Category: Editorial

  • One up for gorilla sanctuary

    One up for gorilla sanctuary

    •Conservation scholarship for three Unical students is boon for Nigeria’s ecotourism

    The Nigerian Conservation Foundation (NCF), with the Wilder Institute/Calgary Zoo, Canada and the Centre for Biodiversity Conservation Research (CBCR), Ghana, just awarded post-graduate scholarships to three University of Calabar (Unical) students.  The scholarship is to further drive a community conservation initiative to protect the Cross River gorilla.  The gorilla is endangered fauna in the Cross River corridor.

    The beneficiaries are David Agabi-Eneji and Adekanmbi Adeyinka, both for a two-year M.Sc programme; and Wilfred Ayambem, who won a three-year PhD scholarship.  But theirs’ are only three of five scholarships.  Two others would still be awarded in the five-year community conservation scholarship programme.

    The scheme covers course registration and tuition, accommodation, operating and living expenses, field research expenses, and a vote for study materials and equipment.  It also provides for a six-month paid internship at the NCF; and another compulsory one-month hands-on training, during the scholars’ exchange visit to CBCR in Ghana. 

    This is a clear boon for nature study from the academy’s point of view.  Incidentally, “Nature Study” was the entry subject into plant and animal education in the primary school curriculum of an era in Nigeria.  

    Since humans share the earth with other animals and plants, having an intimate knowledge of the cohabiting fauna and flora can’t be harmful.  Indeed, it is priceless.  To maintain a delicate eco balance, knowledge is key.  These scholarships — and others to follow— therefore make a strong point for that area of study, which can only enrich everyone.

    But conservation also comes with added practical socio-economic benefits — public health, for one.  COVID-19 just seriously breached global health.  That pandemic claimed millions of lives worldwide; and remains a big threat, with latest health developments in China.  

    A tragic dislocation of the eco-balance has been blamed for the pandemic, with many quarters darkly hinting that more future pandemics are likely, should such eco-abuse continue.  A sound conservation training, at the high levels that this scholarship targets, can help in altering the course of things and thereby save future humanity from avoidable calamity.

    Another clear area of benefit is eco-tourism, which really speaks to economic diversification and countries’ bottom-line.  Nigeria and other African countries have a clear comparative advantage in eco-tourism, given the latest projections of global tourism.  About everyone is running from the dense air of the “built-up” first and second worlds of Europe and America, to inhale the fresh air of the so-called third world of Africa, Oceania and parts of Asia. 

    Conserving Nigeria’s fauna and flora, and aiding public policy on how to preserve and market them as tourism drawers can only enhance the country’s competitiveness in global eco-tourism.  Aside from the Cross River gorilla, other Nigeria-endemic species, which could be endangered, are the Nigeria-Cameroon Chimpanzee and the Ibadan Malimbe. 

    Truth be told, however, cultural imperialism seems to drive the eco conservation campaign.  Most of it is rooted in the rich European countries and America, where much of life is settled.  Even the money-spinning safaris of East and Southern Africa emerged from a colonial and occupying culture.  

    The British dreamt of a “permanent” stay in Kenya before the “Mau-Mau” struggle put paid to that dream.  The sorry tales of apartheid and colour bar in the Rhodesias (now Zambia and Zimbabwe), South Africa, Angola and Namibia are too fresh to bear re-telling.  Still, the occupying race left a thriving tourism industry for the surviving nations.

    But despite politics and race, conservation education and practice is a win-win for all.  It’s all so reminiscent of the 1981 Boney M album, Boonoonoonoos and its appeal: “Don’t kill the world.  It’s all we have …”

  • Left in the lurch

    Left in the lurch

    •Judicial arm deserves protection from those violating the temples of justice, in the interest of democracy

    The invasion of the Chief Magistrate’s Court in Ogwashi-Uku in Delta State a few days ago was one more confirmation that security of lives and property have become very scarce commodities in the country. Ordinarily, a court is supposed to be the temple of justice, the sanctity of which should be protected because its services are for humanity as a whole and not for any individual or group of individuals.  ‘Justice to one is justice to all’, as the saying goes. Justice does not respect titles, gender or status, so it is expected that every human ‘own’ any and all courts.

    However, from records, Nigerian courts seem to have been stripped of their essence given the plethora of attacks on courts across the country over the years. In 2014, the Ekiti State High court was invaded by hoodlums and a judge severely beaten up. Litigants and lawyers were attacked too.  That was after the declaration of the Ekiti State governorship election that brought former Governor Ayo Fayose to office. In 2016, heavily armed hoodlums invaded three courts in Makurdi, Benue State and after vandalising the courts, they locked the gates with their own padlocks. There were attacks on some courts in Kogi State and two judges abducted in July, last year.

    Perhaps the most recent attack on the judiciary was the killing, on February 2, of the chairman of  Ejemekwuru  Customary Court in the  Oguta Local Government Area of Imo State, Nnaemeka Ugboma. Reports say Ugboma was killed during a court session by gunmen who came to the place on motorcycles.

    These attacks are however not the only ones that have been recorded. 

    We hasten to add that the judicial arm of our government has always been violated at different levels and this is not good for democracy. As the third tripod of democracy, the sanctity of the judiciary, represented by the courts must be upheld by institutions empowered constitutionally to protect them.

    It is regrettable that the sanctity of the courts is being violated by hoodlums repeatedly and there seems to be no strict action to rein in the perpetrators of the violence. In the case of the Delta State attack, we find it curious that a magistrate’s court would be located in a plaza that houses other ministries and even corporate bodies. We would have expected that given the sensitivity of their role, a separate and secure building ought to be allocated by governments to house the different courts in any state. The dispensers of justice ought to be safe and secure as they carry out their constitutional duties.

    Adequate security for the courts and the judicial workers is not a luxury and we even feel that in Nigeria, those in both the executive and the legislative arms live in luxury and are well protected by various security agencies while those in the judiciary that are equally relevant to democracy are left in the lurch. It is regrettable that only the judiciary seems to be under these senseless attacks.

    To neglect the temple of justice as the country seems to have done is to bury democracy alive. The judicial arm is too important to everyone to be tampered with. Everyone needs the courts as it is said that the judiciary is the last hope of the common man. Lawyers and judges should be free to carry out their duties unhindered because the executive and legislature alone cannot successfully run democracy.

    It is very ironic that politicians often run to the judiciary for intervention pre- and post- elections for cases concerning their access to power but are often very fast to forget to care for the welfare of the judicial workers the moment the same judiciary confers on them the authority, through oaths, to perform their own roles in a democracy.

    Protecting the courts and judicial staff must be prioritised for democracy to be viable. It is a pity to see the opulence and security around the executive members of government and the legislators while the judiciary is left in a seeming Hobbesian state. Attacks on the courts and judicial workers would continue to affect democracy if not arrested through diligent prosecution of suspects and their sponsors. When perpetrators seem assured that they can always get away with the crime, they won’t have any reason to retrace their steps. Not only that, others would be encouraged to do like wise. In the end, it is the society that suffers.

  • Too slow

    Too slow

    •Federal Govt. should accelerate Ogoni clean-up

    The people of Ogoni land in Rivers State would wish the clean-up of their environment from oil pollution promised them by President Muhammadu Buhari had yielded a better result, as the tenure of the government winds down. Before Buhari’s emergence as president, the people had resisted every attempt by government and oil companies to restart oil exploration in their homeland, after years of debacle between the people and the oil companies protected by the Federal Government.

    The resistance against environmental pollution claimed the lives of prominent Ogoni sons, including the renowned writer and activist Ken Saro-Wiwa, whose killing resulted in international sanctions against Nigeria. Saro-Wiwa and other eight activists were tried by a secret military tribunal and sentenced to death for the killing of Edward Kobani and three other Ogoni leaders who were allegedly killed for being accomplices of the Federal Government’s effort to restart oil exploration in Ogoni land. The government of Gen. Sani Abacha, despite pleas from world leaders and prominent Nigerians, sanctioned the execution of Saro-Wiwa and his fellow activists before their appeal to a superior court could be heard.

    The fallout of that unfortunate debacle was a long drawn battle between the people on one side and the Federal Government and Shell Oil Company on the other side. But the protracted negotiation and mediation championed by prominent cleric Bishop Matthew Hassan Kukah eventually resulted in an environmental remediation agreement considered a model for resuscitation of the Niger Delta region. President Buhari was trusted by the Ogoni people to deliver on that remediation exercise.

    With barely four months to the end of the Buhari regime, the people of Ogoni are disillusioned that the remediation is moving at a snail’s pace. According to the Guardian Newspaper’s report, “a visit to about 10 remediation sites being handled by Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP) around Korokro in Tai, Ogali in Eleme, four locations in Gokana, and others in Khana, revealed that though some work had been done, but from a layman’s viewpoint, there is no difference between a remediated (certified) site and others yet to be certified clean.”

    Read Also: No cash is missing in Ogoni Trust Fund, says ex-board chair Edun

    The newspaper reported that the environment had deteriorated further since the flag-off of the clean-up exercise in 2016. However, it also reported that in HYPREP’s report of October, last year, the agency’s spokesman, Kbobari Nafo, claimed that “active remediation and the National Oil Spill and Detection Regulatory Agency (NOSDRA) certification processes have been completed successfully for 26 lots out of 50 lots in Phase 1, Batches 1 and 2.” But between the agency and the people there is an agreement that a lot of remediation work still needs to be done.

    No doubt the people of Ogoni and indeed several parts of the Niger Delta have suffered severe environmental degradation arising from decades of oil exploration in the region, from which Nigeria has benefited immensely. Since the 1970s, Nigeria has depended mainly on revenue from crude oil export for its developmental projects, yet the Niger Delta is backward. It has not been comparatively impacted by the billions of dollars the nation has been earning at the expense of the people of the region. So, the Ogoni clean-up was perceived as the beginning of restoration of the despoiled environment of the oil producing region.

    The consequences of oil exploration on the people have been very dire, as their health, economy and environment have been so much affected. In many of the communities, life expectancy has been drastically reduced, local economy eviscerated and the people dislocated from their communities. We ask, for a people who have been denied environmental justice, how can they get social or human justice? The Buhari government must do what it can to ensure value for the resources so far expended in remediation of the despoiled Ogoni land.

  • Gas flare albatross 

    Gas flare albatross 

    •Some progress has been recorded, but there is room for improvement

    Whereas the World Bank may have set 2030 as the target year to end gas flaring, and the Federal Government has re-affirmed its commitment to ending it by 2025, such has the burden of the old plague become that the path of wisdom lies in finding a permanent solution to it. We say this on the back of the finding by the World Bank that the country, between 2012 and 2022, flared an estimated 80 billion standard cubic metres of gas worth about N9tn in the course of oil production.

    The irony here is that gas flaring actually reduced by over 70 per cent in the same span of time. In fact, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation’s (NNPC) Annual Statistical Bulletin (ASB) figures reveal that the figures dropped from a high of 25.79 per cent in 2011 to 7.08 per cent in 2020.

    No doubt, the sector has come a long way. More than that, the trend, most certainly, affirms the possibility of an achievable flare-out; it proves that a lot can still be done provided the government is committed to its own declared targets. The trend is praise-worthy.

    Still, there remains a lot of ground to cover. The immediate imperative is to stop the flare. That way, the country is guaranteed the revenue that would otherwise have been lost to the practice, while addressing the twin issues of the environment and the tragic human correlates that they give rise to. This, unfortunately, is easier said than done. The truth is that gas flaring cannot be decreed out of existence any more than the requisite investments in gathering, processing and distribution can be called in by fiat. What the country needs to sustainably deal with the situation are quantum investments – both upstream and downstream – to convert the flares to cash. This is where the government has a big role to play to drive the process through policies and well-designed partnerships.

    Read Also: NNPCL, Daewoo sign $740m pact for Kaduna refinery repair

    Already, we see some progress in the area of new gas utilisation schemes. A good example is the on-going work on the 614km-long Ajaokuta–Kaduna–Kano (AKK) pipeline already in high gear. That project is said to represent the phase one of the 1,300km-long Trans-Nigerian Gas Pipeline (TNGP) project. It is advertised as a major element of Nigeria’s Gas Master Plan designed to utilise the country’s surplus gas resources for power generation as well as for consumption by domestic customers. Of particular interest is that the TNGP project claims to be an integral part of the proposed 4,401km-long Trans-Saharan Gas Pipeline (TSGP) to export natural gas to customers in Europe. Nigerians expect to see more of such investments come on board.

    Only recently, Minister of State for Petroleum, Timipre Sylva, spoke of government’s new impetus in the sector: “We believe, with all the programmes lined up, that we are on course to achieve complete elimination of gas flaring by 2025. We take the issue of gas flaring in the ministry very seriously”.

    Group Managing Director of NNPC, Mallam Mele Kyari, would echo a similar refrain: not only is the extant regime of flaring penalty not the solution to the gas imbroglio, the corporation, he said, is currently executing a number of projects, notably, major trunk lines that will receive the flared gas while connecting most parts of the country to the gas network so that people can convert gas to power.

    That is the way to go. However, ending the flaring of associated gas cannot, and should not, be seen as destination. With proven natural gas reserves at 188 trillion cubic feet (tcf) comprising 99tcf of associated gas and 89tcf of non-associated gas making her Africa’s biggest and one of the world’s biggest gas reserves, Nigeria possesses the potential to lead the world both in best practices and revenue haul. What is required is the political will.

  • Goodbye Nigeria

    Goodbye Nigeria

    Some Nigerians may renounce their citizenship, but are they shedding their Nigerianness?

    We started experiencing the Andrew syndrome in the 1980’s, and the Shagari administration mounted a vigorous, if comic, campaign to extol the virtues of being a Nigerian and living here. A popular songstress chimed a tune with a haunting lyric bemoaning the trend with a plea in pidgin saying, “Andrew no check out o.” Enda Ogholi’s tuneful riff still whispers in the Nigerian ear today.

    But not with emphatic rectitude. From year to year, decade to decade, the young and middle-aged first moved in trickles and then in spurts. But now, many believe that it is in relative deluge, leading to what many call ‘Japa‘ syndrome. If it was Andrew, it was about an individual. Today, Andrew as metaphor understates the crowd surging out of our borders.

    The Ministry of Interior hinted at another new dimension to the trend. It says 309 Nigerians have renounced their citizenship in about two decades. That seems too puny a number to contemplate. Statistics, however, are better understood by stripping them down.

    Hear the word of the permanent secretary in the ministry, Dr Shuaib Belgore: “Now down to those Nigerians who renounce their citizenship, so far we have registered a total of 309.

    “Between 2006 and 2021, 150 Nigerians renounced their citizenship. In 2022 alone, 159 Nigerians renounced their citizenship,” he said.

    The 2022 number shows a big leap among Nigerians defrocking themselves of Nigerian citizenship.  It means over half of the statistic happened within 12 months. Percentages can overstate a trend or event. One hundred and fifty-nine out of a population of over 100 million is like a drop of water. But the percentage may hint at a coming trend since we have seen in the past few years an avalanche of Nigerians fleeing their homeland.

    The reason for abandoning their homeland is not far-fetched. We have known for decades the failure of the governing elite, whether military or civilian, to deliver on the basics of living standards for the majority of Nigerians. It started with jobs not being available to those who attended primary school. It moved up, like a leprous hand, to college graduates. Even at that, the political elite swore it might never reach the university graduates.

    At that time, the big-name companies and government scouts visited the universities to seek out graduating students for jobs. It reads like paradise today. But that was a society that tempted anyone to be a patriot. Today, their patriotism is tempted.

    Suddenly, though, graduate unemployment started creeping in amidst official denials for political reasons.

    Today, it has become commonplace. The Andrew syndrome did not affect the graduates at the start. It was among those who did not belong to the top of the rung. Gradually we started witnessing Nigerians who had degrees in law and sciences and humanities moving away from their country. Some decided to travel for a few months or a year, so as to acquire some hard currencies and invest in Nigeria.

    The pull to remain in the country was strong. They did not want to be second-class citizens abroad. But things got worse. From staying abroad, they started to live abroad. Our sense of national pride had taken a beating. A nation that saw the United Kingdom, Canada and the United States as places to earn degrees and return with the proverbial golden fleece has transformed those places into homes. Even then, those who attended universities at home had contempt for graduates in Europe and America. That was the sense of self-worth decades ago.

    It is a different story today. Few would contemplate becoming citizens abroad, even though Nigerians travelled to the United Kingdom without the requirement of visas. The U.K. knew we did not need their economy because the Naira exchanged at one time equal to the British pound. Nothing tells the story more when in the parallel market today, we exchange a pound for over 800 Naira. This is a cataclysmic fall.

    There is a paradox, though. The Ministry of Interior reported that many foreigners are applying for Nigerian citizenship just as our citizens are applying for citizenships abroad. The ministry said it was going to meet to consider applications from foreigners. Hear Dr. Belgore again: “After the meeting, these applications for naturalisation, when successful, will be sent to Mr. President-in-Council for approval.”

    He said about 300 foreigners want to be Nigerians. So, the nation where its citizens are fleeing is welcoming others. It is a reflection of globalised citizenship. That is a part of the narrative we must accept, though, in the 21stcentury. Does it mean we Nigerians do not take advantage of opportunities here that others see? We can see the evidence of businesses owned by foreigners that are thriving here. Whether supermarkets, airlines, hospitals or even furniture, we cannot deny their prosperity in our land. We may gripe over the failure of our elite, we should also look inwards why others make it here while we do not.

    On the whole, it is a bad trend that our elite have not instilled confidence in the young who have to look elsewhere for their future. Yet, the citizens who renounce their official link have not shed their Nigerianness. Records have shown over the years that Nigerians who renounce their citizenship still queue for visas to visit. Some of them invest in the country. The annual inflow of billions in foreign exchange into our shores reflects that great bond with the land of their birth. They have remained a boon, hence some of them have started the agitation to vote during elections.

    They are fleeing the country. It is not out of hate of their land but fear of the collapse of their material wellbeing. If they vote with their feet, they stay here in their hearts.

  • Sloppy!

    Sloppy!

    •Osun: INEC must do better with BVAS records in 2023 polls

    My majority decision, the Osun State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal last week affirmed Alhaji Gboyega Oyetola of the All Progressives Congress (APC) as winner of the July 16, 2022 governorship poll and invalidated the purported victory of Senator Ademola Adeleke of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The tribunal found that there was over-voting in 744 polling units, and consequently that Adeleke who was returned winner by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) did not secure the highest number of lawful votes cast.

    Following Adeleke’s declaration as winner, Oyetola, who ran for a second term, had petitioned the tribunal to challenge the victory on the grounds that Adeleke did not qualify to contest the poll and that there was over-voting in 749 polling units across 10 council areas of the state. In its majority verdict, the three-member tribunal comprising Justices Tertse Kume, A. Ogbuli and Rabi Bashir dismissed the case against Adeleke’s qualification. But it held that Oyetola proved over-voting in some of the polling units, hence ordered INEC to withdraw the certificate of return issued to Adeleke and issue a fresh one to Oyetola as duly elected. There was, however, a dissenting minority judgment by Justice Ogbuli.

    In the majority verdict, panel chairman, Justice Kume, held that the conduct of the election was not in substantial compliance with the Electoral Act (as amended) in view of discrepancies between reports of INEC’s Bimodal Voters Accreditation System (BVAS) device tendered by the petitioners – Oyetola and APC – on one hand and the defendants – INEC, Adeleke and PDP – on the other. Referring to the BVAS report filed in by the petitioners, the justice said inter alia: “Moreover, exhibit BVR has not been withdrawn by the first respondent (INEC) who made and issued it. The petitioners relied on exhibit BVR in maintaining this petition. Similarly, the exhibit tendered by the respondents after exhibit BVR submitted by learned counsel to the petitioners was thought of after the declaration of the result on the 17thday of July, 2022. The said conduct of the respondents, especially, the first respondent, amounts to tampering with official records.”

    From its recalculation of the scoreline based on the tendered BVAS report, the panel held that “the total lawful votes cast for each of the candidates after the said deduction of invalid votes is 314,931 for the first petitioner (Oyetola) and 290,266 votes for the second respondent (Adeleke).” The learned justice added: “The second respondent did not score a majority of lawful votes cast for the election. The declaration and return are hereby declared null and void… Rather, we hereby hold that the first petitioner scored the majority of lawful votes in the said election and is hereby returned as such. The first respondent (INEC) is hereby directed to withdraw the certificate of return issued to the second respondent and give the first petitioner certificate of return as the duly elected governor.”

    Read Also: 2023 polls will not be postponed, INEC assures

    In explaining discrepancies between the BVAS report tendered by the petitioners and that tendered by the defendants, INEC had explained that BVAS data had not been “synchronised” on its server before a certified report was obtained by the petitioners. In her evidence before the tribunal last December, Deputy Director in INEC’s ICT department, Abimbola Oladunjoye, explained that at the time the petitioners requested BVAS accreditation data from INEC, the data on the BVAS machines had not been synchronised. According to her, the electoral body was compelled to issue “incomplete” data to the petitioners because it was bound by the Freedom of Information Act and the Electoral Act to respond within a given period. “We got a letter from a law firm…requesting BVAS accreditation data and because we had limited time to issue the letter and also FoI Act was binding on us and also the electoral law stating that we must release data within 10 days, we had to issue what we had as at that time. That was what we had at the backend. The report was issued on 27th of August when synchronisation was ongoing,” she said.

    One question that arises and needs addressing by INEC is whether the alleged delay in synchronising data was a function of staff inefficiency, collusion by them with political actors, or both. Whatever the case, issuing two BVAS reports on one election was sloppy and calls for sanctioning the commission’s officials responsible. More importantly, the electoral umpire must tidy up its act as we can’t afford to have such a lapse in the imminent general election. The Osun panel’s verdict underscores the merit of BVAS, but it also poses INEC a challenge to master its game. 

  • Bolanle Awe at 90

    Bolanle Awe at 90

    •We celebrate a woman of substance, outstanding academic and matriarch of feminist history

    Defittingly, three well-known universities are collaborating to organise a major conference to celebrate Prof. Bolanle Awe, who turned 90 on January 28. 

     The University of Texas at Austin, USA, the University of Lagos and the University of Ibadan, in Nigeria, will jointly honour the distinguished historian through a two-day conference on “Oral Traditions and Written Histories,” on February 13 and 14, at the University of Ibadan.

    She retired from the University of Ibadan as a professor of Oral History in 1995 after a 35-year academic career, and the focus of the event highlights her recognition as a historian who valued oral traditions as historical sources. 

    In the Nigerian context, this approach to history gave her access to histories before the arrival of the Europeans. Importantly, it enriched her study of pre-literate Yoruba society, and enhanced her stature in the field of Yoruba history.      

     Born in Ilesha, in present-day Osun State, she attended St Anne’s School, Ibadan, and The Perse School in Cambridge, UK. She got a master’s degree in History from St. Andrews University, Scotland, in 1958, and a doctorate in the same subject from the University of Oxford, England, in 1964.

     She was the first female lecturer in the Department of History, University of Ibadan.  Interestingly, she joined the institution on October 1, 1960, the day Nigeria was granted independence from Britain. At the time, she was also the first female member of the academic staff in a Nigerian university.  She became Nigeria’s first female professor of history at the university in 1976, and served as the first female director of the university’s Institute of African Studies from 1983 to 1991.

    Beyond her teaching and research activities, she was actively involved in the struggle for improved conditions in the country’s public universities. For instance, in the mid-1980s, she was the Chairman of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, University of Ibadan Chapter.

     Her success in academia was an inspiration to many women. Indeed, she also played a pioneering role in women-focused historical research, which addressed perceived relegation of the historical contributions of women.  Through her work, she helped to draw attention to Nigerian women’s history, feminism and feminist history. She is known as the matriarch of feminist history in Nigeria.

     She was a member of the founding committee of the International Federation for Research in Women’s History, co-founded the Women’s Research and Documentation Centre (WORDOC) in Ibadan in 1987, and was an active member of Women in Nigeria (WIN), an association described as “Nigeria’s first cohesive feminist movement.”

     Her appointment as the first chair of the National Commission for Women (NCW), established by the Nigerian government, underlined her relevance in women affairs and social development. She headed the body from 1990 to 1992.  

    Outside the academic world, she served as Commissioner for Education and Commissioner for Trade, Industries and Cooperatives in the old Oyo State. She was also chairman of the board of the University of Ilorin Teaching Hospital, and Pro-Chancellor at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. These showed her capacity as an administrator.

     After she retired from academia, she was, for five years, the Country Representative of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, a prominent American non-governmental organisation which, she said, “was moving to Africa for the first time and chose Nigeria as its focal point.”

    This was yet another first for her.  ”Its major area of interest when I became its representative was reproductive health and the empowerment of women,” she explained, describing it as “an entirely new and unfamiliar field.”  In reality, it just added another dimension to her life-long work as a women’s activist.  

    She received the Nigerian national honour, Officer of the Order of the Federal Republic (OFR) in 1983, became a Fellow of the Historical Society of Nigeria in 1992, and a Fellow of the Nigerian Academy of Letters in 2005.

    Awe’s life and work ultimately underscore the value of the study of history, and the absurdity of downplaying the subject in the country’s educational system. We congratulate her as she enters her nonagenarian years.

  • About time

    About time

    • Lagos State Govt’s promise to prosecute the owner and driver of Ojuelegba killer truck is in order

    Just as well that the Lagos State government has vowed to prosecute the owner and driver of the articulated vehicle which killed nine people at the Ojuelegba area of the state on Sunday. The victims were crushed to death when the container that the truck was carrying fell on a commercial minibus that was picking up passengers at the bus stop along the Ojuelegba Bridge. The truck lost control and fell over the side of the bridge. The victims included Miss Blessing Isioma; Abdurahman Okoya Sunday; Felix John Ifeanyi, 40; Olatokunbo Basirat King, 49, and five others.

    Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu in a statement signed by the commissioner for information and strategy, Gbenga Omotoso, directed that the truck owner and driver who are already in police custody be prosecuted immediately, after receiving an interim report on the accident.

    We join the state government in commiserating with the families of the dead.

    Beyond this however is the more important need to bring such articulated truck accidents to a tolerable level, if they cannot be stopped completely. Accidents by their very nature are sometimes inevitable. But the truth is that many accidents here are avoidable. All too often, we see these articulated trucks that are not road worthy not only plying our roads but also bearing load beyond their capacities. On top of this, those of them that carry containers do not have them securely hinged to the trucks, making the containers to tip over, often with fatal consequences that cause tears and anguish to other road users.

    Many of these trucks do not have good tyres, they are not regularly serviced or maintained such that their brakes fail often.

    We can understand the anger of the Lagos State government in directing the immediate prosecution of the culprits in the incident. Articulated truck accidents are fast becoming something else in the state. Less than 24 hours after the accident at Ojuelegba, another accident involving yet another articulated truck occurred near the

    Iyana Ipaja area of the state, when another container fell off its truck. Lagos State Traffic Management Authority’s (LASTMA) spokesman, Taofiq Adebayo, in a statement, noted that the fallen 40-foot container occupied 90 per cent of the road. “A 40ft container laden truck fell at Sawmill inward Dopemu under bridge; it’s occupying 90 per cent of the road. Our men are on ground doing the needful as effort is on for recovery.” There are several other incidents, even on the same Ojuelegba axis.

    Despite the fact that the state government has the equipment to clear off wreckage from such accidents from the roads within a reasonable time, the traumatic experience of waiting while evacuation is ongoing is enough nightmare.

    The government should show the kind of keen interest it has always shown in similar incidents in this particular case. As it noted, it did it in the case of a truck driver, Sodiq Okanlawon, and the owner of the truck, Wasiu Lekan, who were sentenced to life imprisonment for causing the death of three people on July 26, 2020, at Ilasamaja, on the Oshodi/Apapa Expressway. It should do it again.

    Vehicle owners and their drivers owe the society the duty of behaving responsibly by ensuring that their vehicles are in good shape always. People must be taught about  the sanctity of human lives.

    We agree with the commissioner for transportation, Dr Frederic Oladeinde, that barricades should be erected around the Ojuelegba Bridge. But this should be well fortified given the experience with such barricades in some parts of the state that hoodlums easily destroy soon after their erection. Also, indiscriminate picking and dropping of passengers around the Ojuelegba Bridge must be stopped.

    It is high time the state ministry of transportation and the security agencies responsible for safety on our roads took their jobs more seriously by ensuring that all the laws governing the operations of trucks and related vehicles are enforced “with more vigour and diligence.” The Nigeria Ports Authority too should assist in finding a lasting solution to the menace of falling trucks.

    Above all, the Federal Governments should fast-track rail network to and from the ports so as to reduce the number of articulated vehicles on our roads. This would also reduce their menace as well as ensure longevity of the roads.

  • 75 percent bomb

    75 percent bomb

    • If only 25 percent of children from age four to 14 can read and write and tackle basic math, our future is dicier than we know

    It is not unexpected. Yet, to know it is damning. The United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF) reported that 75 percent of Nigerian children cannot read, write and solve mathematical problems.

    That is the definition of mass illiteracy. This refers to children from all over the country from age four to 14. It means at least seven of every 10 kids are illiterate. It runs against the grain of any country that wants to compete in the 21st century. It shows that we have a huge mass roaming with inchoate minds, untapped potential and liable to the manipulation of a cynical elite who made them into little minds in the first place.

    Every year, the nation is reminded by reports of organisations like UNICEF of the place of education in the scheme of things. We already know we do not treat our children to the best of knowledge. But for it to go down to this parlous state calls for urgent attention.

    We acknowledge too that the past few years have made it tragic for education of the young in the country. We have had a bloodfest of violence in parts of the country, beginning from the northeast. Boko Haram made mincemeat of armies as in towns. It was only natural that the children would be victims. Schools were shut down, and that implied a malignant holiday from education. They had to survive first, and education was not on their plate of survival. Food was. But Boko Haram came after a sitting governor seemed to relish the level of illiteracy of people under his watch, and he lashed out at newspapers for highlighting the failures of his stewardship. He said the press was in a wild goose chase to defame him because his fellow citizens could neither read nor write.

    That was the lay of the land with illiteracy before a scythe of ignorance swung through parts of the country in the name of banditry. We witnessed with horror as school after school was shut down. The Chibok girls episode became macabre gold standard for the hoodlum. We saw savagery on a large scale. They stormed schools in Kaduna, Katsina, Niger, Zamfara and Yobe states. Other states in the north were not immune, if these were the great underbellies of their incursions.

    Schools were shut down, one of the theatres was the long trek of students in Katsina into the bush for nights and days surviving on desperate vegetables.

    If it was so in the north, it was not that much better in the south. Many schools have been only in names. Teachers could not pass teachers exams and even fought against governors who insisted on those tests. Many children still hawk wares when their mates are in school.

    Also adding to the statistic must be the impact of COVID-19. Many children did not go to school, and could not take advantage of digital tools to learn.

    Modern education calls for great budgeting, and philosophies that embrace town and mind in a one strategy of illumination.

     ”As Nigeria’s presidential election draws near, on behalf of UNICEF and the children in Nigeria, I call on all presidential candidates to include investments in education as a top priority in their manifestos,” said Cristian Munduate , UNICEF’s Nigeria representative.

    We have fallen short of the 20 percent that the world expects us to devote to education. So, we expect whoever succeeds Muhammadu Buhari to know the kind of country he will be inheriting. If 75 percent of children cannot read or write or solve basic math matter, it shows they are ticking timebomb for the future. If they cannot read, they will see all those who can as threats and we can easily circle back to a new-fangled Boko Haram, militants in the Niger Delta, kidnappers and, perhaps, a new generation of crimes and impunity borne out of ignorance.

    We must reverse this looming dangers.

  • Pay them

    Pay them

    •State governments should promptly settle judges’ retirement benefits.

    The Nigerian government is run on a tripod, with the legislature, executive and judiciary constituting autonomous arms of government. In so doing, the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission  (RMAFC), is constitutionally saddled with the task of determining what each official of government is paid monthly, and the benefits at retirement.

    It is unfortunate that public officials are poorly paid, whether in or out of service. The plight of judicial officials has particularly come to the public view recently. At the 100th meeting of the National Judicial Council (NJC) held in Abuja, the council frowned at reports that many state governments have failed in their obligations to settle the terminal benefits of judicial officers. This is particularly odious because it contrasts with the experience of politicians who hold similar offices in the legislative and executive arms of government, whether at the centre or sub-national levels.

    This incongruity exists mainly at the state level. It is bad enough that judges are poorly paid. In 2021, President of the Court of Appeal cried out that the paltry sum being paid judges monthly could not take them home. She disclosed that the Chief Justice of Nigeria earns a paltry N279, 000 per month. Dangerous as this is, it is even more contemptuous that judges are owed gratuities, severance allowances and pension months after bowing out at the end of meritorious service to the country.

    A judge of the state high court retires at age 65 years, by which time many of them have served for more than 30 years. It is ungodly to deny such men and women who were poorly paid while in service, their due at the point of retirement.

    It is particularly disheartening that judges are tempted to help themselves because the state fails to care for them. Many litigants see them as enemies, even some lawyers who could not entice them would go to any length to fight the judges, yet the state reduces them to paupers.

    One way to tackle this ill is to make the state high courts financially independent. By this, remuneration of the judges would be settled by the judicial arm. In the alternative, since the NJC pays salaries, it should equally be saddled with pensions snd gratuities.

    We expect that the chief judges would abide by the NJC directive to file report before April 1 on compliance with the instruction given. By that date, any state government that fails to pay up should be exposed. 

    Judicial officers are men and women of honour and no one, institution or government should be allowed to wittingly or unwittingly strip them of the robe of integrity. Corruption is rife in our country today, and no institution is spared. However, the judiciary,  regarded as the last hope of the common man, deserves to be shielded from the menace as much as possible. A situation whereby a judge is unable to buy or build a decent house before retirement is undesirable. As arbiters in financial deals sometimes running into billions of Naira, or electoral disputes to which politicians have committed billions, we owe them the duty to guarantee them decent living in and after service.

    The NJC should not stop at  securing the backlog of pension arrears, it should put a mechanism in place to prevent such odious practice. And, the body should liaise with the Supreme Court to ensure that the RMAFC and the National Assembly urgently review salaries of serving judges at all levels, given the amount of research and diligence that go into their work. While we disagree with the unilateral allocation by the National Industrial Court in a case filed by Sebastian Hon, SAN, last year,  by which the head of the Nigerian judiciary should be paid N10 million monthly, we expect an urgent review.