Category: Editorial

•‘Gangs of Lagos’ should be banned for representing Eyo masquerade and Lagosians generally in a bad light

Controversially, the Eyo Festival, also known as the Adamu Orisha Play, is in the news. A new film, ‘Gangs of Lagos,’ co-produced by Kemi Lala Akindoju and Jade Osiberu, and released on Amazon Prime Video, an online platform, on April 7, attracted the attention of the Lagos State government, which observed that it portrayed the Eyo masquerader as a gun-wielding villain.  

The commissioner for tourism, arts and culture, Mrs Uzamat Akinbile-Yussuf, was reported saying that the production of the film “is very unprofessional and misleading while its content is derogatory of our culture, with the intention to desecrate the revered heritage of the people of Lagos.” She also described the film as “an unjust profiling of a people and culture as being barbaric and nefarious,” adding that “It depicts a gang of murderers rampaging across the state.”

The state government’s reaction is understandable. The Eyo Festival, said to date back to 1854, is an important tourism event in the state, and portraying the masqueraders in a bad light is bad for the image of the state.

The festival, which takes place on Lagos Island, is particularly unique because it is not a fixed event. Notably, the Eyo Festival has taken place only thrice since 2000.

 It “is rarely observed and only comes up as a traditional rite of passage for Obas, revered chiefs and eminent Lagosians,” the commissioner explained. She said: “The Eyo Masquerade is equally used as a symbol of honour for remarkable historical events.

“It signifies a sweeping renewal, a purification ritual to usher in a new beginning, a beckoning of new light, acknowledging the blessings of the ancestors of Lagosians.”

Read Also: Filmmakers speak as controversies trail Jade Osiberu’s Gangs of Lagos

A synopsis of the movie by Amazon: “Best friends Obalola, Ify and Gift were born and raised in Isale Eko, where politically affiliated gangs rule the streets. When rival gangs paint the streets red with blood, Obalola, Ify and Gift get caught up in gang wars which lead to the uncovering of secrets that shake the very foundations of Isale Eko and, ultimately, bring them to the realisation of their destiny.”

The question is whether the film could have told this story without its negative portrayal of the Eyo masquerader, and without apparent overgeneralisation. Perhaps an artistic pursuit of spectacle by the producers explains the controversial depiction. Participants in the Eyo Festival are striking for their voluminous white clothing and colourful headgear.     

Not surprisingly, the Isale Eko Descendants’ Union (IDU) also condemned the film, saying it “has brought the Eyo masquerade and the people of Isale Eko into disrepute, who are now deemed criminally minded in the eyes of right-thinking members of society.”  The movie is set in Isale Eko.

The group’s chairman, Yomi Tokosi, in a statement, said it had petitioned the National Film and Video Censors Board (NFVCB) to withdraw the approval granted to the movie, and direct the withdrawal of the movie from all viewing channels available to the public.

The executive director of the regulatory body, Alhaji Adedayo Thomas, said the agency was powerless in the context. He was reported saying “Our job does not cover regulating online platforms … We have a bill before the National Assembly seeking to empower the Board to regulate online platforms and any other platforms where movies are exhibited.” He argued that the movie has not been shown in any cinema house or exhibited in any open space that is under the agency’s control.  

The question is: Did the agency play any role in approving the film in the first place? Also, the defence that it is impotent regarding online platforms shows that the agency has not moved with the times. A backward regulator is inappropriate for Nollywood.

Ultimately, the producers of the film failed to recognise that artistic licence should not mean social and cultural insensitivity, and artistic freedom is not absolute.

•We cannot continue to pay lip service to restore the National Stadium in Lagos

The National Stadium in Surulere, Lagos, was once not only a pride of Nigeria but of the continent. For those who were alive in the early 1970’s, it was an edifice as a model. When it was inaugurated in the age of Yakubu Gowon as head of state, Nigerians who loved soccer remember its first match and how a pass from wily schemer Haruna Ilerika set up its first ever goal by the stocky winger, Yakubu Mambo.

It was a rallying point of sports but it was also an icon of culture. The stadium would later etch many moments in national history, including sports festivals, the stimulants of our own premier league and challenge cup and, of course, the All-Africa Games.

Many sports men and women have snatched glory on the turf and tartan tracks, from Segun Odegbami to Mary Onyali. By now, we should be debating how to improve it into an architecture of envy around the world and playing host to the world’s marque sports events like Olympics or FIFA World Cup.

But what we have today is a broken cathedral. No football team, not to speak of even school sports event, can thrive for a minute of rivalry. Rather, as a report by The Guardian newspaper exposes, its next phase of decline after sports seemed to expire on its grounds was culture scenarios. It played host to religious bodies in terms of crusades and vigils. In fact, from a spot of sports entertainment, it took the cassock of a holy place. It was the citadel of miracles and visceral raptures in the holy ghost.

Later, it became carnal. Social gatherings like weddings, birthdays, funeral parties throbbed within its walls. That attracted street urchins, squatters and hawkers. Its new phase is that of bar operators and sex workers.

There were indications that the place would be taken over by the Lagos State government, but it seems the Federal Government would not let go. A glimmer of hope peeped on the place a few years ago, when the present sports minister Sunday Dare visited the place and promised that work to revamp it was on the way.

“It’s high time we had a familiar ground for our national teams. The Moshood Abiola National Stadium, Abuja, and the National Stadium, Lagos, will be ready to host matches next year (2021) and it will be a major plus to our teams when they have a familiar ground. We discussed with a philanthropist and lover of sports, Sir Adebutu Kessington  who was convinced about the proposal,” he said.

It was a million-dollar commitment. After the COVID-19 lockdown, work seemed to begin. Illegal structures came down, and the minister said by May 21, 2021, the place would enjoy a face-lift. Some officials, according to the report, said some progress has been made, but it is like a progress that exposes inefficiency and stamps despair. There has been uplift on the football pitch, tartan track and scoreboard, apparently. No one is sure of the scoreboard because there is no electricity to verify the claim.

But what is the point of field of play without a terrace to watch a man score a goal, or a dressing room for the player to wear a uniform? Report has it that about 20 drums of chemicals for the work has gathered dust and cobwebs for being outside the gate since January 2021. The VIP lounge roof is a skeletal scene with only iron barebones. Cracks mark the terraces walls and the fences are coming apart. The executive players lounge has been abandoned, with leather seats in wear and tear. The toilets and bathrooms are in disrepair and caked over and rodents run wild. The offices have no light, and water is non-existent.

This is not the National Stadium that Yakubu Mambo scored. If the scoreboard ever flashes today, it will probably read, Nigeria – zero.

•Laudable as it seems, it cannot solve the problems in the power sector

In its efforts to improve on customer service standards, the National Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) has launched its Service Charter in Abuja. Going by the provisions of the charter, electricity distribution companies (DisCos) are expected to reinstall checked meters within five days of their malfunctioning. According to the charter, “Where a customer reports a problem to a DisCo that would suggest that the cause of the problem is that electricity meter used to record usage at the premises is recording incorrectly, such that an electricity bill is too high or too low compared to normal monthly bills for the same customer or premises, the following applies: An official of the DisCo is to visit within three days of problem being reported.” It added

“Five days is the standard if it is necessary to install a check meter to monitor consumption.”

NERC chairman, Sanusi Garba, said the charter is about the high standards of service that electricity customers could expect from the power sector. He added that the charter also provides information on how the power consumers could lodge complaints, give compliments and make suggestions, among others. 

On paper, the charter seems good enough to touch the lives of electricity consumers in a pleasant manner. It seems to address some of the problems the consumers face in terms of faulty meters, reconnection of electricity consumers after settlement of debts and similar issues. But the problem as far as the electricity sector is concerned is not only about lack of guidelines that spell out the rights and obligations of every stakeholder in the value chain, but enforcement of such provisions.

NERC had issued several directives in the past that were either not heeded or that were observed only for some time by the DisCos and later jettisoned. A typical example is estimated billing. We cannot remember the number of times that the commission has told the DisCos what to do concerning estimated bills. Till date, the practice continues with so many consumers groaning in silence. It is not uncommon to find a standard three-bedroom residential apartment being given estimated bill of N50,000 or more monthly. There are no extra electrical gadgets like air conditioners and other power consuming appliances; just the ordinary ones like refrigerators, fans, lights, etc. When the consumer complains, the DisCos would offer some incomprehensible explanation like the billing was done right from the transformer, based on NERC directive.

In no time, the consumer accumulates outrageous bills that would now become a subject of dispute. The electricity consumer is not interested in the quantum of power supply to his feeder or transformer but on his own actual consumption, yet this would not be the basis upon which he would be billed. Although the commission has a mechanism for dispute resolution in the NERC Forum, the process is tedious and time consuming, such that many electricity consumers see going to the forum as a waste of time.

Even in terms of supply of meters to consumers after payment, there are stipulated periods that such meters are supposed to be supplied. As a matter of fact, some of the DisCos repeat this message in their jingles when contacted on phone and elsewhere, yet, it is very rare for them to supply the meters as advertised and as agreed with NERC.

What we are saying in essence is that much as we welcome the NERC Service Charter, it would not necessarily translate to improved performance on the part of the DisCos. It would on its own also not necessarily bring about efficiency in billing. What Nigerians earnestly yearn for from NERC and the DisCos are prepaid meters and stable power supply. Going by statistics from the commission, the DisCos had only been able to meter about 4,898,721 of their 12,643,630 customers (about 39 per cent) as of June, last year. The truth of the matter is that meters are just not available; forget the corruption and incompetence in the sector.

Successive Federal Governments have been pumping money into the sector with little results. The present government also assisted substantially with regard to metering. It is sad that despite sessions of metering programmes, the metering gap is still this high, 10 years after the privatisation of the sector.

The incoming administration must learn from the mistakes of the past. If it must invest in metering, for example, it has to do so for the benefit of the common man. Never again should government allow simultaneous installation of its own free meters with those of the DisCos and other vendors that are paid for. The next government must take a business approach to the issues in the power sector.

The DisCos are in business to make money and they should be able to do that through adequate and reasonable pricing. But power consumers too need appropriate billing. Both are not mutually exclusive. It is about time to stop the rule of thumb billing that protects those with meters while presenting those without meters as beasts of burden of the corruption in the sector. NERC’s Service Charter alone cannot bring about sanity in the sector.

•It is strange that OAU students beat a colleague to death over alleged phone theft

Universities are supposed to be citadels of learning and civilised culture. That explains why students, upon graduation, are awarded certificates, having been found worthy in character and learning. The two must go together, and a divorce undermines the integrity of each.

It is therefore, strange to hear that students of Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile -Ife, Osun State, beat their colleague to death for an alleged stealing. What happened to a criminal trial of the suspect under the due process of law? 

The Part 5 deceased student was alleged to have stolen a phone at Awo Hall, and about 15 to 20 students descended on him, and with big stones and other dangerous objects, clobbered him to death. The university community must be ashamed of the conduct of such students who are not different from the uncultured barbarians down town. The university authority must therefore help the law enforcement agencies to fish out those involved in the criminal conduct, and ensure they face the consequences of their actions.If they fail, they would be lying to the whole world when they issue certificates to such students proclaiming they have been found worthy in learning and character.

We agree with the statement of the President of the Students Union (SU) who said: “What has just happened is most inhumane, Justice must be served accordingly, irrespective of who is involved.” We urge the SU president to collaborate with the school authorities and police to ensure that justice is served. 

Perhaps, the university students were emulating the larger society, which thrives in what is commonly referred to as jungle justice. On the same day, it was also reported that police arrested two persons for stoning a driver to death in Ondo State. The suspects were alleged to have killed one Olorunfemi Tope, a driver whose alleged reckless driving led to the crushing of two persons and injury to six others. After beating the driver to death, his car was set ablaze.

The police said that those arrested would be charged to court for murder and arson. The mob believed the driver was an internet fraudster, and instead of attending to him and the accident victims, they condemned him to death and executed him right away, in a manner of speaking. As rightly stated by the police spokesperson: “rather than people around to have helped when the accident happened, some resolved to jungle justice by killing the young man and setting his car ablaze.” 

Sadly, instead of the gown ennobling the town, the gown is mirroring the town. We encourage relevant authorities in OAU and Ondo to ensure that those involved are punished, to set example for the rest of the society. Perhaps, also, the people may be borrowing a leaf from the law enforcement agents, who frequently train their guns on those they are paid to protect. It is very common to see armed uniformed men abusing civilians.

Few months ago, a mob burnt a suspected robber alive in Aba, over alleged theft of a generator set. Regrettably, there is hardly any week that you don’t read a report of a suspect being killed over alleged stealing, by the mob. In many cases, in their frenzy, the mob kill someone different from the suspect, before the mistaken identification is discovered. At other times, the killing is based on false alarm, especially over allegations of missing genitals.

We believe the reason jungle justice thrives is because those involved get away with it. Sadly, it is the same lackadaisical attitude of law enforcement agencies in dealing with those involved in mob killing, that angry mob gives as excuse for not handing over suspects to the police.

•Neither U.K.’s red-listing nor proposed law can save Nigeria’s health system

Reprieve of sorts came the way of Nigerian healthcare system with a United Kingdom policy to halt recruitment of medical personnel from this country. The U.K. red-listed Nigeria among countries not to be targeted for “active” recruitment of medical workers ostensibly to avert the collapse of local health systems owing to personnel flight from the affected countries.

The U.K. government announced its policy about the same time a bill to bind Nigerian-trained medics to work in the country for five years before they can seek to export their skills was being processed in the House of Representatives. The bill, sponsored by All Progressives Congress (APC) lawmaker Ganiyu Johnson, passed its second reading in the Green chamber lately.

With 11,055 Nigerian-trained doctors in the U.K., Nigeria currently has the third-highest number of foreign doctors practising in that country after India and Pakistan, according to official records of the U.K. General Medical Council. But the British government now recommends that employers and recruitment organisations exclude Nigeria along with 54 other countries from “active” recruitment of health and social care workers by its public and private healthcare bodies. The U.K. periodically revises the code of practice and the last update was on March 23. In a statement, the British government said its latest decision was informed by the World Health Organisation (WHO) citing Nigeria among countries with significant health workforce challenges, and the world body’s projection of a global shortage of 10million healthcare workers to achieve universal health coverage in low and lower-middle income countries by 2030. The WHO had recently listed 55 countries, including Nigeria, as facing the most pressing health workforce challenges related to universal healthcare coverage.

 Nigeria has for long been on WHO’s Health Workforce Support and Safeguards list that is graded red. What is new is U.K.’s move to abide by the global body’s advisory. “We recognise the important role that international health and care workers play in health and care service delivery in the U.K. and we are committed to ensuring that we recruit from overseas in an ethically responsible manner,” the government said in its statement. It further explained that the WHO global code of practice 10-year review suggests that the red-listed countries should be “prioritised for health personnel development and health system-related support, provided with safeguards that discourage active international recruitment of health personnel.” Such countries are not to be actively targeted for recruitment “unless there is a government-to-government agreement in place to allow managed recruitment undertaken strictly in compliance with the terms of that agreement.”

Under the code, active international recruitment is defined as the process by which U.K.’s health and social care employers, including local authorities, contracting bodies and sub-contractors target individuals to market employment opportunities in the country’s health or social care sector. This includes but isn’t limited to allied health professionals, care workers, dentists, doctors, healthcare scientists, medical staff, midwives, nursing staff, residential and domiciliary care workers, social workers and support staff. The prohibition of active recruitment, however, does not prevent individual health and social care personnel in affected countries from making direct application to health and social care employers, only they can’t be targeted by third parties like recruitment bodies or collaborating agencies.

Meanwhile, the Medical and Dental Practitioners Act (Amendment) Bill being processed in the House of Representatives seeks to make Nigerian-trained medics practise for five years locally before earning full licence. The sponsor of the bill argues that considering how highly subsidised medical education is in Nigeria, it is unfair to the country for doctors to be able to emigrate soon after graduation. Rather, they should stay back for at least five years to give back to the country.

But doctors have counter-argued that neither the U.K. policy nor the proposed bill would stop emigration of medical personnel unless governments at all levels create “greener pasture” in the health sector as with political offices. Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) President Uche Ojinmah said the poor treatment doctors get in the country was pushing them away, and that despite the U.K. policy, windows were ajar for Nigerian doctors in the United States, Canada, Grenada, Saudi Arabia and other countries. “Taking better care of doctors in Nigeria as it relates to remuneration, security and equipment of hospitals should be of priority to governments at all levels,” he argued. President of the Medical and Dental Consultants Association of Nigeria, Dr. Victor Makanjuola said medical education in Nigeria was not subsidised and the bill only seeks to scapegoat practitioners. National Association of Resident Doctors (NARD) President Innocent Orji said the bill would compound the exodus of medical professionals because it constitutes “an affront to the Constitution of Nigeria and other enabling laws that guarantee freedom of movement, dignity of labour, and laws against enslavement and others.”

It can hardly be better argued than the practitioners have done, and not surprisingly so because he that wears the shoe knows where it pinches. The medical sector in Nigeria is in a state of emergency and needs retooling to make it effective in service delivery to patients and fulfilling to those delivering those services. It isn’t regulatory restrictions that would produce such effect, but committed funding by governments at relevant levels. That is where the redemption of the system lies.

•Both parties must put Benue first in all they say or do

Although we do not know whether the outgoing governor of Benue State, Samuel Ortom, has actually proposed a bill that he intends to send to the state house of assembly on juicy retirement packages for former governors in the state or not, we at least know that the governor-elect, Rev. Fr. Hyacinth Alia, has urged people of the state to prevail on their representatives in the assembly to reject the bill if it eventually comes. According to Fr. Alia, the bill proposes that a house be built to the outgoing governor’s taste in any part of the country that he chooses, his medical bills and those of his family members must be paid by the state government, abroad or locally, in addition to a monthly jumbo pay package. If true, then, other former governors and their deputies in the state are also to benefit from the package.

Benue State Chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) had earlier made a similar claim.

But the state house of assembly has denied receiving such a bill. However, Governor Ortom has neither confirmed nor denied if the claim was true or not. Meanwhile, he had denied the insinuation that the state was in Intensive Care Unit (ICU) as a result of its inability to meet its obligations to workers and pick other bills, as alleged by the governor-elect. This was one of the things Fr. Alia told President Muhammadu Buhari during a ‘thank you visit’ to him at the Aso Rock Villa.

Whatever it is; if the governor-elect has heard that such a proposal was in the offing and he is undertaking a campaign to block it, it is within his right as a citizen of the state to do so. It is a different thing if the governor-elect had directed the state law makers not to pass the bill or he had written to banks to do or not to do certain transactions with the outgoing government, because he has not yet assumed office.

Benue State would not be the first state to make such proposal for the benefit of their former state chief executives and their deputies. As a matter of fact, the benefits are already in place in some states as well as at the national level for the president and vice president. In some cases, some of the outgoing government officials ensure that they get their exit allowances before leaving. Indeed, the largesse was to be extended to the National Assembly’s principal officers, but for public outcry.

We are averse to such outlandish proposals because they are usually out of tune with economic realities. It is also immoral in that the beneficiaries would only have served for a maximum of eight years, with almost all their needs met by the relevant governments. Yet, there are many people in the public service all over the country who have served for 25 years and above and yet are not entitled to any special benefits beyond the miserable pension that the governments pay them. Even the pensions do not come as and when due in many cases. We have had several situations of pensioners collapsing on unending verification queues.

Yet, it is the same people who subject pensioners to these harrowing experiences that work out mouth-watering packages for themselves as soon as it dawns on them that the perks of office would no longer be available for them once they are out of government.

If indeed Governor Ortom intends to extend the same benefits to himself and former chief executives in the state, he should forget it. The fact is; what is on ground in the state now does not support that kind of request.  With backlog of workers’ salaries and pension arrears, it would be insensitive and immoral for the state government to bear the costs of the reported emoluments. The governor had himself had cause to plead with the workers and pensioners to bear with the state government. At some point he blamed his inability to meet his obligations on the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) that refused to disburse certain funds to the state government despite approvals from all the necessary authorities. Where would the state now get funds to implement the reported proposal?

There is no doubt that the state has hardly known peace in the last few years, due to the activities of herdsmen that have been having frequent clashes with the people of Benue State. This must have had some effects on the state government’s finances because peace is sine qua non for development.

We urge the incoming governor to see to it that peace returns to the state as soon as possible so that he too can make progress when he assumes office. Benue State has the potential to be great. It is not called ‘The food basket of the Nation’ for nothing. 

Fr. Alia must avoid playing to the gallery.  He should rather keep his eyes focused on the challenges facing the state. Benue is in dire straits as he rightly observed. So, he must keep to his promise to President Buhari  that he would remain focussed in tackling the myriad of issues on his desk when he takes over. That, precisely, is what he should do. Time is of the essence. 

•The Federal Government must pluck every due fruit off its tax and sundry revenue tree

If the scenario the Nigerian Financial Intelligence Unit (NFIU) paints is true, it is not unlike living beside sparkling spring water, yet failing to slake your thirst.

An NFIU investigation, reported in Sunday Punch of April 9, claims Nigeria is yet to claim some N8 trillion in taxes and sundry revenues, from thriving businesses, across many sectors.

These ventures span firms in oil and gas, telecoms, insurance, pension fund administrators, and gaming/betting companies.  

Though NFIU admits some of these revenues have somewhat been collected, the process appears so dodgy and shambolic that a cumulative N8 trillion, in sundry international currencies, remains unclaimed, particularly from the books of international and local oil companies.

The breakdown includes N3.9 trillion in value-added tax (VAT); and another N3.7 trillion in withholding tax which, had the collection process been more efficient and effective, ought to have hit the Federal Government coffers.

The report further claimed, in specific details: “Based on analysis of the NFIU data, we identified an approximate VAT of N3. 909, 707, 678, 112. 43 and withholding tax of N3, 737, 918, 335, 785. 57 due to the government”.  Other currencies identified, it continued, “are $728, 468, 256. 65, €6, 083, 548. 57, £2, 084, 625. 15 and R140, 784. 23.”

All these figures are from the report NFIU submitted to the National Assembly on details of its activities in 2021.

The report further revealed: “The FIRS (Federal Inland Revenue Service) confirmed that they made significant recoveries based on our intelligence.  The investigation is ongoing.”  It also claimed that the defaulting companies have defrayed some N9.2 billion from outstanding cash.

The NFIU also shared this financial intelligence with FIRS’s mother ministry, the Federal Ministry of Finance, Budget and National Planning.  That is how it should be, for that shows good inter-agency cooperation for the general revenue good.

But it is clearly not good enough, for routine and prompt payment of tax revenues, after the normal due diligence.  For instance, NFIU put “outstanding technology levy”, owed by telecom, insurance and other firms, at N789.7 billion.

This sum is the National Information Technology Development Levy, due to the Federal Government, from GSM service operators, insurance companies, pension fund administrators, and gaming/betting companies — and all these in the face of a government grappling with acute revenue challenges.

This indeed is a clear but ugly face of a system-challenged revenue collection by Nigeria’s Federal Government agencies.  If this is for 2021, there is little confidence that 2022 or even the current 2023 (with the impact of 2022 electioneering and the elections proper in 2023) have fared better.

Again, this is not good enough, given how promptly collected revenue could have limited Nigeria’s recourse to the loan market (global and local), to fix broken down hard and social infrastructure, to reduce the current poverty burden, and gift the economy a kiss of life.

Aside from the systemic weakness in taxation and sundry revenue collection is the thick oozing of suspected corruption, particularly in corralling Nigeria’s due from the international oil companies (IOCs).  Over the years, on this score, the performance of the collecting agencies, or even of the up, mid and downstream regulatory agencies, has not exactly been stellar.  That has led to avoidable revenue bleeding, which no sane country can allow.

Rotimi Jacobs, SAN, one of the top prosecuting lawyers for the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), put a handle on alleged egregious corruption in the system. 

“Is it possible” he queried, “in any country, without any collusion with a public official, for those oil companies to withhold that sum of money, without any collusion from the government, from the inland revenue service itself, and from all relevant authorities?”  He flatly declared: ”It’s not possible.” 

That’s a roaring vote of no confidence, which should worry the revenue collection agencies and sting them back to life — if they still have any life in them.  

Indeed, Nigeria’s serious revenue challenge demands a radical re-thinking of present methods — and fast too.  The time to do that is now; aside from leveraging technology to greatly reduce, if not outright eliminate, hustler collusion to defraud the country.

Sir: The late Malam Aminu Kano was described as an African Revolutionary.  His admirers fondly branded him the Gandhi of Nigeria. The reason for that labeling was his ideology of reforms through nonviolence and boycotting materialism. He was popularly presented as a friend of the talakawa by the media for identifying with their yearnings and aspirations. And, of course, he was reverently and passionately addressed as Malam by his faithful disciples.  

 Aminu Kano was a royal by birth, yet he assaulted the feudal system for an egalitarian society to free the common man from bondage. This was the reason why a former Emir of Zaria opined that the greatest havoc Malam did to traditional leadership was mobilising the talakawa to say no.

He was an untiring advocate for a new social order with a compelling drive. Malam’s striking achievements in mobilising the general populace to resist oppressive systems did not go down well with the established order, the colonialists and their local allies.

While many were unaware and uncurious about living in degradation, his ideological force questioned the validity of the reactionary setting and exposed its pronounced flaws. He did that to enhance the value of his political reliability and sustainability. A history of the political trends of the first and second republics showed him as the most ideologically consistent political activist.

It was not an easy task as he understood the dire consequences of his revolutionary attitude. But he maintained a balanced trajectory with the full backing of ideological stubbornness. It was not surprising that right from the momentous days of the NEPU to the PRP, Malam represented a new class of people whose collective dignity was usurped by the agents of underdevelopment and exploitation.

At a time when many politicians were afraid of being labeled as extremists, Aminu seized the opportunity to lift his radical politics very high. Its unique quality was the ability to battle systems, values and norms that were detrimental to human emancipation. When he called his party the People’s Redemption Party, it was the season of not only redeeming the common man, but also the redemption of even the judges who were unfairly treated. Therefore, he had a broad mindset on the question of justice establishment across the different strata of the society.

At one time, he explained that “my stay in England had hardened my soul in elevating the truth, freedom and above all human rights for which the world fought fascism.” He also described the colonial powers and its allies as “piled corruption, misrule, slavery under another garb, naked nepotism, tyranny, impoverishment, unnecessary retention of hereditary parasites and shameless exploitation.”

He was imprisoned in Kano in 1954 following a charge of rebellion against the Queen of England. He was accused of writing a speech that said the European colonial masters came to unjustly take away the riches of Nigeria.

While in jail, he was revered by fellow prisoners to the embarrassment of his jailers. He described his prison encounter in this way: “The smell of the prison house was perfume to me; it is a channel through which one has to pass before achieving victory against imperialism. They may laugh at us now, but their laughter is only for a short time. Forces are working fast to overthrow them, we must never falter, meander or submit, but go straight ahead on the road to freedom.”

Malam made a statement on exemplary leadership when he refused to use a generator.  ”How would it look for everyone to be in darkness except the leader’s house? Is that good leadership?” he asked.  

Malam did not live for nothing. He lived and fought for something, the freedom of man through eradicating injustice. He battled the colonial system and its local content. While he was occupied with the political battle of enthroning a masses-oriented government at both the federal and state levels, he suddenly answered the call of his Creator and departed to the great beyond on Sunday, 17 April, 1983.

•Abdu Abdullahi,

aaringim68@gmail.com

Sir: Encyclopedia Britannica defines cybercrime as the use of a computer as an instrument to further illegal ends, such as committing fraud, trafficking in child pornography and intellectual property, stealing identities, or violating privacy. In other words, any criminal activity that can be carried out with the use of a computer is regarded as cybercrime. That is to say, cybercrime is not limited to only Internet fraud or scam.

 In Nigeria, cybercrime has become the order of the day amongst the youth. One can boldly say many Nigerian youths are cybercriminals (Nigerianised as “Yahoo boys”). This is highly worrisome because it does not, to a large extent, project or present the people/the image of Nigeria decently to the people of the world. Consequently, people in other countries, especially the US and the UK, are very wary of how they engage with certain Nigerians in some instances.

Realistically, many factors make up why many Nigerian youths are actively engaged in cybercrime. To many, it has become their occupation and source of livelihood because of shortages in the nation. The high rate of unemployment in Nigeria tops the list of reasons why they engage in it. Statistically, according to youth unemployment rates released by the National Bureau of Statistics in 2022, “about 53.40 percent of Nigerian youths are unemployed.”

 Unemployment largely contributes to why they are doing it. In the nation, many ‘frustrated’ university graduates are without jobs and are open to doing ‘anything’ because it seems to them that the country has nothing in store for them. Other factors such as poverty, peer/societal/parental pressure and the desire to get rich quickly explain why they are involved in cybercrime.

However, it is noteworthy that cybercrime is a global phenomenon, and every country suffers from the effects individually. Nigeria’s image has been battered by it. To the world, Nigeria is seen as the den of widely known cybercriminals. As a result of this, some ‘innocent’ Nigerian youths also share in this misfortune. They cannot successfully interact or associate with citizens of these countries in some instances.

For instance, a younger brother of mine once complained to me that he lost a relationship with a friend in the US after the friend’s father got to know he is a Nigerian. People in foreign countries are wary of certain Nigerians because they are afraid of getting scammed. In fact, these respective countries are taking preventive measures to curtail their citizens from engaging Nigerians in some situations.

What is more, in order to redeem that which has been lost, some things have to be done. One of the ways to curtail cybercrime in Nigeria is by engaging cyber intelligence to combat the scamming technicalities or methodologies deployed by these cybercriminals. It can be achieved through cybersecurity. Another is by creating jobs for the youth. To some extent, this will help curtail cybercrime. Also, by establishing disciplinary punishment that is in accordance with the law. All these can help curb cybercrime.

In conclusion, I urge the Nigerian youth to refrain from scam-related businesses. Doing so would help to reclaim and represent the country’s glorious image. The Internet space has several legitimate businesses which the youth can do to earn money. Likewise, there are valuable skills they can learn to take advantage of opportunities in the country and beyond. 

•Segbenu Gbewa,  

Lagos State University, Ojo. 

•KPMG report on the economy is a call on incoming administration to hit the ground running

Not unsurprisingly, the ‘KPMG Global Economy Outlook Report Q1, 2023’ paints a dismal portrait of the state of the Nigerian economy and the country’s bleak expectations for the immediate future. One of the features of the report is the dispiriting fact that the country’s unemployment rate had increased to 37.7% in 2022 and will most likely further increase to 40.6% this year. KPMG notes that due to the envisaged continued sluggishness of the Nigerian economy through 2023, the diverse sectors of the economy will be unable to absorb between four and five million new entrants into the unemployment market annually. The report blames the expected discouraging growth in the generation of new jobs and absorption of more surplus labour on limited investment by the private sector, low industrialisation and slower than required economic growth, among other factors.

Projecting the unemployment rate to grow to 43% in 2024 while inflation rate will increase to 20.3% in 2023 and 20.0% in 2024, the KPMG report notes that “Although the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) recorded an increase in the national unemployment rate to 23.1% in 2018 to 33.3% in 2020, we estimate this rate has increased to 37.7% in 2022 and will rise further to 40.6% in 2023”. It is understandable that governments attach great significance to unemployment statistics because of the intimate linkage between the rate of job creation and poverty levels.

Even more than an admonition to the incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari administration, the tenure of which will be over in less than two months time, the KPMG report is a timely caution to the incoming administration on the arduous task it will take on as regards the economy when it assumes office. While pointing out that the next administration will face a difficult environment exemplified by slow economic growth as well as challenges in the foreign exchange market, the report states that “Additionally, government revenue remains inadequate to support much-needed expenditure, leading to a high debt stock and high debt service payments. The Nigerian economy ended the past year with a GDP growth rate of 3.52% in Q4 2022, compared with 2.25% in Q3, 2022, with growth averaging 3.1% over 2022”.

Despite the widely acknowledged resilience of Nigerians, a fact underscored by the relative positive growth rate in 2022, the KPMG projects that an expected slowdown in the global economy this year will be a drag on the country’s GDP due to trade and financial flow implications. Consequently, it expects inflation in Nigeria “to remain elevated driven partly by persistent food supply shocks, foreign exchange illiquidity and insecurity” and that the country’s GDP will “continue to grow at a relatively slow pace of 3% in 2023 due to the slowdown in economic activity that typically characterises periods of political transitions in Nigeria”.

The implication of this is that the new administration must settle down fast and hit the ground running. For instance, it must quickly tackle persistent residual challenges with the Ill-fated Naira redesign policy which, according to KPMG, still has negative implications on key non-oil sectors like manufacturing, trade, accommodation and food services, transportation and other services with the strong possibility of further slowing down overall GDP growth in 2023. Other challenges which the next administration must be squaring up to quickly respond to include insecurity and floods in key agricultural areas, as well as rising international food and energy prices due to the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

On a brighter note, the report projects recovery in the telecommunications and trade services sector as well as an expected recovery in the oil sector due to various measures currently being taken to tackle security issues and that these will contribute to driving the forecast of three per cent growth in 2023. The incoming administration will be expected to take expeditious measures to improve security in the oil and food production sectors while also decisively tackling poor power supply which has serious implications for manufacturing productivity and job creation.

Since the report also cites the expected fuel subsidy removal as a key factor that will mount pressure on domestic prices in 2023, the next administration would do well to ensure domestic availability of locally refined petroleum products before taking such a drastic step.