• Security agencies should hit hard at election saboteurs, especially their high profile sponsors

Might governors, elected and privileged by law with immunity to boot, be virtual velvet gangsters, using illicit enforcers to turn the current electioneering into an orgy of violence?  Two news reports certainly suggest so — and how they allegedly do it.

One, “2023: Govs intolerant, ordering disruption of campaigns” (Daily Trust, November 18), was credited to no less than Nigeria’s Inspector-General of Police, Usman Baba, and top security and intelligence chiefs.

The other, “Police arrest ‘Auxiliary’ over alleged destruction of APC billboards” (Nigerian Tribune, November 18).  That was a direct reportage from the court in Ibadan, where Mukaila Lamidi, alias ‘Auxiliary’, chair of the Oyo State Park Management System (PMS) and former factional chair of the Oyo State chapter of the National Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW), was docked at a magistrate’s court.

‘Auxiliary’ was accused of damaging campaign billboards belonging to candidates of the rival All Progressives Congress (APC), from presidential candidate down the ticket, in different locations of Oyo State, spanning Igbo Ora, in the Ibarapa zone, and Omi Adio, in the Ido local government area of the state.  He is suspected to have People’s Democratic Party (PDP) sympathies.

Indeed, these two stories show, in lurid technicolor, the oft patrician-plebeian conspiracy among politicians against free choice, during electioneering and actual elections, using strong arm tactics that often crest in hideous violence.  Indeed, it would appear part of Nigeria’s political ecology and electoral sociology that no election is won or lost, without this tag team, of the mighty and the lowly, conspiring to skew the process.

Besides, that ‘Auxiliary’ is bobbing up again is instructive.  He was one of the “untouchables” during the crisis between former Governor Rashidi Ladoja and his political godfather, the late Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu (2003-2007); and all through the Adebayo Alao-Akala governorship (2007-2011), until the late Abiola Ajimobi (2011-2019) caged him and his likes during his own governorship, only for ‘Auxiliary’ to bounce back into reckoning, during the 2019 elections and after.

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Still, it’s only fair to say hardly any Nigerian state lacks its own ‘Auxiliary’ — from Lagos to Borno; from Rivers to Sokoto.  The NURTW folks and their endless factions appear a ready breeding pond of enforcers, for powers and principalities determined to win elections by hook or by crook.  That seedy practice should stop, and the civil security agencies, led by the police but enjoying cross-service intelligence sharing, should see to it.

On that score though, given the dreary stats and intelligence the IGP just disclosed, it’s not looking good in the run-up to the 2023 elections.  Between September 28 (when electioneering officially opened) and November 17 (51 days), 52 cases of violence have rocked the polity, giving the virtual impression of one day, one trouble!  Most of these cases, according to the security chiefs, were politically motivated.

Worse, quoting verbatim the Daily Trust report: “security operatives have been receiving reports of some state governors who encourage political thugs and sub-national security outfits under their control to disrupt the seamless and ‘statutorily’ guaranteed campaign activities of parties or candidates with whom they hold opposing views.”

It’s an unfortunate part of Nigeria’s evolving political sociology that it’s sheer heresy to name and shame those irresponsible governors.  It must be said: recruiting thugs to skew electioneering and the actual election is execrable rascality taken too far.  The order should be doughty enough to name and shame such executive renegades, virtually throwing fires at own thatched eaves, at the peak of dry harmattan.

Besides, that some governors allegedly prime sub-national security cells to attack and oppress partisan opponents is just bad dream from the First Republic (1 October 1960- 15 January 1966) and its collapse.  Such ringing abuse of regional security agencies, for obtuse politics, led to the over-centralisation of the police.

Yet, that central police, as everyone can see, can’t effectively check crime in Nigeria’s far-flung outposts, hence the clamour for state police.  Still, how can you achieve state police when its fore-runners in the states are already being accused of gangling abuses by state governors that control them?  Is this another perplexing sense of deja vu — and our scandalous inability to leverage our tragic pasts, to build a better, fairer and more inclusive future?

Still, the IGP’s resolute stand is rather reassuring.  ”Henceforth, therefore,” he thundered, “we shall put machinery in motion that will, in the most proactive manner, identify, isolate, apprehend, and bring any political actor and the foot soldiers they might be motivating to engage in violence at political rallies, or any other political engagement to deserved justice.”  Well said!

But it’s time for the police boss to walk his talk, pressing the full force of the law.  If governors allegedly priming violence for political gains enjoy constitutional immunity, the foot soldiers that they press into illicit service are not.  Neither are high level political apparatchiks that create mayhem behind the scene for ruthless partisan gains.

As many of those should be nabbed, tried and convicted, just to send a clear message that it’s not seedy business as usual.  Then the law must be alert, resilient and vibrant enough to still track and trail any erring governor on that account, and bring them to justice long after they have left office and shed their constitutional immunity.

But while pressing all of these as short-term response, the ultimate solution is for everyone to imbibe the democratic ethos: every voter must benefit from the free exchange of ideas, “bought” and “sold” in the electioneering market.  It’s no accident that campaign rallies are crammed full of people.  They are there to hear what each candidate or party has to offer and, on that basis, vote on a rational basis.

That is the basis of democracy.  Shutting anyone off, therefore, not only imposes a short-term gash on the electorate, it also badly ruptures the system in the long run.  That is why everyone must absorb best democratic practices.  It’s the only way Nigerian democracy can grow, flourish and deepen.

• An idea we must embrace to curb hazards from defective items

“Computer Network”, CNET, an American media website publishing reviews, news, articles, blogs, podcasts, and videos on technology and consumer electronics globally headlined it so simply: “Own these Air Wick air fresheners? Stop using them.”

The rider: “The air fresheners have been recalled because they could injure someone”, is self-explanatory.

This was the medium’s way of capturing the recall of about 67,000 cans of AirWick Fresh New Day aerosol air fresheners — “Fresh Linen” and “Fresh Waters” scents by Reckitt, early this month. The products were recalled according to CNET because “The aerosol cans are missing a corrosion inhibitor. Without the inhibitor, the cans could corrode and rupture, which could cause someone to cut themselves on the can. The corrosion could also cause the spray inside the cans to leak out, which could irritate people’s skin and eyes.”

ConsumerConnect explains further that the recall “involves AirWick Fresh New Day aerosol air fresheners in 8-ounce aerosol cans in “Fresh Linen” scent (blue and white can, white cap, green Airwick logo, UPC 0-62338-74734-7) and “Fresh Waters” scent (green and white can, white cap, green Airwick logo, UPC 0-62338-77002-4) with batch code B22077-NJ and date code 18/03/22.”

Reckitt, the manufacturer of the product said it took the decision following  five reports — two of leaking cans, two of the can rupturing and the last report centred on both leaking and rupturing cans. No injuries had yet been reported.

But this happened in a society that values human lives and cares much about adherence to standards. A society where the regulatory authority for such products, the US Consumer Product Safety Commission, has all it takes to monitor what goes into the market for the consumption of Americans and is ever ready to safeguard their interest.

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Not in our kind of clime where anything goes. The manufacturer of the air fresheners did not have to wait till it was bombarded with complaints by consumers before recalling at least the batch of the product with the defective cans. It did not have to wait till people suffer injuries or death. This is because it knows the consequence would far outweigh whatever loss it would record by recalling the products, through the law suits it would be slammed by the victims. For them over there, the fear of the courts appears to be the beginning of wisdom.

As a matter of fact, the recall of the air fresheners would not be the first in that environment and it won’t likely be the last. Recall or market withdrawal is a normal process in the developed countries whenever lapses are observed in the manufacturing of products. Drugs, medical devices, foods and beverages as well as automobiles have had to be recalled for safety and security purposes.

As a matter of fact, Reckitt not only recalled the air fresheners, it also advised those who have bought them to stop using them immediately, wrap the cans of the product with them in several layers of paper, and dispose in accordance with state and local requirements. In doing all of these, they should be mindful of it touching their skin or eyes if the can is leaking. This is in addition to vouchers for free replacement of the product, with adequate proof that they actually bought the batch of the products. It then added the address where consumers may contact it, the telephone number as well as the company’s website.

It is unlike our own environment where all manner of things are sold to unsuspecting members of the public. We see hawkers of different products, including drugs, insecticides, rat poison and what have you ply their trade without anyone bothering to find out the chemical contents of their wares to know whether they are injurious to human beings or not. Many producers of sachet water (pure water) are known to produce under unhygienic conditions, the same applies to makers of all types of alcoholic drinks in sachets that the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC) has said should no longer be on sale but they are still sold all over the place without anyone to enforce the NAFDAC ban. Many of these producers put their products in the market without indicating their expiry dates. Even some of the big names making carbonated soft drinks do not have expiry dates on their drinks or if they do, the dates are tucked in somewhere that is difficult to locate at a glance. So, even  if they had expired, the consumer would have consumed them before realising so.

Some advertise rat killers that rats only have to perceive the smell of the product and die. They tell you just to drop it in some corners of your apartment and watch the rats in the place die and dry.  ”Smell and die”, they call it. What is the guarantee that what a rat does not need to ingest but only has to ‘smell and die’ cannot potentially kill a human being exposed to it in the same circumstance?

In spite of these shortcomings and potential dangers, product recall is alien to us in this part of the world.

We need to wake up if we must reduce the number of people in the country who die suddenly during a brief illness. Cases of cancer are on the increase and there is no doubt that some of these cancer cases were induced by many of these products in our markets. NAFDAC and other regulatory agencies in charge of these products must redouble their efforts to bring sanity to the sector. The government has to fund the agencies well to increase their efficiency.

Above all, there must be constant enlightenment on the potential dangers that indiscriminate purchase and consumption of these products pose to our health and lives.

• National Library essay contests project ethnic stereotypes  

Aspects of children’s literature contests involving the National Library of Nigeria raise questions that demand answers.  The collaboration between the National Library and Alphabetics, described as “a seasoned convener of World Book Day,” is curious in some respects.

The prizes are: The Nnamdi Azikiwe Prize for Children’s Literature in Eastern Nigeria, named after a prominent nationalist and independence hero who was the first President of Nigeria from 1963 to 1966; the Obafemi Awolowo Prize for Children’s Literature in Western Nigeria,  named after another nationalist who also played a significant role in Nigeria’s independence movement; and The Prime Minister Prize for Literature in Northern Nigeria, which is connected with the fact that Nigeria’s first premier was from the northern region.

These prizes suggest that the country has only three parts, east, west and north, which is not accurate. Such thinking, perhaps based on the existence of three major ethnic groups in the country, and where they are mainly located, is a disservice to its multi-ethnic reality. Indeed, there are minority areas in the country that can be said to be marginalised in the context of these literary competitions.

Relevantly, the country has six geo-political zones, comprising North- Central, North-East, North-West, South-West, South-East and South-South. It is unclear why the organisers were not guided by this.

The contests are open to anyone above 16 years. All submissions must be original and unpublished; and submitted works must not be under contract with any publisher.

The organisers want strictly children’s stories of between 1000 and 2000 words meant for children’s audience between 6 and 10 years. The aim is to “discover, recognise and celebrate excellent children’s fiction which promote an enduring reading habit among children in Nigeria.”

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Also disturbing is the prizes project ethnic heroes rather than national icons. They reinforce the tribal fault lines of our history where we only look to regional heroes as models. It makes the essay an example of division.

The call for entries specified a number of themes:  protection of human environment, insecurity, futuristic thinking, peace, longevity, girl child education, science and technology, Covid-19, children’s experiences in the lockdown, kidnapping, child abuse, child labour, scientific innovation and agriculture.

Also, participants are to avoid harmful, defamatory or discriminatory contents or “contents deemed explicit or gratuitously violent or referencing self-harm.”

Winning stories will be published by the organisers, and each of the winners will get a prize money of one million naira. Deadline for entries is December 30, and the announcement/celebration of the winners is scheduled for January 30, 2023, at the headquarters of the National Library of Nigeria in Abuja.

Apart from the flaw of limiting the scope of the contests to three areas, there is the question of payment for entries. Participants are required to pay N20,000 per entry into the bank account of Alphabetics. “A photocopy of the payment slip should be sent to the prize coordinator,” the organisers said. This requirement is odd, and gives the contests a commercial character.

Considering that the organisers publicised prize money of a million naira for each of the winners, which suggests that funding is not an issue, what is the point of asking participants to pay for entries?   Asking for payment for entries is counter-productive, particularly because the contests are expected to attract anyone above the age of 16, some of whom may not be adults.

Details of the collaboration are unclear. But from all indications, it is bad for the image of the National Library in particular.

Established as a network of libraries across the country funded by the Federal Government, the National Library is expected to make educational materials accessible to Nigerians, develop a local repository of knowledge, provide space for the promotion of knowledge, help to create awareness on the importance of literacy and to get the citizenry reading, among other objectives.

The National Library needs to clarify its involvement in this matter. It is unbefitting of such an important national institution.

•Still a long way to go to check corruption

In spite of the Muhammadu Buhari government’s anti-corruption war, the cankerworm is still alive and well in the country. This is the summary from the news report that the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) has seized no less than 97 properties from different individuals in the past four years. The story came to light through the request by Sunday Punch to the ICPC, to furnish the newspaper with the report of its activities in the last four years.

At least two of the cases ring a bell.

That of former Governor Abdulazeez Yari of Zamfara State and Prof Dibu Ojerinde, a former registrar of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB).

The former governor was accused of not being truthful in his assets declaration, and diverting Zamfara State’s funds through two companies, Kayatawa Nigeria Limited and B T Oil and Gas Nigeria Limited. The anti-corruption agency wanted the former governor to forfeit the $669,248.89 and N24,289,910.89 allegedly found in his two personal accounts to the Federal Government. Also, N217,388,040 and $311,872 found in a bank account of BT Oil and Gas Nigeria Limited and another N11,159,674.80 and $301,319.99 kept in an account belonging to Kayatawa Nigeria Limited were also requested to be forfeited to the government. The Federal High Court, Abuja, granted the prayers. It is however not clear if the governor had appealed the permanent forfeiture order made by Justice Taiwo Taiwo.

With regard to Prof Ojerinde, a former accountant with JAMB, Dr. Jimoh Olatunde, now the prosecution witness in Prof. Ojerinde’s case, told the High Court of Niger State, Minna, that Prof Ojerinde allegedly diverted N341.9m from the National  Examinations Council (NECO) to set up a personal printing press, school and buildings. Olatunde, who was suspected to have acted as proxy for Prof Ojerinde also claimed that under Prof Ojerinde’s watch, N216,297,443 was deceitfully withdrawn from NECO account for payment for 17 fictitious printing contracts, which were used for establishing the printing press. The former accountant has himself forfeited about 33 buildings, plots of land and a factory to the Federal Government. Whilst the 18-count charge involving about N5.2billion that the ICPC has slammed on the former JAMB registrar remain in the realm of speculation, that the board did not return any significant return in his days at NECO or JAMB is confirmed. That the incumbent JAMB registrar is now returning billions every year despite reducing fees charged candidates for the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) is also a notorious fact. Where was such money going before? This is the poser for Prof Ojerinde and other former JAMB registrars.

Several other individuals were also ordered to forfeit plots of land, residential buildings, schools, hotels, including a businessman, Lukumanu Waziri, who lost personal items, including shoes to the government. Some former governors had also been jailed for corruption, to underscore its prevalence in the country.

The import of all these forfeitures and convictions, as the Executive Director, Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre, Auwal Rafsanjani, noted, is that corruption was still alive in Nigeria. The country has too many honey pots, many of which we never thought could be literally swimming in money.

A good example is JAMB. Until the advent of the incumbent registrar, Prof. Ishaq Oloyede, nobody could ever imagine that the board was a gold mine capable of returning any surplus to government coffers. Oloyede has changed that perception. Since coming on board in 2016, he has been returning billions to government as surplus every year. And this despite reducing examination fees paid by candidates taking its examinations.

As a matter of fact, the board is even looking forward to a situation where it could be weaned off government subvention. If JAMB could operate with surplus, it means some public agencies could do likewise. The stumbling blocks are corruption, mismanagement of resources or lack of imagination, or a combination of two or all of these.

We commend Sunday Punch for putting the FOI Act into test. We also commend the ICPC for responding to the newspaper’s request. Many public institutions are usually reluctant to give information that is of public value despite the stipulation that such information must be made available on request. We do not know what they are hiding. We enjoin more institutions to take advantage of the FOI Act. Agencies of government that are uncooperative should be dragged to court to compel them to release vital information that is of public importance. In a democracy, people have the right to know how they are being governed.

We know there is no society that can eradicate corruption. But it can always be checked when corrupt people are made to pay for their sins. In this wise, we want the government and other stakeholders to review the anti-corruption processes to take care of observed lapses. Sometimes, mere naming and shaming corrupt persons in the market square is enough to make some people flee from corruption.

•It’s time for govt to  implement forensic auditors’ report

At long last, there are indications that the Federal Government is making moves to implement the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) forensic audit report after more than a year of puzzling delay.

After the Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami, on behalf of President Muhammadu Buhari, in September 2021, received the report from then Minister of Niger Delta Affairs, Godswill Akpabio, in Abuja, there had been little or nothing to show that the government understood the importance of implementing the report promptly.

This is why it is significant that the agency, on November 10, announced the termination of 1,301 contracts as part of its implementation of the forensic audit report.  The NDDC said the action was based on the president’s directive, adding that the affected contractors had “failed to mobilise to site from 2000 to December 31, 2019.”

The failure of such contractors in this regard underscores why such an audit was necessary in the first place.  The government had lamented the “uncompleted and unverified development projects” in the region “in spite of the huge resources made available to uplift the living standards of the citizens.” The government also said there were “over 13,777 projects, the execution of which is substantially compromised,” even though the commission got “approximately N6tn” from “budgetary allocation” and “income from statutory and non-statutory sources,” from 2001 to 2019.

When President Buhari, in October 2019, ordered a forensic audit of the agency’s operations from 2001 to 2019, the move suggested that his administration’s anti-corruption campaign had finally reached the NDDC.

The terminated contracts, across the states that make up the Niger Delta region, include road construction, land reclamation, renovation of classroom blocks, installation of electric transformers, renovation of hospital buildings, and rehabilitation of water projects, among others.  The states are:  Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers.

Importantly, the agency said: “All affected contractors are advised to note that all monies earlier received by way of mobilisation for any of the projects are to be promptly refunded to the commission’s account with the Central Bank of Nigeria.”

Notable among the recommendations of the audit team, presented by the Lead Forensic Auditor, Tabir Ahmed, was that the NDDC should be made to operate within the limits of its annual budget and ensure that only projects budgeted for are awarded each fiscal year.

The report also recommended that mobilisation payment be abolished, and the agency should employ project consultants to ensure accurate supervision and valuation of projects. In addition, the report recommended that the agency should adopt a standard for costing contracts with appropriate profit margins.

The government had said it would “apply the law to remedy the deficiencies outlined in the audit report as appropriate,” adding that “This will include but not be limited to the initiation of criminal investigations, prosecution, recovery of funds not properly utilised for the public purposes for which they were meant, amongst others.”

By terminating the said contracts and demanding the refund of monies received by the affected non-performing contractors, the government has demonstrated a commendable level of seriousness regarding its stated objective of improving the standard of living of the people of the Niger Delta “through the provision of adequate infrastructural and socio-economic development.”

It is ironic that the NDDC, established in 2000 by the President Olusegun Obasanjo administration to facilitate progress in the oil-rich region, became part of the problem. The development agency was seen as an agent of underdevelopment.

The authorities must ensure prompt refund of the said monies, and prosecute contractors that fail to do so, possibly with interest. This is necessary towards setting the NDDC on the right track.

Suspects are finally being dragged before the law for industrial level oil theft – a menace that has edged Nigeria into existential jeopardy and brought the economy close to its knees. This is a most welcome step, although government’s exertion seems rather tepid yet for the severity of the challenge the country faces.

Sixteen foreign nationals were arraigned before a Federal High Court in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, last week, for offences relating to oil theft. They face a three-count charge of conspiracy, falsely pretending to be victims of maritime offences to evade lawful interception by the Nigerian Navy, and attempting to deal in crude oil within the country’s exclusive economic zone without lawful authority. The docked persons were among 26 foreign nationals reportedly arrested on board a crude oil vessel, MT Heroic Idun, at Akpo oilfield in Rivers State on August 7, 2022, by the Nigerian Navy, which said the suspects – mostly Sri Lankans and Indians – were arrested after an investigation showed they entered Akpo oilfield without authorisation or clearance by relevant government agencies.

At their arraignment, the suspects pleaded not guilty to the charges said to contravene Section 10 of the Suppression of Piracy and Other Maritime Offences Act 2019. The trial judge, Justice Turaki Muhammed, ordered that they be remanded on their vessel pending the adjourned date when 10 other foreign nationals who were also arrested would take their plea.

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Talking to journalists shortly after the court proceedings, the captain of the seized vessel, Mehta Tanuj, claimed he and his crew were innocent as they were just following instructions from higher authorities. “We came to Nigeria on 8th August. We had some misunderstanding relating to our documents that were supposed to be filed by the ship’s agent. In the night we had an incident with a vessel we didn’t know at the time as the Nigerian Navy’s,” he said inter alia. The Navy’s narrative, however, was that brazen act of defiance by the captain of the vessel necessitated that it enlisted agents of neighbouring Equatorial Guinea to arrest the vessel. A Nigerian Navy surveillance facility was used to track and constantly update the Equatorial Guinea Navy on the location of the rogue vessel, the Navy said, adding that MT Heroic Idun is currently being held at the Luba Anchorage in Bioko Island, Equatorial Guinea, where the country is conducting her own investigation while awaiting diplomatic procedures for handing the vessel over to the Nigerian Navy.

This trial will be closely watched to ascertain the facts of the case as will be determined by the court. Meanwhile, the least expected of government is to ensure transparency of the prosecution and full disclosure of all details associated with the alleged charges – including the identity of local collaborators if there are any. This should not be like the trial of alleged illegal miners in northern areas of the country, which has been characterised by lack of details of the particulars of suspects and the facts of alleged offences. Oil theft has been ongoing for decades in Nigeria and it is to the credit of the Muhammadu Buhari presidency that it is now being frontally tackled. But if much would be achieved in the battle against the economic leeches, there must be no hiding place for anyone connected with the menace.

Even then, it is doubtful the shadowiness of the case in point sufficiently addresses the desperate nature of the challenge hobbling this country. Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) Chief Executive Officer Mele Kyari has often said the country loses about 600,000 barrels of oil daily to oil thieves. It was in view of the desperate situation that government engaged non-state actors, most notably a security surveillance firm to which former Niger Delta militant Government Ekpemupolo, alias Tompolo, is linked. Tompolo’s Tantita Security Services Limited has since discovered many breaches in supply trunks traced to suspects, including oil industry officials, security operatives and freelance bunkerers, among others. After Tantita reported its findings to military authorities and the NNPCL management a couple of months back, Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) General Lucky Irabor vowed that defence authorities would spare no effort to fish out the culprits. Speaking in similar vein, Kyari told journalists: “The CDS has said clearly that he would investigate and anyone involved in this racket, whether from community members, community contractors, government security agencies, workers of the oil companies including NNPCL and Shell will be dealt with.” This is a commitment government should deliver on in dealing with the oil theft menace.

While the media and pundits focused on who and what party would win the recent off-shore elections in the United States, and wanted to see if there would be a red wave or riptide, an unforeseen scenario was coming elsewhere: the Nigerian wave.

This is not the first time, citizens of Nigerian stock would be doing well in polls in western countries. But this is biggest single haul anywhere other than at home here in Nigeria. In the US., the news trickled in one after another, and at the last count it was eight.

They include: Segun Adeyina, Gabe Okoye, Solomon Adesanya, Tish Naghise, and Phil Olaleye who won their legislative seats as state representatives in their districts.

The state of Georgia was not alone in this Nigerian harvest. Carol Kazeem won the Pennsylvania State Representative in District 159, Esther Agbaje was re-elected as Minnesota State Representative in District 59B, while Dr. Oye Owolewa was re-elected to the U.S. House of Representatives (Shadow Representative) in Washington D.C.

These are Nigerians who won elections without having to command a superfine wallet or have a band of thugs or work with some big man to twist and hoodwink an electorate or effect an outright or subtle rigging. So, it is not in the Nigerian nature to be undemocratic.

Again, their stories keep coming from major poll to major poll. Last year, Steve Ezeonu, 22, won the hearts of his council citizen by winning the election into the city council in Texas. In 2020, three Nigerians, Esther Agbaje, Oye Owolewa and Nnamdi Chukwuocha won polls as lawmakers. Agbaje entered the Minnesota House of representatives. Owolewa cheered the hearts of the people of the District of Columbia by winning the polls a shadow member of its House of representatives. Chukwuocha won re-election into the Delaware House of Representatives.

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This is a trend we should cheer not just for vain pride but a challenge to earn our places not only in seats of government or legislature but in the genuine hearts of the Nigerian people.

These Nigerians in foreign lands have not only been on the right but have also been on the left, although Nigerians often tend to throw their sentiments behind candidates who support progressive causes as regards race, immigration and welfare. For instance, Nigerians exercised fervor for Barack Obama as one of their own. But some also are genuine conservatives. Kemi Badenoch, who was in the running for British top job of prime minister, belongs to the Conservative Party, and trended around the world as a stalwart of British politics. On the other side of the aisle, however, Chuka Umunna, also in the United Kingdom, is in the Labour Party.

Other than those elected, we have seen Nigerians appointed to top positions like Amanda Azubuike who became a general in the United States army. Biden appointed Enoh Titilayo Ebong as the director of the U.S. Trade and Development Agency. In Canada, Kaycee Madu and Akolisa Ufodike became ministers in the province of Alberta.

Nigerians are often fascinated by the pomp and colour of western democracies, especially their election campaigns and the integrity of the elections, in spite of contrarian voices in the U.S. but we tend to embrace their colour more than join their column. That is the story of this hour. These men and women of Nigeria would rather play the game where the rules are clear, just like some sports men, including in the soccer leagues in Europe, feel Nigerian but play abroad.

The only way we can have such experience here is to continue to build on the principles of a republican society where only the best but not the chosen represent the people.

The Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Usman Baba, has raised the alarm over the 2023 budget proposal presented by the police to the National Assembly. Appearing before the Joint Committee on Police Affairs, the police chief said: “The overhead cost estimate as computed under the envelope budgetary system is grossly inadequate to meet the operational, logistics and administrative requirements of the force in the year 2023.” The IGP noted: “as at today, the force has a fleet of 13,935 vehicles and 1,520 motorcycles nationwide. The minimum cost implications for fuelling for the sustenance of minimal patrol operations per year of these patrol assets is N34,099,946,150.00.”

He went on: “Similarly, the monthly minimum maintenance cost for the operations of the fleet of operational vehicles and motorcycles of the force is computed at N8,258,580,000.00.” Considering the proposed budget, the IGP said: “Going by the above computation, the entire sum of N33, 653,116,116.00 that is being projected for all subheads in the overhead cost for police formations and the 36 state commands and the FCT in the 2023 budget is not even enough to provide minimal fuelling and maintenance cost for police operational vehicles/motorcycles for seven months.”

While we acknowledge that the nation is facing paucity of funds, we urge for adequate funding of the police by the executive and legislative arms of the government. To subject police to the so-called envelope budgetary style, renders the force grossly inefficient. Instead, there should be a deliberate effort to deal with the challenges of the force systematically. Perhaps, the example of Lagos State government, which has a well-structured security trust fund, could be helpful.

A better option is to decentralise the police, so the federating units would share in the funding, as practiced in federations across the world. It is strange that though touted as a federal system of government, Nigeria has one unified police authority. Of course, some states have been forced by the inefficiency arising from the poor funding to provide equipment and other resources, to augment the federal police. Such states would commit more funds if the police force is constitutionally decentralised.

While grappling with the challenge of funding, there is a scandal on the recent recruitment process into the force. Recruiting from every given locality, under community policing has been commendable. But, using fair and equitable standards also gift the police recruits emotional and psychological satisfaction. In recent times, the police force has applied commonly conducted examinations across the 36 states of the federation to recruit.

Strangely, there are allegations that some governors and legislators in the south-east and south-south, substituted those who passed the initial examinations with strange fellows who did not take the exams. Narrating her ordeal to the Leadership Newspaper, a mother of a displaced candidate lamented: “My son’s test was scheduled for Monday the 7th of November, 2022. And just so that we can get there on time that Monday morning, we left Calabar on Friday the 4th. We travelled for more than 24 hours, sleeping at the motor park in Abuja, while we waited for a connecting vehicle to bring them to Kano.”

She went further: “We arrived on Saturday evening and lodged in a hotel close to the venue of the exam. But my joy was soon cut short when we got the news that something was wrong with my son’s application. In the beginning, they said the systems were malfunctioning and some candidates couldn’t log in to write their test. But the story soon changed to some candidates not approved to write the test.”

We urge the police to ensure that only candidates who did the first examination are recruited, and governors of the concerned states must probe the allegations. People who got into the system through the back door would almost always see themselves as untouchables and this would be bad for internal security that the police force is meant to provide.

The force needs adequate funds even as it requires a fair and equitable recruitment system. It is ordinary Nigerians who would bear the brunt if either is breached.

Between February 2019 and May 2021, there were at least 41 attacks on offices of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in 14 states of the federation, with Imo State leading the pack. The commission’s chairman Prof Mahmood Yakubu said “These are attacks as a result of election-related violence, protests unrelated to elections and activities of thugs and unknown gunmen”. And, between then and November 10, this year, when the commission’s facilities in Osun and Ogun states were attacked again, several other INEC’s offices had been similarly attacked. We recall specifically the mysterious fire incident at the Anambra State headquarters of INEC shortly before the 2019 general elections during which 4,695 smart card readers were destroyed. Also in May 2021, several items, including office furniture, 135 voting cubicles, 345 ballot boxes, megaphones and water tanks  were destroyed at the commission’s office in Essien Udim local council of Akwa Ibom State.

The rising cases of arson on INEC’s offices should be cause for worry, especially with General Elections only about three months away.

This is why we can only appreciate the optimism expressed by Prof Yakubu that next year’s general elections would hold, come what may. This is what he should say as the helmsman of the electoral umpire. But optimism is not enough in a situation where the arsonists and other criminals appear bent on subverting the process if they could not completely prevent the election from holding. Yakubu spoke on November 11, at an emergency meeting with the heads of security agencies who are members of the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES), following the twin attacks on the INEC’s offices in Ede, Osun State, and Iyana Mortuary, Abeokuta, Ogun State, on November 10.

“The commission wishes to reassure Nigerians that we remain committed to delivering credible elections in spite of the challenges. The attempt to sabotage or weaken our resolve will not deter us from conducting transparent elections in which only the votes cast by Nigerians on Election Day will determine winners of elections”, Yakubu said at the meeting.

Thousands of permanent voters cards awaiting collection and other materials were destroyed by the criminals. At least 65,699 permanent voters cards (PVCs), 904 ballot boxes, 29 voting cubicles, 30 megaphones, 57 election bags and eight electric power generators were destroyed in the Ogun State incident while a portion of the commission’s office was destroyed in the Osun State attack. Mercifully, documents relating to the governorship election in the state, which is still a subject of litigation, were not affected.

Election is a sacred responsibility. Its beauty is in making it flawless and its outcome credible. But this cannot be possible in a situation where some people seem sworn to castrate the electoral umpire before the polls, in order to achieve their diabolical intentions. The persistent attacks are psychologically depressing in that they would keep the commission’s officials in a state of perpetual fear which cannot augur well for free and fair elections.

Moreover, conducting elections in this part of the world is an expensive venture. It is costly to replace the documents and other vital electoral equipment destroyed in every attack on the commission’s facilities. Being mostly imported, the country has to part with much-needed foreign exchange to replace them. This is a luxury the government cannot afford, especially in these austere times. This is why we agree with Prof Yakubu that “Nigerians expect decisive action from ICCES. It is important that we move swiftly to apprehend perpetrators, prosecute them as required by law and reinforce security around election officials and electoral infrastructure around the country.”

Hence, we are happy to note the submission of the Inspector-General of Police, Usman Baba, that some suspects had been arrested in connection with the attacks in Ogun and Osun states. We also note his promise that justice would be served. But it is not enough to arrest suspects. What is more important is prosecuting them and ensuring that those found culpable are duly punished under the law. As Yakubu noted, election is a multi-stakeholder activity involving INEC, the security agencies and the political class which plays the most critical role in the electoral process. Even the judiciary comes into play because it is the final bus stop for most electoral disputes. Judges must sanction lawyers who aid politicians to subvert the cause of justice or waste the court’s time unnecessarily.

Since these attacks would appear to be politically motivated and orchestrated by politicians who are afraid of the increasing sophistication of INEC to check rigging and other electoral crimes, the security agencies should be ready to go the whole hog; not just stop at arresting suspects only to develop cold feet when the identities of the sponsors are revealed. The minions should be used to trace their masters and all of them made to face the full wrath of the law. It is only by letting sponsors of such heinous crimes and their foot soldiers pay for their actions that we can substantially check the incidence of electoral frauds.

Above all, INEC’s facilities nationwide need to be fortified, particularly in high risk areas where the commission also has its vital assets. If all-round security cannot be provided  for the offices all over the country, then security should be deployed promptly as situation demands. It does not speak well of us that such places would continue to suffer attacks from faceless criminals unchallenged.

On the diabetes front, the news is not good.  One in every 10 Nigerians is living with Type 2 diabetes, mostly a throwback to reckless elite lifestyles: smoking, drinking, gobbling fast foods and quaffing soft drinks.

Also boosting diabetes is sedentary life (8 am to 5 pm work schedules for instance), away from exercise-laden traditional occupational modes).  There is also a traditional diet regime heavily skewed towards starch and carbohydrates (as against protein).

Then, the languid leisure of the rich and the spoilt (and the millions in the aspirational army who can’t wait to join that class), all translated into jumping into leisure cars and clambering on power bikes, thus shunning routine exercises that burn off excess calories.  Such exercises could have forestalled Type 2 diabetes, which some 10 million Nigerians are projected to have.

The diabetes near-epidemic is dire, declared Prof. Olufemi Fasanmade, president of the Endocrinology and Metabolism Society of Nigeria (EMSON) and consultant endocrinologist/physician at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), Lagos.

“The total number of people in the country with diabetes is the highest in sub-Sahara Africa,” he told The Guardian as part news swirling around the 2022 World Diabetes Day. “Higher than the number of tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS and COVID-19 put together.  Diabetes,” he insisted, “kills more people in Nigeria than COVID-19, tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS and cancer put together”!

Aside, complications from diabetes include chronic kidney diseases and lower limb amputations, many times arising from excess sugar, which the adult body could not routinely burn off; since the adults involved do not do enough exercise as therapy.

Read Also: Managing diabetes scourge

Away from diabetes, Dr. Ifedayo Adetifa, director-general, Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and Prevention (NCDCP), just told The Punch that Nigeria risked accounting for the highest global numbers in cholera, as it did in the past two years — no thanks to the crisis of flooding nation-wide.

“At the moment, there are no clean and safe water sources.  There is indiscriminate open defecation in communities,” he said, “when the rainy season comes, all of the openly defecated materials are washed into the water sources, contaminating the rivers, ponds, and wells.  People,” he explained, “get their water from there and get cholera.”

This is another public health emergency, except that the matters of water and sanitation appear part of a perennial Nigerian history, despite doughty government efforts to improve the situation.  A lot more should still be done — and fast too.

But arrayed against diabetes and cholera is a depleting stock of Nigerian doctors, going abroad in droves, for better deals.  To be sure, that’s no lone Nigerian challenge, as rightly noted by Dr. Osagie Ehanire, Minister of Health.

“The movement of doctors is not peculiar to Nigeria, Ghana has the same problem,” he told Vanguard.  ”I have spoken with health authorities in the United Kingdom, and they have told me that their doctors are also leaving for Canada, New Zealand and other countries where the pay is better.”

Even if we were to uphold the minister’s argument that with Nigeria producing  3, 000 doctors every year (and an average of 1, 000 leaving), it is unlikely to run into doctors’ shortage in a while, it is good the minister conceded one point: Nigeria has a shortage of highly trained medics, Nigerian-trained, now boosting health care delivery overseas.

That puts the diabetes and cholera flare in sobering perspectives.  Prof. Fasanmade warned that only 150 practising endocrinologists are available in Nigeria, to care for 10 million estimated patients of diabetes and allied complications.  The ratio?  One-to-one million!  That is staggering — and really a disaster waiting to happen.

But that grim alert fortunately tarries with the policy worries of the health authorities.  Dr. Ehanire said Nigeria was working on bringing back doctors with “postgraduate training” and specialists in their fields, by “doing everything we can to improve the conditions of service” here.

More on that plan: “We are also talking about engaging those who have spent many years abroad; who are specialists, and who know a lot of high tech medicine, to engage them to work with us, even if it is virtually, so they can do virtual consultations” — or “even come here every three months or six for a few weeks and do some work hand-on so that we can gain something from their experience and knowledge.”

Not a bad plan.  But if Nigeria must make a headway against  its fleeing doctors, it must, across the board, improve doctors’ earnings and general welfare; and also boost, adopting global best practices, their work environment.

That way, Nigeria too can compete with other countries in the global mart for the very best of medics.  That’s only way to stop the doctors’ drain.