institutions are aligned in principle. What remains unresolved is the authority to translate intent consistently across organisational boundaries at a moment when mandates overlap and incentives diverge. Historically, Nigerian reforms move fastest when clear presidential direction reinforces sequencing and inter-agency alignment. Where the “Commander’s intent” is understood, execution follows.

    ·         Gbajumo, a crypto analyst, writes from Lagos

  • Ogun at 50: Gratitude for the journey, questions for conscience

    Ogun at 50: Gratitude for the journey, questions for conscience

    By Toyin Amuzu

    At 50, reflection becomes inevitable. Fifty is a sacred age, an age that demands gratitude, honesty and renewed purpose. As Ogun State marks its Golden Jubilee, I write not only as a citizen, but as an Egba chief, deeply rooted in the history, culture and destiny of this land and as a political stakeholder.

    Ogun State, as we know, was created on February 3, 1976. That decision was not accidental. It was borne out of foresight, an understanding of our people’s capacity for leadership, education, enterprise and civilisation. From the beginning, Ogun was destined to stand tall and that explains its appellation as “Gateway” State for many civilisation.

    Thank God for the journey so far

    First, we must give thanks to God. Fifty years of existence is no small grace. Through military rule, democratic transitions, economic recessions and national uncertainties, Ogun State has endured. Peace has prevailed. Our identity has remained intact. Our people have continued to excel in Nigeria and beyond. This is worthy of thanksgiving. From Egba land to Ijebu, from Yewa to Remo, the people have distinguished themselves in academics, law, medicine, business, arts, politics and public service. Ogun is a major contributor to Nigeria’s human capital and this cannot be denied.

    Honouring our founding fathers

    As we celebrate, we must honour our founding fathers, leaders who laid the foundations of this state with courage and conviction. They envisioned an Ogun State built on education and enlightenment, industrial growth and productivity, cultural pride and discipline, order, responsibility and service. They inherited ideals of the old Western Region and sought to build a state where governance would translate into opportunity. Their sacrifices, though imperfect, were purposeful. History must record them with honour.

    Are we proud of where we are?

    Yet, anniversaries are not only for celebration, they are for truth. At 50, Ogun State must ask itself this question, are we where we ought to be?

    With our strategic location as the gateway between Lagos and the rest of Nigeria, with our vast landmass, educated population and early exposure to quality governance, Ogun should arguably be among the most developed states. If, over the years, our focus had been more firmly anchored on development, driven by sincerity and guided by clear purpose, our story might have been stronger, our impact deeper and our people better served.

    Too often, governance has suffered from discontinuity. Too often, politics has overshadowed policy. Too often, long-term development has been sacrificed on the altar of short-term interests.

    These are not words of bitterness, they are words of concern, spoken in love for Ogun.

    Cost of missed opportunities

    The consequences of missed opportunities are evident. Communities still yearning for durable infrastructure, Young people whose potential is greater than the opportunities available to them, insecurity, public institutions that could perform better with stronger systems and continuity.

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    A development pace that has not always matched Ogun’s natural advantages

    Ogun’s challenge has never been lack of capacity, it has been lack of sustained focus.

    Still a land of promise

    Despite everything, Ogun remains a land of promise. Its people are resilient. Its culture is rich. Its location is strategic. Its potential is unquestionable.

    Some past governance in the state show that when leadership aligns vision with action, Ogun responds positively.

    This tells us one thing clearly, the future can still be greater than the past.

    The call at 50

    As Ogun turns 50, this is a moment for renewal. We must recommit to governance anchored on the people, development that outlives administrations, leadership driven by sincerity and service, politics that serves progress, not personal ambition.

    As a chieftain of Peoples’ Democratic Party, I believe in democratic governance that prioritises inclusion, accountability and development. Ogun deserves leadership across party lines that sees governance as stewardship and legacy, not entitlement.

    Conclusion

    Ogun at 50 is not just a celebration of age, it is a call to conscience. We thank God for the journey. We honour our founding fathers. We acknowledge our achievements. But we must also confront our shortcomings. The best chapters of our story should not lie behind us. With renewed focus, sincerity and purpose, the next 50 years can reflect the greatness that our founders envisioned. Ogun State can still become all it was meant to be.

    Amuzu,  a PDP chieftain , writes from Abeokuta, Ogun State

  • The confluence of hope: How Lokoja dialogue is rewriting Nigeria’s water narrative

    The confluence of hope: How Lokoja dialogue is rewriting Nigeria’s water narrative

    Managing Director of Lokoja Dialogue, Mrs. Polly Alakija explores the mission and vision of a burgeoning initiative aimed at transforming Nigeria’s water crisis into an engine for economic growth. Through an extensive conversation, we look into the organization’s unique “bottom-up” approach to policy and its commitment to community-led solutions. Assistant Editor, Nduka Chiejina reports

    In the heart of Nigeria, where the Great Niger and the Benue rivers meet, lies a symbol of abundance that has, for decades, masked a harsh reality. While the country is often described as water-rich, millions of its citizens remain trapped in a cycle of poverty fueled by a lack of access to clean and usable water. This paradox is the driving force behind a new initiative seeking to bridge the gap between policy and the person on the street.

    Mrs. Polly Alakija, the Managing Director of Lokoja Dialogue, is not interested in the traditional, top-down approach to development. Speaking from her office, she outlines a vision that is as much about listening as it is about engineering. For Alakija, the solution to Nigeria’s water crisis does not lie solely in the hallowed halls of government ministries, but in the resilient, entrepreneurial spirit of the rural communities that feel the brunt of the crisis every day.

    “We have two goals,” Alakija explains. “One goal is policy recommendations—interrogating where we are with the governance frameworks we need to break the poverty cycle brought on by lack of water access. The second is identifying implementable, scalable, bankable solutions for communities.”

    The Lokoja Dialogue, recently launched at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, enters a space where talk is often cheap and implementation is rare. Alakija is acutely aware of the skepticism that follows new NGOs and policy think-tanks. Her strategy to combat this is a four-step process centered on what she calls “bottom-up intelligence.”

    The Listening Project: Intelligence from the Grassroots

    Central to the Lokoja Dialogue’s methodology is the “Listening Project.” Rather than arriving in a village with a pre-packaged solution, the team embeds itself within the community to hear their genuine challenges. However, entering these spaces requires more than just good intentions; it requires the blessing of those who hold the keys to the community.

    “Our gatekeepers to the communities are vital,” Alakija says. “They are our traditional fathers and rulers. We have three patrons: the Emir of Argungu, the Alake of Egbaland, and the Olu of Warri. The Emir of Argungu is particularly key; he is a water engineer by training, with a background in dam management. These leaders validate us, they give us access, and thereafter we embed ourselves to hear what the challenge is, not just from the gatekeepers, but from the communities themselves.”

    This approach acknowledges a fundamental truth that many development projects overlook: a sustainable solution is one that the community itself invests in. Alakija is firm on the idea that “free lunches” are a thing of the past in the development world. If a community does not believe in a solution enough to invest their own time, resources, or effort into it, the project is destined to fail.

    “The keys to any solution must be with the community,” she asserts. “When people understand you are there to listen, they are ready to talk. Our challenge then is that we must deliver, because we have raised an expectation. The proof will be in the pudding over the next few months.”

    Breaking the Silos: The WEFE Nexus

    The “Dialogue” in the organization’s name refers to a series of working groups held under Chatham House rules. These sessions bring together ten to fifteen subject matter experts from academia, the public sector, the private sector, and the communities themselves. They interrogate challenges and case studies to see what might actually work on the ground.

    The framework guiding these discussions is known as the “WEFE Nexus,” an acronym standing for Water, Energy, Food Security, and Ecosystems. It is a trans-sectoral approach already gaining traction in countries like Egypt and Morocco, but one that Alakija believes is sorely needed in Nigeria.

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    “At the moment, our water governance space tends to be somewhat siloed,” Alakija notes. “You do irrigation, you do water transportation—we have these little silos and we are not collaborating effectively. WEFE is a way to integrate an approach across sectors. Water is trans-sectoral. We need to start seeing our governance structures through that lens.”

    At the launch, the presence of representatives from the ministries of Budget and Planning, Finance, Water Resources, and Foreign Affairs served as a testament to this integrated vision. Alakija argues that you cannot talk about food security without talking about water, and you cannot talk about water without discussing the energy required to move it.

    The Human Cost of a Changing Climate

    While the policy discussions are vital, the urgency of the Lokoja Dialogue is driven by the visible, devastating effects of climate change, particularly in Northern Nigeria. Alakija speaks with a sense of mourning for the landscapes she once knew.

    “If you go into a community and talk about ‘climate change,’ it is not relevant to them,” she says. “Their reality is here and now, and that reality is a lack of access to water for irrigation and economic empowerment. If you have no water to farm, you won’t have the prosperity needed for WASH (Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene) facilities. It is a chicken-and-egg situation.”

    She points to Lake Chad as the most “obvious illustration” of the crisis. The lake has shrunk to a mere ten percent of its size from forty years ago. This is not just a geographical shift; it is a human catastrophe. The drying of the lake and the shrinking of wetlands like those in Nguru have dismantled ancient ecosystems where fishing, herding, and farming once existed in a delicate balance.

    “The women in those communities talk about their husbands historically being fishermen,” Alakija shares. “They say that now the fishing is much reduced, their husbands go to fish elsewhere, and quite often, they don’t come back. The women talk about being abandoned. They aren’t even widows, because the husbands say they are going to find water elsewhere, but there is no other water for a long way. One can only imagine where they are going to find a livelihood.”

    In the Northwest, the story is similar. The Emir of Argungu has shared stories of a time when the skies were filled with migratory birds and the rivers were so rich that fish would literally fall from the trees where birds nested. Today, those skies are silent. The rivers have become stagnant ponds, and the soil in parts of Kebbi State looks like “burnt toast.”

    “The soil is depleted,” Alakija describes. “There are barely any trees. It is dust. To eke anything out of that soil, you have to use artificial fertilizers which might bring a crop this year but mean your soil is burnt for next year. Farmers are now doing migratory farming, moving to Niger State to find viable land. They are just carrying the problem with them.”

    The Water Paradox: Abundance Amidst Scarcity

    The central irony that the Lokoja Dialogue seeks to address is that Nigeria possesses immense freshwater resources. The problem is not a lack of water, but a lack of management and education.

    “Nigeria is one of the African countries with the most freshwater,” Alakija says. “It is just not right there where the community is. There are places around the world that have turned their deserts into farming land. It can be done. It is not even complicated technology; it is about education and maintenance.”

    She cites a conversation with an ambassador of a country that successfully reclaimed its desert: “I asked what the number one action they took was, and he said ‘education.’ People need to understand about managing their water resources—what you can do and what you can’t.”

    Alakija points to the “pincushion” effect of NGOs sinking boreholes across the country. “How many NGOs train people in that community to maintain that borehole? They do not. They sink it and leave. A year later, it breaks down. For every one borehole working, there are probably three that are not. We need to go and fix what is there and build capacity to maintain it. It’s not complicated; it’s water in a pipe and a few pumps.”

    Empowering the Real Problem Solvers: The Women

    When it comes to implementation, Alakija’s “number one go-to” is women’s organizations. Drawing from her experience with education NGOs, she has seen firsthand the resilience and entrepreneurial capacity of rural women.

    “In my experience, these women in rural communities are so entrepreneurial and resilient,” she says. “They can problem-solve like nobody else. There is an inherent bias that a rural woman is uneducated and therefore can’t implement programs. But if you have lived in those communities for 48 hours and survived, you are a problem solver. If they can feed their families in those conditions, they are ready to help implement a program.”

    The Lokoja Dialogue plans to tap into the existing self-organized networks of women across the country. Alakija believes that by training these women and giving them the tools to manage water resources, the “community gap” in governance can finally be closed.

    Policy Gaps and the Conflict Crisis

    On the policy front, the challenges are equally steep. The National Water Bill has been stuck in a bottleneck since it was first drafted in 2020. Alakija questions whether a bill drafted four years ago is even fit for purpose today, given how rapidly the geopolitical and demographic realities have changed.

    “When it was drafted, we didn’t have the same level of conflicts bubbling up around lack of access to water,” she notes. “Boko Haram wasn’t even the same thing then. We are now beset with conflict issues over access to water. Sub-Saharan Africa is feeling the brunt of both natural climate cycles and man-made effects.”

    The clashes between herders and farmers, while complex, often boil down to the most basic necessity. “These cows need water to drink,” Alakija says simply. “If your lake dries up, you are going to go to where the water is. We all would, no matter your background. We need a strategy that is regional and trans-boundary, because this issue doesn’t stop at Nigeria’s borders. It involves Chad, Niger, and Benin Republic.”

    Education: The DNA of Water Management

    For Alakija, the long-term solution lies in changing the “DNA” of how Nigerians interact with water, starting with children. This was a key theme at the organization’s launch, which featured a significant presence of young people.

    “Nigeria has this water paradox, but even countries without our resources manage their water reality by taking basic measures,” she explains. “We need to understand how to manage our water better.”

    She gives the example of “efficient irrigation.” Often, when a community gets a pump, it gushes water everywhere, wasting the majority of the resource. Education can teach farmers how to get water directly to the plant, allowing them to grow more with less.

    Similarly, she points to the basic habit of water storage. “Children fetch water and tip it into a bigger tank that hasn’t been cleaned in five years. They use that same water for cooking, drinking, and washing. We teach children to keep one clean keg specifically for drinking water—straight from the well to the keg. Don’t drink from the tank. These are basic things that prevent waterborne diseases and make a heap of difference.”

    A Five-Year Vision

    Looking ahead, Alakija is focused on tangible impact. In three to five years, she hopes to move beyond ideas to a portfolio of successful projects that have transformed community economies.

    “I want us to see that by five years’ time, I’m showing you the impact,” she says. “We would measure success in terms of economic activity for communities. This is about providing economic resilience and breaking the poverty cycle through water access.”

    On the policy side, her goal is more collaborative: “I hope we can help shape strategies that are more trans-sectoral—less about working in silos and more about working together to fill that community gap.”

    As the Lokoja Dialogue prepares to send out field evaluation teams in January and February to pilot its first set of ideas, the eyes of many will be on this unique confluence of traditional leadership, technical expertise, and community engagement. In a land of two great rivers, the hope is that the flow of water will finally lead to a flow of prosperity for all.

    “We have to rekindle that connect with our communities,” Alakija concludes. “Our patrons—the Emir, the Alake, and the Olu—are there to keep us in check and remind us of our mandate. We have to serve our communities. That is the only way forward.”

    A Royal Mandate for Change

    Crucial to this mission is the support of traditional leadership. The Emir of Argungu, Alhaji Sama’Il Mohammed Mera, who serves as a patron for Lokoja Dialogue, provides a poignant perspective on why this initiative is different. As a water engineer by training, the Emir understands the technicalities, but as a ruler, he feels the human cost.

    The Emir observes that Alakija has used the universal language of art to tell the difficult story of climate change, specifically the profound impact that human activities, such as mega-dams, have had on Argungu and its environs.

    “The disruption of our ancient river systems and the total decimation of our wetlands and the biodiversity they used to support is a story that needs to be told, and you are giving it a canvas and a voice,” the Emir says. “For this, you have my deepest respect and the gratitude of my people.”

    The Emir’s involvement signifies a shift from abstract policy to localized action. He expresses great admiration for Alakija’s decision to cast the first stone of this endeavor not in a distant location, but in the heart of a pressing need: the community of Bachaka, in Arewa Local Government.

    “In Bachaka, the relentless search for water is a daily, grinding reality, particularly for our women and children,” the Emir notes. “To spend nearly six hours of every single day—hours that should be spent in school, in productive work, or in rest—searching for a basic human right like drinking water, is a narrative we must change. This is not merely an inconvenience; it is a chain that binds our community to a cycle of poverty and lost potential.”

    By choosing Bachaka, the Emir believes Lokoja Dialogue has demonstrated that it is not an organization of lofty words alone, but one of tangible, life-changing action. “You are bringing the promise of the confluence directly to those who need to feel its flow the most,” he says.

  • Nigeria’s economy may be back from the brink

    Nigeria’s economy may be back from the brink

    • A spate of painful reforms is beginning to show results

    When Nigeria returned to civilian rule in 1999, Olusegun Obasanjo, the elected president, set out to clean up the economy after years of mismanagement by military governments. Initially dismissed by critics, by the end of his second term Mr Obasanjo’s liberal policies had tamed inflation, spurred investment and raised annual GDP growth to around 7%. It didn’t last.

    Over the past decade GDP per person has fallen. Yet evidence is now mounting that another stretch of “golden years”, as one analyst calls the period following Mr Obasanjo’s liberalisation, may be on the cards.

    In the past two and a half years Bola Tinubu, who in Mr Obasanjo’s day was the governor of Lagos and was elected president in 2023, has been enacting his own set of structural reforms. As he gears up to run for a second term in 2027, they may be starting to pay off.

    It is difficult to overstate the mess Mr Tinubu inherited. When he took office in 2023, the country’s central bank had $7bn (equivalent to 1.4% of gdp at the time) in obligations it could not meet, prompting international investors to flee en masse. The bank’s credibility had been dented by a recklessly loose monetary policy, its mismanagement of dwindling foreign-exchange reserves and efforts to maintain an unsustainable tiered exchange-rate system. In 2022 alone the cash-strapped government spent some $10bn, equivalent to 2.2% of GDP, on a ruinous fuel subsidy.

    To fix things, Mr Tinubu’s government got on with a package of drastic structural reforms. It abolished the fuel subsidy and abandoned that multi-tiered system of dollar-pegged exchange rates, largely allowing the naira to float.

    The central bank aggressively tightened monetary policy to curb the resulting bout of inflation. The government also moved to improve security in the Niger Delta and offered a range of tax incentives to investors to boost dwindling oil production.

    Nearly three years on, Nigeria’s 230m people, especially the poor and the middle class, are still reeling from increases in fuel and food prices. Poverty has risen. But it looks as though Mr Tinubu’s bitter medicine is helping. The annual inflation rate, which hit a nearly 30-year high of 34.8% in December 2024, fell to 15.2% in December 2025.

    READ ALSO: The men who ruined a republic

    Growth is returning. The IMF expects the economy to expand by 4.4% in 2026. Following two steep devaluations in 2023, the naira has stabilised. The central bank’s foreign-exchange reserves have risen to $46bn, their highest level in seven years.

    Improvements in macroeconomic stability are restoring investor confidence. On January 22nd Shell, a British company, said it hopes in 2027 to finalise plans, with partners, to develop a $20bn offshore oilfield that has been sitting untapped for over 20 years. Exxon Mobil, an American firm, has committed $1.5bn to deepwater development until 2027.

    Local business leaders are more upbeat, too. Oil-and-gas production is rising, much of it driven by local firms plugging leaks and improving output in onshore projects in the Niger Delta, which has become safer thanks to Mr Tinubu’s focus on security there.

    All this should give the government some fiscal breathing room, particularly as the cheaper naira begins to raise the competitiveness of Nigeria’s non-oil exports such as cocoa and cashew nuts.

    Recent reforms to taxation and tax collection, Mr Tinubu’s latest project, should help improve revenues further in the coming years. Falling inflation should eventually begin to ease the cost-of-living pain.

    However, even optimists have plenty of reasons to be cautious. Savings from the fuel subsidy have largely been spent on servicing the public debt, which is still rising as the government continues to borrow against future sales of oil to fund its deficit. Currently, some 60% of revenues are consumed by debt service.

    On January 20th Nigeria’s finance minister said the government hoped to borrow less this year, but current budget projections suggest that is not realistic. “The government is broke. There’s nothing to invest in the future, that’s the truth,” says Esili Eigbe of Escap, a Nigerian consultancy.

    Unless the government cuts civil-service salaries, another big chunk of spending, or is able to restructure loans to make them cheaper, the extra revenue from recent tax reforms looks unlikely to be available for improving infrastructure or to pay for public health care and education. “They’ve brought the deficit down, but they don’t seem to show any greater ability to get capital projects out of the door,“ says David Cowan, an economist at Citi, an American bank.

    All this means that it will take a long time for ordinary Nigerians, who until now have mostly borne the pain of Mr Tinubu’s reforms, to feel any benefit.

    Buying food has been a particular struggle, not just for the 42% of Nigerians who live on less than $3 a day, the World Bank’s definition of extreme poverty, but also for the urban middle class. The price of a kilo of rice has nearly quadrupled since May 2023, while wages have barely budged. Even though inflation is now falling, many still struggle to afford enough to eat.

    Mr Obasanjo’s reforms in the early 2000s aimed to increase economic dynamism and improve people’s lives by attracting fresh capital investment into newly privatised sectors. By the end of his second term in 2007, domestic companies were worth $85bn, up from $3bn in 1999.

    Mr Tinubu, by contrast, has so far focused on restoring stability and reviving the country’s ailing oil-and-gas sector. To bring about more golden years for Nigerians, he needs to go beyond that

    • (Culled from The Economist)             

  • When NSITF took intervention project to Enugu

    When NSITF took intervention project to Enugu

    By Nwachukwu Godson

    The Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF) is delivering visible and distinct progress across the nation’s world of work. This transformation is not episodic but linear, marked by measurable and sustained improvement. An era of institutional awakening aptly describes current developments within the nation’s apex social security agency.

    A clear example is the revival of the Safe Workplace Intervention Project (SWIP)-a flagship social intervention initiative that had been abandoned for nearly a decade. SWIP is a programme designed to promote and reward excellence in occupational safety culture across workplaces. It is jointly run by the NSITF and the Nigeria Employers’ Consultative Association (NECA), with the Occupational Safety and Health Department of the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment as the technical audit partner.

    Last held in 2018, the programme had largely faded from public consciousness. But the tide has turned. SWIP has returned with the kick-off of the delayed 2025 edition,  in Lagos on January 20, 2026 for the South West zone; continuing in Enugu on January 22 for the South East/South South zone; and concluding in Abuja on January 27, 2026 for the Northern zone. This essay focuses on the Enugu edition for specific and compelling reasons.

    SWIP is conceived as a fulcrum for the continuous growth of occupational safety and health (OSH), with expanded social protection driving increased participation in the Employees’ Compensation Scheme (ECS). It serves as a lever that pivots the ECS from a reactive compensation framework to a proactive prevention model, recognising that accident prevention is the first and most critical step in employee compensation. In essence, the scheme prioritises safety first, and compensation only when the inevitable occurs.

    The programme provides a structured interface between employers, employees, and regulators, rewarding outstanding safety consciousness through rigorous workplace audits. It measures occupational safety performance, identifies infrastructural gaps, and advocates upgrades in safety infrastructure. In doing so, SWIP foregrounds OSH standards and ECS compliance within the broader social security ecosystem, while instilling a strong culture of accident prevention in workplaces.

    In Enugu, the event held at the Amadeo Event Centre in the heart of the Coal City. The gathering evoked palpable nostalgia, as employers and employees converged from across the old Eastern Region on their former regional capital. Attendance included the Enugu State Governor, Peter Mbah, represented by the Commissioner for Trade and Investment, Samuel Ogbu-Nwobodo; the Honourable Minister of State for Labour and Employment, Nkiruka Onyejiocha; the Managing Director of NSITF, Oluwaseun Faleye; the Chairman of NECA, Ifeanyi Okoye; NECA Director-General, Adewale Smart-Oyerinde; NSITF Executive Directors Mojisola Alli-Maculay (Operations) and Sama’ila Abdu (Administration); the representative of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC); captains of industry; and workers.

    In his address, the Governor reaffirmed Enugu State’s commitment to creating a safe and investor-friendly environment, noting significant improvements in the ease of doing business. The Minister of State for Labour and Employment emphasised the Ministry would continue to enforce occupational safety standards to protect workers and enhance national productivity.

    The Managing Director of NSITF, Oluwaseun Faleye, stated that the future of work would be defined by how well the nation protects its workforce. He stressed that every worker matters and that no job is worth a life, describing these principles as central to the Employees Compensation Scheme. He further described SWIP as a strategic platform for raising awareness on ECS compliance while placing occupational safety and health at the forefront of national discourse.

    NECA Chairman, Ifeanyi Okoye, who noted that he is the first South-Easterner to lead the association and the first NECA chairman outside Lagos, described the occasion as historic. He said the programme enhances employers’ understanding of their legal obligations regarding occupational safety and health. Echoing this view, NECA Director-General, Adewale Smart-Oyerinde, described workers’ safety and welfare as the most profitable investment any employer can make.

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    The session drew significant applause when the representative of the Nigeria Labour Congress, an associate professor, called for wages and incomes to rise proportionately with inflation. “As the prices of goods and services surge, we want the same inflation on our income and wages,” she declared, to loud approval from workers in attendance.

    In her presentation, the Executive Director, Operations, Mojisolaoluwa Macaulay, revealed that the Fund has registered over 197,938 companies, covering more than seven million employees. She noted that in 2025 alone, occupational safety awareness programmes were conducted in 2,763 companies, while 814 workplace accidents, including 23 fatalities, were investigated. She added that over N1 billion was paid in compensatory benefits during the year, including more than N400 million paid to 39 Nigeria Customs Service personnel. She concluded that when prevention is prioritised, compensation becomes a safety net rather than a system under strain.

    The 2025 SWIP exercise involved audits of 250 selected workplaces nationwide, conducted by trained teams from the Ministry of Labour to ensure integrity and transparency. Continuous feedback was provided to the Project Planning and Coordination Committee throughout the process. Winners emerged based on seven thematic audit areas, including outstanding workplace safety, safety innovation, leadership excellence in OSH, emergency preparedness, sustainability and emergency management, zero-accident achievement, community impact and corporate social responsibility, as well as overall zonal performance. All audited workplaces received certificates, while winners were rewarded with items such as ambulances, wearable digital exposure monitoring devices, fire extinguishers, safety signages and posters, reflective jackets, and industrial safety helmets.

    While the exercise was widely applauded, it also raised important questions about occupational safety culture in the South East. All 24 prizes, from first to third positions, were won by companies in Enugu and Abia States, leaving workplaces in Anambra, Imo, and Ebonyi States without any awards. Notably, no company from the industrial clusters of Onitsha and Nnewi featured among the winners-raising a timely alarm on the need to strengthen workplace safety consciousness across the zone.

    •Godson is the General Manager, Estate and Maintenance, Nigeria Social Insurance Trust Fund (NSITF).

  • Post-USAID Nigeria: A new path for NGOs and Renewed Hope Ward programme

    Post-USAID Nigeria: A new path for NGOs and Renewed Hope Ward programme

    By Judith-Ann Walker, PhD

    On 20 January 2025, the United States government issued Executive Order 14169 (EO 14169), effectively ending 65 years of USAID assistance to Nigeria. That relationship began in 1961 with grants to four major colleges of agriculture at Nigerian universities in Ibadan, Nsukka, Zaria and Ife. An in-depth review of USAID’s official assistance to Nigeria between 2002 and 2024 shows a steady rise in US commitment to Nigeria’s development. From a US$90 million obligation in 2002 — the first fiscal year after Nigeria’s return to civilian rule and recertification — funding climbed to a peak of US$1 billion in the 2023 budget year. By 2024, USAID’s obligated funds to Nigeria had fallen slightly to US$930.2 million.

    For much of those 65 years, USAID operated a programming model in Nigeria that favoured US implementing partners, with disproportionate funding directed towards US consultants’ fees, grants to US prime partners and contracts for US technical assistance firms. Less widely known is that, shortly before USAID’s departure, its Nigeria mission was the only development partner with a clearly defined localisation policy shaped by Grand Bargain commitments. This policy set targets for increasing funding to Nigerian NGOs and reducing awards to US partners. Over a ten-year period, USAID data accessed in 2024 showed that direct funding to local Nigerian partners rose from 4.2 per cent in 2002 to 10.2 per cent in 2022 as a share of total obligated funds.

    Under USAID’s localisation policy, Nigerian NGOs received direct funding alongside capacity-strengthening support and sector-wide civil society network development. Nigerian NGOs working in HIV/AIDS programming were among the main beneficiaries of this model. In 2025, as USAID wound down its Nigeria programmes, one notable initiative to close was an intervention designed to transfer lessons from USAID’s localisation experience in the development sector to Nigeria’s humanitarian sector. This took the form of a formative study by the Fritz Institute (USA) titled Humanitarian Supply Chain Management – Partnership for Localisation. The study was commissioned by USAID Washington and implemented under the supervision of the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning. The Development Research and Projects Centre (dRPC) played a supporting role, providing technical assistance to review and strengthen field research tools.

    With USAID’s exit from both development and humanitarian programming in Nigeria, NGOs in the humanitarian space lost the opportunity to benefit from the Fritz study. In the development sector, several leading Nigerian NGOs that had received direct USAID funding lost their grants. Thousands of smaller sub-grantee organisations working under larger NGOs to deliver community-level services were also affected. Since April 2025, Nigerian NGOs operating in areas such as youth entrepreneurship, climate justice, public health advocacy, school safety, reducing the number of zero-dose children, and human rights have been forced to close programmes, shut offices and lay off staff.

    For Nigerian NGOs that have remained active into 2026 and continue to deliver impactful work despite funding constraints, this period has demanded forced innovation — building new networks, engaging new funders and pursuing collective advocacy for more sustainable financing.

    On 24 October 2025, the Nigerian offices of three philanthropic foundations — the MacArthur Foundation, the Ford Foundation and Luminate — convened a pivotal dialogue on the future resilience of Nigerian NGOs in the absence of large donor funding. Over five hours, NGOs, development partners, researchers and thought leaders debated key issues raised in a keynote presentation by The Nextier Group, before agreeing on strategic recommendations to strengthen sustainability and resilience across the sector. While many recommendations challenged NGOs to rethink strategies, diversify funding sources and adopt new business models, others called on development partners to be more innovative in providing long-term strategic support.

    Read Also: 2026: Dissecting Nigeria’s boom year

    A key issue raised by the Executive Director of dRPC at the close of the dialogue was the need to reframe NGO sustainability within the broader context of localisation in development assistance. Although USAID has departed, localisation — its flagship downward accountability priority — should not disappear from Nigeria’s aid landscape. She highlighted a strategic opportunity to strengthen the Nigerian NGO sector by mainstreaming localisation principles into Nigeria’s National Official Development Assistance (ODA) Policy, which is currently under review by the Federal Ministry of Budget and Economic Planning. This could involve embedding clear guidelines for funding and capacity-strengthening support for Nigerian NGOs at national and sub-national levels across both development and humanitarian value chains.

    As Nigerian NGOs confront the financial headwinds of 2026, far more needs to be done to provide fit-for-purpose funding similar to the small grants offered through initiatives such as dRPC’s NGO Support Initiative (NSI) with Ford Foundation support, as well as programmes backed by ACT Foundation, Global Affairs Canada, Irish Aid and the Government of Hungary.

    Equally significant is a new opportunity for the Nigerian government to provide direct support to community-based civil society organisations through initiatives such as the Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme (RHWD). The positive development is that the grant award process under RHWD opened in 2026. However, the process currently accepts applications only from individuals through Ward Coordinators. While commendable, the initiative could achieve far greater impact with modest redesign to include the thousands of community and self-help groups across Nigeria working to improve the lives of vulnerable populations.

    •Walker, PhD (International Development, ISS, The Hague), is Executive Director of dRPC and a member of Nigeria’s Presidential High-Level Council on Women and Girls. Email: info@drpcngr.org

  • Ogun @ 50: Leading the way in governance and grace

    Ogun @ 50: Leading the way in governance and grace

    By Femi Ogbonnikan

    Ogun State is poised to celebrate the 50th anniversary of its creation—a landmark historical milestone. This celebration, however, is more than just the passage of time; it is a tribute to the remarkable achievements that have established the state as a leading light in the country.

    By divine providence, Ogun State has the distinct honour of being the home of peerless political leaders and globally renowned scholars. The collective contributions of eminent icons and pioneers, such as the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Nobel Laureate Professor Wole Soyinka, Dr Tai Solarin, Chief (Dr) Moses Majekodunmi, the Kutis, Shofelas, Akintola Williams, and Ernest Shonekan, among others, laid the bedrock for the progress we celebrate today.

    Known as the cradle of Nigeria’s intellectual and political elite, the state’s journey has been shaped by the combined advantage of its geographical location and the brilliance of its people. Indeed, the enduring contributions of its human endowment remain the heartbeat of this 50-year success story.

    To honour the pioneering spirit of our founding fathers, celebrate five decades of socio-economic and intellectual leadership, and catalyze a new era of innovation and inclusive growth for all citizens of the Gateway State, we must all see this event as a call to action. Let us unite to build a legacy that will inspire the next generation. As we cross this historic threshold, let’s turn the next 50 years into an era of unprecedented industrial and cultural prosperity.

    For the youth, the next 50 years belong to you. Let the achievements of our icons fuel your ambition. Rise with Ogun at 50. For a 50th-anniversary celebration, emphasizing the youth is vital because they are the ones who will carry the state through the next 50 years. As the education capital of Nigeria, the youth are the most significant stakeholders in this Golden Jubilee.The foundations laid by our founding fathers—and strengthened by current leadership—were built specifically to serve as your launching pad. With the highest concentration of tertiary institutions in the nation and a rapidly expanding industrial landscape, Ogun State provides you with the tools to compete, not just locally, but globally. As we celebrate 50 years of history, we are, in truth, celebrating the beginning of your era. Seize the opportunity, innovate with purpose, and carry the torch of excellence forward.

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    The 50th anniversary of Ogun State is a testament to what vision and continuity can achieve. For you as tomorrow’s leaders, the good foundation laid by our leaders is now visible in our tech hubs, our industrial zones, and our classrooms. You are the sons and daughters of giants like Soyinka and Awolowo; greatness is in your DNA. This Jubilee is a call to action. Leverage our status as Nigeria’s industrial hub, take up the mantle of ethical leadership. The building of the Ogun State of 2026 starts today.

    Fifty years ago, a path was cleared. Today, that path has become a highway of opportunity. Both past and present leaders have ensured that the youth of Ogun State do not start from scratch, but from a position of strength. Whether in the arts, sciences, or commerce, the Gateway State stands ready to support your ambitions. You are the heartbeat of our future—let us build the next half-century together.

    We must acknowledge that progress is a relay race where each leader passes the baton to the next. Crucially, the visionary stewardship of both past and present leaders has established a robust foundation, ensuring that the youth of Ogun State are well-positioned to inherit a future of boundless opportunity. From the pioneers of 1976 to the innovators of today, our leaders have consistently prioritised building a sustainable legacy that empowers our young ones to reach global heights. Built on the wisdom of the past and the drive of the present, the foundation of Ogun State is now a launching pad for the dreams of our next generation.

    The dedication of both past and present leaders has laid an enduring legacy for the future of our youth, ensuring that the Gateway State remains a beacon of hope and excellence for generations to come.

    As the state with the highest number of tertiary institutions in Nigeria, the future is already paved for the progress of our youth. The emerging tech hubs and digital literacy programmes for young entrepreneurs serve as a competitive advantage.

    Additionally, the state’s industrial growth provides jobs through the massive industrial hubs in Ota, Agbara, and Sagamu.

    Despite the unique diversity of its people, Ogun State remains bound by a common vision of economic prosperity. Acknowledging this diversity is important because Ogun State is famously composed of several distinct sub-groups-Egba, Ijebu, Remo, Yewa, Awori, etc, who, despite their different dialects and traditions, have built a powerhouse economy together.

    Each of these sub-divisions has made specific contributions to the state’s collective success. The pioneers of  enlightenment which Ogun State is known for are largely from the Egba people. They are historically the firsts in many categories of Nigerian development. In their unique contributions, they served as the entry point for Western education and Christianity in Nigeria. They produced the first indigenous newspaper in Nigeria (Iwe Irohin) and established Abeokuta as a fortress of resistance against colonial and regional invaders. Olumo Rock, the iconic symbol, which represents resilience and refuge, defines the Egba spirit.

     The Ijebu division is the commercial heartbeat of the state, known globally for their business acumen and fiscal discipline. They pioneered modern banking and massive indigenous trade networks that still sustain the state’s economy today. They host the Ojude Oba Festival, one of Africa’s biggest cultural celebrations, which has become a major tourism revenue generator for the state. The Awujale’s Palace remains a symbol of one of the oldest and most organized monarchies in Yorubaland.

    Remo land, including Sagamu, Iperu, and Ikenne, is where the state’s political philosophy and industrial strength intersect. It is the birthplace of the Awoist philosophy of free education and social welfare, which defined the Western Region and modern Ogun State. It hosts massive manufacturing plants (like Coleman Cables and Lafarge Cement) and the Gateway International Airport (GIA), positioning the state as a global logistics hub. The Awo Legacy at Ikenne, signifying intellectual and political leadership.

    Formerly known as Egbado, the Yewa people occupy the western frontiers and are the guardians of the state’s international borders. They provide the state’s food basket, specializing in large-scale agriculture, particularly cocoa, cassava, and timber. Their strategic position on the border with the Benin Republic facilitates the cross-border trade that earns Ogun State its Gateway title. Its

    iconic symbol is the Yewa River, which gave the division its name and symbolizes life and continuity.

    The Awori people around Ota, Agbara and the Egun around Ipokia provide the vital links to the Lagos economy and the Atlantic. They transformed Ota into one of the largest industrial clusters in Africa. If Ogun is the industrial hub of Nigeria, the Awori land is its engine room.

    The Egun bring a rich maritime and salt-processing heritage, along with the vibrant Tongeji Island, and Zangbeto culture, adding a unique coastal dimension to the state’s identity.

    As we stand on the threshold of our Golden Jubilee, we look back not as a collection of separate towns and tribes, but as one indivisible family bound by a shared heritage.

    Our strength lies in our Unity in Diversity. We are the intellectual depth of the Egba. We are the commercial brilliance of the Ijebu. We are the industrial grit of the Remo. We are the boundless fertility of the Yewa. We are the manufacturing might of the Awori and the cultural vibrancy of the Egun. Separately, we are proud divisions; but together, we are Ogun State—the heartbeat of the nation and the gateway to the future.

    The foundation laid by our sages and sustained by our present leaders has prepared us for this moment. As the sun rises on our next fifty years, let us pledge to build a state where the dreams of our youth find a home, where our economy knows no limits, and where our leading light never dims. Fifty years of history. Five divisions of strength. One vision of prosperity.

    While boasting a rich tapestry of sub-ethnic diversity, the people of Ogun State remain indissolubly united by a singular vision of shared economic prosperity and industrial growth. In Ogun State, diversity is our strength. Beyond the varied traditions of our people lies a common, unwavering commitment to making the Gateway State a bastion of economic opportunity.

    Transcending its unique cultural diversity, Ogun State remains united by a common drive for economic advancement, cementing its role as the nation’s industrial powerhouse.

    Though our people represent a beautiful mosaic of traditions and dialects, we are unified by one common goal: the pursuit of lasting economic prosperity for every citizen.

    It is this unity of purpose that continues to drive our state toward a future as bright as its illustrious past.

    While our people represent a unique tapestry of cultural diversity, Ogun remains a leader in the Nigerian federation. For inclusivity, the leadership ensure that every group within the state feels seen and part of the historial achievements we all celebrate.

    Governor Dapo Abiodun occupies a unique position as the chief host of this epoch-making event, showcasing his administration’s achievements and vision for the state’s future. His leadership has been marked by significant progress in infrastructure development, human capital growth, and economic transformation, earning him recognition as a visionary leader.  His leadership ensures that the state’s legacy is not only preserved but propelled into a new era of prosperity.

    He will forever be known as the Jubilee Governor. The Gateway International Airport is a 50-year dream being realized under his watch. Over the last six years, he has elevated Ogun’s status to the  number one industrial destination of choice in Nigeria. He is the guardian of this milestone, overseeing a period where the state’s industrial and intellectual heritage is being transformed into a sustainable, global success story.

    As he nears the end of his term in 2027, Abiodun’s legacy is being cemented as a champion of progress and development in Ogun State.

    • Ogbonnikan is a Senior Special Assistant (SSA) to the Ogun State Governor on Media

  • He was the best of New Nigerian’s “Young Turks”

    He was the best of New Nigerian’s “Young Turks”

    By Mohammed Haruna

    Alhaji Yakubu Mohammed, a co-founder of Newswatch who died in the early hours of Wednesday January 14 aged 75, and myself were friends and professional colleagues of over 50 years. This goes back to our days of reporting and writing for the defunct New Nigerian as undergraduates, he from the University of Lagos {UNILAG) and I from Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria.

    Both of us joined the newspaper, once regarded as the most literate, authoritative and independent in the country, as full time staff in 1976 after our National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) year in 1975. He had served with the newspaper as a youth corper at its headquarters in Kaduna on its own request, and I at a Catholic secondary school in Ozuobulu, near Nnewi, in Anambra State.

    I had wanted to serve at the newspaper’s Lagos office but the late Malam Turi Muhammadu, then the Editor and mentor to both Yakubu and myself, told me he was sorry he couldn’t oblige me because NYSC gave the newspaper only one slot. And, given the fact that even as an amateur reporter as a student of Mass Communication Yakubu had beaten other national, many of them older, newspapers to big stories like the forged certificates admission racket at UNILAG in 1974, he was the obvious choice.

    I couldn’t quarrel with the newspaper’s decision, but belonging to the same Nupe ethnic group and coming from the same Bida town in Niger State with Malam Turi, I had thought he would made a case for me with the NYSC to be posted to the newspaper’s Lagos office. Instead, he urged me to accept my posting.

    Malam Turi’s decision spoke volumes about the New Nigerian as a newspaper which put great store on merit and professionalism, values that reflected in the quality of its journalism and the rigour and pungency of its editorials and articles in those good old days.

    Apart from Yakubu and myself, three other graduates joined its editorial department in the same year, namely, Mvendaga Jibo, currently a professor of Journalism at Benue State University, Sule Iyaji and Rufa’i Ibrahim, both of them late. Actually, Mvendaga who, along with Rufa’i, had graduated in Political Science from the University of Ibadan in 1974, had joined the newspaper the year before us. But then shortly after his appointment he left to pursue a Masters in the UK on a Commonwealth Scholarship before returning in 1976 to rejoin the newspaper.

    Before Mvendaga, Sully Abu had been recruited in late 1972 after his Higher School Certificate from Federal Government College, Sokoto, where he was editor-in-chief of its Press Club. He then rejoined as full time staff in 1978 after his graduation from the University of Ibadan and youth service.  

    A year or so later, we were joined by Clem Baiye (who, like me, had also reported and written for the newspaper as a student in ABU) and Musa Shafi’i. Musa came in from Bayero University, Kano.

    As Yakubu said in his recollection of his days at the New Nigerian in his memoir, Beyond Expectations, Malam Turi fondly labelled the eight of us “Young Turks” on account of the rigorous way we always engaged him, and the management in general, on the content of the newspaper in and out of editorial meetings.

    Together the eight of us got on very well with each other like a house on fire, as the English would say. Sadly, this happy relationship did not last for long. First, Jibo who had been appointed Political Editor on his return from the UK, disagreed on policy with the management over an issue and was asked to resign, which he did. Rufa’i joined him in solidarity and both left to join the Daily Times. Next, Sully left to become the spokesman of the late Alhaji Abubakar Rimi, the radical civilian governor of Kano State under the leftish Peoples Redemption Party (PRP).

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    After that, Iyaji left to work for Peugeot Automobile Company of Nigeria in Kaduna as its spokesman. That left Yakubu, Clem, Musa and myself out of the eight “Young Turks”, with Yakubu as the first among equals in the team, as the newspaper’s second Associate Editor in Lagos. The first was the late Chief Mike Pearse.

    We remained a happy and cohesive bunch until the return of civilian rule in October 1979 which came with a change in the leadership of the newspaper when Malam Turi, who had succeeded Malam Mamman Daura as Managing Director, was replaced by the late Alhaji Tukur Othman, himself a veteran of the newspaper.

    Sadly, matters started to take a turn for the worse under Alhaji Tukur. When the new civilian authorities in Lagos started meddling in the running of the newspaper, he, unlike his predecessors, did little to pushback. On the contrary, he aided and abetted their meddlesomeness.

    Yakubu became the first victim of this interference. His story of how he was almost literally pushed out in 1980 from a newspaper he had grown to love so much, is one of the highlights of his memoire which he presented to the public in Lagos – his second home after his hometown of Ologba in Dekina Local Government of Kogi State – barely two months ago on November 4.

    Much as I had wanted to, I could not attend the presentation because of an exigency of work at INEC. But we kept in touch during and after the preparations for the presentation. On one occasion shortly after the presentation, he suggested that the two of us sit down to write the full story of New Nigerian as soon as my second tenure as a National Commissioner at INEC ended in February next year. Our common mentor, Malam Turi, had written an authoritative story of its first twenty years.

    If, as I said above, Yakubu was the first victim of the Federal authorities’ meddlesomeness in the management of the New Nigerian, I almost became the second – but, in part, for one fortuitous encounter in the early eighties Yakubu had with then military President Ibrahim Babangida at the Victoria Island, Lagos, residence of a friend they shared.

    Before that fateful encounter, I had acted as the Editor of the newspaper for eleven months following the suspension of the substantive Editor, Malam Ibrahim Suleiman, as a result of a hot verbal altercation he had on the premises of the company with the late former Governor of the old North-West State, retired Commissioner of Police Usman Farouk. The altercation was over the Police commissioner’s campaign for the creation of Gombe State out of the old Bauchi State. While Malam Ibrahim was from Bauchi, Alhaji Usman was from Gombe. 

    Whereas Malam Ibrahim was not reinstated, I was never confirmed. Instead, the late Dan Agbese, who was then acting as the Secretary to the Government of Benue State and who was already a highly respected veteran journalist and had indeed worked for New Nigerian before pursuing a first degree in Journalism at UNILAG, was appointed as the Editor and I was made his Deputy. It was as Deputy Editor that, for some inexplicable reason, the management suddenly deployed me to the Marketing Department.

    Before my deployment, I had been admitted by the Graduate School of Journalism of Columbia University, New York, for a Master’s degree and the company had accepted to sponsor me for the course. Again, for some inexplicable reason, it suddenly withdrew its sponsorship. Worse, it said if I insisted on going ahead, I would have to resign, as the course had no relevance to my new job.

    Eventually the company relented on this insistence. Even then it was clear for all to see that something mischievous and malicious was afoot.

    It seems President Babangida had an inkling of my travails because, according to Yakubu, he asked after me during their said encounter. As he told it in his memoire, Babangida had jokingly asked him how he could tell between Yakubu and myself, both of us being rather smallish in stature and having a similarity of sorts in our names.

    My most distinguishing feature, Yakubu said he replied Babangida, was that I wore a “trendy” eyeglass and he did not wear any at that time. Babangida then asked him if he knew what was happening to me at the New Nigerian. It was then that he gave him details of my travails and Babangida told him to ask me to call him.

    Of course, I called him shortly after that. Consequently, I was able to pursue my Masters programme in comfort. And less than two years after the end of the programme in May 1984 and following my resumption of work, the man appointed me as the Managing Director of the newspaper. Needless to say, I can never forget Yakubu’s hand in this fulfilment of the dream of my career.

    As the Hausas would say, “Hassada ga mairabo taki”, roughly meaning “Envy is the fertilizer of another man’s success.” Either those apparently envious of Yakubu’s progress at the New Nigerian never heard of this proverb or they never believed in it. Either way, his unhappy departure from the newspaper landed him on a more personally and professionally rewarding job as the Deputy Editor of the since defunct National Concord at the personal invitation of its publisher, the late Chief MKO Abiola. At that time the late Dr. Doyin Abiola (nee Aboaba) had joined Concord from Daily Times where she was Features Editor, to become the first woman to edit a national newspaper. In time Doyin moved up to become the newspaper’s Managing Director/Editor-in-Chief and Yakubu became the Editor.

    Towards the end of his four years with Concord, it and its Sunday stablemate then edited by Dele Giwa, who, like Doyin, had already made a name for himself as an editor and columnist at Daily Times, overtook Daily Times as the widest circulating newspaper in the country, with over 410,000 copies sold per edition. Not only that, the stable was doing so well financially that it became the cash cow of the publisher’s group of companies.

    Not surprisingly, envy eventually reared its ugly head again, but this time not just against Yakubu, but also against Dele and Ray Ekpu who had also joined the Concord stable from Daily Times as Chairman of its editorial board. Soon enough the publisher succumbed to the gossips from those who regarded the three top stars of his stable as “stranger elements” because they, unlike the Chief, were not Yorubas and were therefore presumably not sufficiently loyal.

    Eventually he queried all three over an unsigned allegation that they were stealing his money and generally living it up at the company’s expense. The allegation seemed to have been based on an IOU of five thousand Naira the three had taken to check into an hotel to jointly transcribe the exclusive first interview General Muhammadu Buhari gave any newspaper following his coup against the Second Republic under President Shehu Shagari on the last day of December 1983. 

    The publisher seemed to have found their replies to his query satisfactory because not only did he not sack them, he apologized to them and acknowledged that they were men of the highest integrity.

    However, no sooner had the dust over the false accusation settle, Chief Abiola, for apparently no reason, singled out Dele for a sack. It was a weekend and he gave him until the following Monday to resign or get fired. Yakubu, who was on holidays abroad at the time, advised Dele not to resign over a fortuitous phone call he had made to his colleague. This, he said, was because he didn’t see how any publisher would be able to explain to the world why an editor that was doing so well would be fired.

    Dele heeded Yakubu’s advice and called his publisher’s bluff. In the end he was only demoted sideways to serve as a member of the Editorial Board under his friend, Ray.

    By now it was obvious to the three that their days in Concord were numbered. Yakubu then decided to revisit the idea that was first sold to him in 1982 by his wealthy Lagos based maternal uncle, Alhaji Ibrahim Bilyaminu Yusufu, to start the first weekly newsmagazine in Nigeria in the mold of the American Time or Newsweek. 

    All three resigned on the same day in February 1984 and decided to establish Newswatch. In this they were joined by Dan Agbese who had accepted their invitation at a time he too saw that his tenure as Editor of New Nigerian was becoming tenuous. And, typical of Yakubu as someone one of who’s defining virtues was modesty, he took the backseat and allowed the three who were his seniors by age and profession to lead in running the company, even though the initiative was his and he also did much of the running around to get the funding.

    The rest, as they say, is now History; for over 27 years after it first hit the streets in 1984, the newsmagazine, as I said in my obituary to it in my syndicated column of September 19, 2012, following its controversial and fatal acquisition by the equally controversial businessman, Mr. Jimoh Ibrahim (now a Senator), became “the reference point of good professional journalism in Nigeria, perhaps even on the continent and beyond.” For, not only did it win many prestigious awards, locally and abroad. It also inspired, and outlasted many other newsmagazines, including my own Citizen.

    Yakubu left his big footprints not only in Nigerian Journalism. He did so well beyond the profession. Among other things, he served meritoriously as Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Council of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and the Federal University, Birnin Kebbi.

    Even more importantly, he had, long before then, leveraged on his personal connections with military President Babangida to help bring about the creation of Kogi State where his Igala ethnic group was the majority. This was in August 1991.

    Ironically, the one signal failure he suffered in life was when he tried twice, and failed twice, to contest for the Governorship of his State, first in 2007 and then in 2015.

    But anyone who knew the man would not be surprised at his failure in politics. To quote Professor Olatunji Dare’s Forward to his memoire, Yakubu simply “was not cut out for the dirty tricks, the betrayals and the sordid deals that are the elements of the game.”

    As you can guess, his death in the early hours of January 14, barely two months after the presentation of his memoire, came to me as a big shock. As soon I arrived Lagos on January 8 for an INEC retreat and workshop, I called him to let him know I would be visiting him over the weekend so that he can take me to Dan Agbese’s home in FESTAC Village to visit his widow, Rose. He didn’t pick or return my call, which was a bit of a surprise. I then followed up with a text.

    However, in the morning of January 10, he replied asking me to confirm if my visit to see Rose was still on. I replied in the affirmative but said I wouldn’t need to go with him anymore since I had called Rose for her address. He then called later in the evening but I couldn’t pick because we were in session at the retreat. I texted him accordingly and told him I’ll call back as soon as the session was over. I did call back but again he didn’t pick.

    On Sunday morning he sent me a text to say I needed not bother to visit him after seeing Rose because he had been hospitalized and added that “We shall arrange to see later but Alhamdulillah it is not alarming.”

    In the evening of that same day, I sent him a text to say I couldn’t visit Rose that day because I was down with malaria over the weekend but would still do so the following Monday. I then asked him if I could still visit him after seeing Rose.

    Sadly, his reply at 7:04 pm that Sunday night turned out to be the last contact we would make. “Please,” he said, “take it easy. By the time you cover Festac you will discover there is no time left. But let us keep our fingers crossed. I did not imagine I would spend a fourth night in the clinic.”

    Man, as the saying goes, only proposes, but it is only God that disposes as He wills. Yakubu proposed that we kept our figures crossed in the hope that he would recover from his illness. But three days later God decided otherwise.

    May Allah grant him Aljanna Firdaus and give the friends and relations alike he has left behind the strength to bear his great loss. Amen.

    • Mohammed Haruna is National Commissioner, INEC, Abuja.