Category: Editorial

  • Brutal resolution

    Brutal resolution

    It was like throwing a pebble into a placid lake in a corner of Zamfara.  Yet, the violent ripples were all over Nigeria.  It’s the federal question, stupid! — to parody that famous quip, from the campaign jaunt of Bill Clinton, then US Democratic Party presidential candidate.

    By announcing a policy that purportedly directs the Zamfara State Commissioner of Police (CP) to license as many Zamfara citizens as are willing to be licensed to carry arms against marauding bandits in self defence, Governor Bello Matawalle has raised the stakes in citizen security, in Nigeria’s 36 states, under the general rubrics of federalism.

    In a clash of the de jure with the de facto, it is doubtful if the Zamfara CP would even humour, not to talk of honour, the governor’s directive.  That is one aspect of the dirty underbelly of Nigeria’s so-called “federalism” where governors, the so-called “chief security officers” of their states, cannot give legal directives to state CPs, without the CPs first clearing with the Inspector-General of Police (IGP), an appointee of the President of the Federal Republic.

    In a reflex reaction, Lt-Gen. Lucky Irabor, Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and highest ranking administrative officer in the military hierarchy, even loudly doubted if the Zamfara State governor could validly direct the Zamfara CP to license arms since such power, he claimed, was exclusively the president’s.  If that were true, then it’s another pointer to the artificiality of Nigeria’s “federalism”.

    That means that on security — or its flip side, massive insecurity, which Zamfara has faced for quite a while now; and which has forced Governor Matawalle to announce this controversial policy — only far-away Abuja can raise a finger, while locals routinely reel, wilt and die from bandits’ bullets.  Despite the unitary practices bossing a territory that is federal by law, that reality is hardly sustainable without something terrible giving!  That is the Zamfara development.

    Read Also: Matawalle’s curious gospel of self-defense

    Still, before you roast the CDS, remember his was only a frank and honest commentary on the grim reality.  Besides, when the chips are down, the CDS would provide troops to face the fire.  You can just say it’s the military informally having their legitimate say, in matters in which they are involved, in the best tradition of democracy, before lulling into diplomatic quiet.

    Aside from the CDS, controversy in civil society has trailed the Zamfara freely-arm-the-locals policy.  While one governor or two has hailed the move (Benue Governor Samuel Ortom, for one), others have considered it unnecessary. Other influential Nigerians have branded it recklessly emotive or hare-brained — which it could well be.

    Other citizens are questioning the sanity of Zamfara locals wielding simple arms against military-grade, sophisticated AK-47 and allied small arms; concluding that such match-up would be a tragic travesty.  It would not only prove a tragic delusion, after the initial rush of costly emotions, it could create a grievous, long-term security crisis, even after banditry and allied immediate security challenges had become history.  They reference the seeming uncontrollable gun violence in the United States.  All these are valid fears.

    Still, Governor Matawalle appears unruffled and undeterred in his new path, in defence of his long-suffering people.  The ink had hardly dried on his controversial directive when he launched some follow-up actions, which bear closer interrogations.

    As part of his new Zamfara security package, he inaugurated four bodies: the Committee on Intelligence Gathering on Banditry, Community Protection Guards (CPG), a committee on Banditry-Related Offences and the State Security Standing Panel.  To walk his new talk in logistics and operational hardware, the governor donated 20 new Toyota Hilux vans and 1, 500 motorbikes to get the new bodies cracking.

    The next day, he signed into law the Anti-Banditry and Other Related Offences Bill.  That came into force immediately; and prescribed death penalty for anyone found guilty of banditry, kidnapping and cattle rustling.  Earlier, he had let fly a directive to security agencies to shoot, on sight, anyone riding a bike, to underscore the ban on Okada-riding in Zamfara.  Though bikes are bandits’ favourable choice of transport, this was another controversial call that could well end in grief.

    Still, take a close look at the newly structured security components: the Committee on Intelligence Gathering on Banditry, the Community Protection Guards (CPG), and the State Security Standing Panel could be harmonised under a single body — state police — if state police were to be legalised.  The fourth, Committee on Banditry-Related Offences, could be a cross-agency liaison body linking the Zamfara State Police, the Zamfara State Ministry of Justice and the Zamfara judiciary.

    That should provide another layer, in vibrant state security infrastructure, to the present central arrangement.  Formalising these new structures in the Zamfara State frame can only complement the central police; and reach further mileage and better penetration into those wide and wild ungovernable forests that are now safe haven for bandits, from where these criminals troop out to plague, kill, maim and rob defenceless rural folks.

    In other words, with all the excitability provoked by the Zamfara new arms policy, the simple antidote might well be legalising state police.  That way, instead of citizens licensed to bear near-unrestrained small arms, the arms are limited to a corps of trained (wo)men, drilled and paid to protect the rest.

    That would not only be pragmatic federalism on the security front, it would also be a throwback to the classic Social Contract, when the majority voluntarily gave up part of their freedom (to carry arms, for instance), in return for the central protection of the Leviathan, the pristine state.  What the Zamfara excitement calls for, therefore, is for Nigeria to federalise that “Leviathan” in state police, to fend off the other extreme, of free access to arms.

    Governor Matawalle has thrown the present dire security situation into the public space.  Let the Federal Government be less paranoid about state police.  It’s an idea whose time has come.  Let the states too be less delusional, on the ethno-regional front: insecurity is not North versus South; or East versus West.  It is rather a common threat to all.

    As Zamfara is readying its CPG, and Lagos its Neighbourhood Watch Corps, let other areas ready their Amotekun, their Ebubeagu, their Civilian Joint Task Forces and sundry quasi-formal security bulwarks.  They could well be ready frames for state police.

    Let the Federal Government seize the times and show leadership.  Delay could be dangerous!

  • The Ekweremadus’ plight

    The Ekweremadus’ plight

    Former Nigerian Deputy Senate President, Ike Ekweremadu and his wife, Beatrice, might never have envisaged their making global headlines for an alleged crime in the United Kingdom. Like all such news in an internet age, it had all the qualities of sensationalism; rumours, half-truths, permutations, facts and fallacies. The news had come through the London Metropolitan Police that the couple had been arrested at London Heathrow for alleged illegal facilitation of travel of a minor, with an intention of organ harvesting.

    The moment it was confirmed that the couple in question was a Nigerian politician, it seemed all hell was let loose. Analyses and counter-analyses by Nigerians both home and abroad went viral. The couple was accused of various crimes in the social media, including allegation of ritual killing and wanting to kill another child to save theirs. Matters got worse when the London court denied the couple bail and adjourned the case to July 7 for further hearing.

    Steadily but surely, more information have surfaced since the arrest. It has been established that their daughter had been battling a kidney ailment and, like most parents, they were trying options to get a donor for a transplant. The allegation that the supposed organ donor that the couple took to London for tests to confirm his suitability as a donor  was a homeless 15-year-old orphan has been countered by the published documents of his visa  and passport applications.

    We sympathise with the couple, the alleged expected donor and the daughter of the Ekweremadus who, in addition to her health ordeal, has had to deal with the sad news of her parents’ arrest.  However, while we expect the law to take its course in determining areas of guilt and innocence of all parties, we expect that justice must be done and be seen to be done to everyone involved in this case, including the ailing daughter who has the right to live. We beg that her health must not be lost on the altar of judicial processes in Nigeria or the United Kingdom.

    We must however state that incidents happening to a man of the political visibility of an Ekweremadu send mixed signals to the world. How is it that such a man that has been at the apex of the legislative body, and who started off from his state as a political office holder down to the Senate trusts the health facilities of a foreign country for the health of his daughter? Granted he has the right to seek such, but how has he helped to improve the health sector in Nigeria? How is it that he trusts the UK health sector better, even when we know there are hospitals in Nigeria that could easily have conducted the tests for the expected donor?

    What has the Senate done to address the health sector disaster in Nigeria where tertiary health institutions that were earlier reputed for excellence have become mere consulting clinics? What is the status of teaching hospitals like University of Nigeria Teaching Hospital (UNTH), Enugu, in the senator’s home state? What of the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan, Ahmadu Bello University Teaching Hospital (ABUTH), Zaria, Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), Idi-Araba, Lagos, and many other teaching hospitals? As a lawyer and an academic, what voice has he raised for these institutions?

    However, while we await the justice system of both countries, we don’t want the legalese of the situation to blind our humanity. The couple was desperate to save their child and might have erred. The supposed donor might still have to be interrogated, given revelations about his declared and actual ages, and contradictions of his status as a homeless orphan, given allegations and documents being presented by the Nigerian Immigration Services that issued him a passport.

    We wish to plead for caution with the society’s lynch mob in dabbling into such matters and drawing conclusions based on rumours and other human variables. But the National Assembly should not in an attempt to protect a member present the country as a lawless institution. If truly a delegation of senators was sent to London for this case, we consider that as trivialising the case in an internet and communication age. Communication with embassies and governments is very easy if the intention is to plead that justice be done. We expect that they understand that justice neither sees faces nor statuses.

    What we all plead for is a fair trial but a compassionate reminder that a life is at stake and everything legally possible must be done to save and protect the innocent child.

  • Blood lust

    Blood lust

    Few speak of it, but it haunts our health system, and the desperate among us. Yet, blood transfusion is an important part of health policy anywhere health is taken seriously.

    Nigeria ranks as one of the lowest in the world in donating blood to the needy among us.

    “Of the 179 countries, only 79 have become 100 per cent compliant with the WHO standards in blood transfusion. Nigeria is not part of the countries that are compliant,” said Prof. Vincent Osunkalu, consultant haematologist and blood transfusionist at the Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH), Idi-Araba, Lagos.

    This is a dismal fact.

    He said further that “whereas Americans donate about seven pints of million types of blood yearly, in Nigeria, data gathering is a challenge. The National Blood Transfusion Act has just been approved. From available information, Nigerians could only generate about 500, 000 pints of blood in the last few years, which represents a 3.3 per cent shortfall in the volume of blood collected from voluntary blood donors.”

    In spite of that, 95 per cent of donor blood units in Nigeria are not safe because they could infect the beneficiaries with such diseases as HIV, syphilis, hepatitis A and C. This is also because the blood donors tend to be mercantile, and they are desperate people who need to feed themselves. That also means they do not have the best quality of blood even if they do not carry any ailments.

    “Commercial blood donation is not considered as a good source of safe blood. This means we are left with 25,000 units of safe blood yearly in Nigeria, which is grossly inadequate and a huge challenge to the provision of quality healthcare to the people,” said committee Chairman, Blood Transfusion and Haematological Services of the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA), Dr. Attah J. Ahmed, last year.

    The best value often comes from volunteers and family members, and these people provide it by subjecting themselves to the rigour of standards. They account for a fraction of donations. Experts say blood donation may lower your risk of suffering a heart attack, reduce your risk of developing cancer, afford better emotional balance, less risk of depression, reduction in harmful iron stored in the body, among other physical gifts.

    Many people lose blood and need them in emergency wards. But most Nigerian hospitals operate without blood at the ready. This leads to many avoidable fatalities. One of the areas of major challenges is in maternal health. Many deaths occur because the mothers have lost blood, and they happen mainly post-partum, according to experts.

    The lack of blood often comes in the form of haemorrhage, sepsis, eclampsia, complications from abortion and also bad labour.

    The problem with blood donors is a reflection of the general malaise of the healthcare system in the country. Many citizens cannot even get properly tested in the country because many hospitals lack the essential facilities. It was reported recently, for instance, that most Nigerians who suffer from high blood pressure do not know it, and the silent killer snatches away many persons like a thief in the night.

    Part of the problem is that our elite go abroad for treatment, and when they need blood, they would not have to depend on the poverty of our blood banks for succour. Whether in the United Kingdom, or the United States, the answer is not far-fetched. We are still witnessing the unfolding story of former deputy president of the senate, Ike Ekweremadu, who was held by the U.K. with his wife, over efforts to secure kidney to save his daughter.

    It is a parable of the state of neglect, and lack of faith in what we have.

  • Omotola’s death

    Omotola’s death

    Hit-and-run accident victim Omotola Akinsanya, 31, was said to have begged her relations to take her away from Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH), where she was receiving treatment. Perhaps, she feared that she would die if she remained there.

    Sadly, she died at the hospital on June 9, which raised serious questions about the quality of care she had received there, the competence of its personnel, and its operational and professional standards, among others.

    She was, on May 4, hit by a vehicle driven by a Lebanese, John Greg, who was allegedly speeding and driving against the traffic on Sanusi Fafunwa Road, Victoria Island, Lagos. The alleged hit-and-run driver was reported to have been rearrested after Omotola died. He was initially granted bail by a court, and will now face amended charges. The public expects justice.

    A graduate of Redeemer’s University, Ede, Osun State, Omotola was said to have been preparing to travel to the UK to start a job. The head of her family, Venerable Folarin Shobo, who accused LASUTH of unprofessionalism, alleged that she was neglected in the course of her treatment at the hospital. He said: “After 11 days in Intensive Care Unit (ICU), she was moved to orthopaedic ward where the injury was exposed to infections due to lack of diligent medical treatment. The girl was appealing to us to move her out of LASUTH because she had been neglected.”

    After her leg was amputated on June 4, he added, there was a plan to raise funds and fly her abroad. He said her treatment at LASUTH had cost “over N11m,” arguing that the high cost was abnormal at a public hospital. He observed that the medical bill could be likened to that of private hospitals, “whereas we were not enjoying the services.”

    It is alarming that people regularly accuse LASUTH of negligence and exploitation. For instance, about seven months ago, in December 2021, a Lagos-based businesswoman, Mrs Agatha Aso, had alleged that the hospital’s negligence led to the death of her husband who was shot by robbers.

    In the same month, Nollywood actress Dorcas Fapson had criticised the hospital after her mother, step-sister and uncle died there.  She posted on social media: “Only go to LASUTH, Ikeja, if you want to die.”

    It is a positive move that LASUTH launched ‘Project Eagle’ in March to improve its services. Its Chief Medical Director (CMD), Prof. Adetokunbo Fabamwo, listed the facets of the project, including active space/bed management policies, commencement of an adverse report register and management system, more intensive and regular staff training and retraining, and advocacy to reduce the influx of non-tertiary patients into LASUTH.  The hospital faces regular public criticism on these issues.

    Other aspects of the project are automation, international accreditation, and formalising collaboration with highbrow private hospitals in Lagos.

    Importantly, he said efforts were on-going to improve on the hospital’s adverse report register to enhance processes and systems for immediate and long-term solutions to minimise recurrence of adverse events.

    This pursuit of improvement suggests that the hospital is conscious of its negative public image, and wants to change it.

    But there are other encouraging stories about LASUTH that give the impression that the hospital could be overwhelmed by all manner of people desirous of its services. This is why we commend its decision to reduce the influx of non-tertiary patients into the hospital. As a teaching hospital, it is a tertiary hospital which should cater to the needs of people in dire need of such services. Minor ailments should be handled at the lower level hospitals in the state.

    It is however reassuring that the hospital management has set up a panel to investigate the death. Lagos State Commissioner for Health Prof. Akin Abayomi is also reported to be interested in the probe.  Was Omotola’s death preventable?  Did the conditions she faced at LASUTH contribute to her death? These are clear questions that demand clear answers.

  • Not golden

    Not golden

    At a ceremony to mark the first purchase of artisanally-mined gold in Nigeria in July 2020, President Muhammadu Buhari hinted of the several benefits the country stands to gain when it develops its potential in the sector: generation of about 250,000 jobs and over $500 million in monetary value annually through the payment of royalties and taxes to government coffers. A report by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) titled ‘Trade in Goods Statistics,’ shows that Nigeria realised a paltry N10.3bn from the sale of the commodity classified as ‘Gold unwrought or in semi-mfr. forms, or in powder form’ exported to Switzerland and the United Arab Emirates in the first quarter of 2022. This is not much; but it is a good beginning.

    However, for a commodity that is found in at least 14 states of the federation namely: Zamfara, Kaduna, Kebbi, Niger, Kogi, Ogun, Osun, Bauchi, Cross River, Edo, Sokoto, Oyo, Ebonyi, Kwara, and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, it is unfortunate that the country still lacks the capacity to produce it into consumable products like jewellery.

    Sadly, this is the fate of several other commodities that Nigeria has comparative advantage over. Here, we are talking about crude oil which the country is a major producer of but is also a net importer of finished products like petrol. This is despite the fact that the country has four refineries which have largely remained moribund despite the infusion of several billions of dollars into their Turn Around maintenance (TAM). The same thing applies to the agricultural sector where we export raw agricultural produce at cheap prices only to import finished products from the same produce at exorbitant prices.

    Why we continue along this trajectory is baffling because the country’s major foreign exchange earner, crude oil, is susceptible to the vagaries of the international market over which the country has no control. The resultant unpredictability has also led to unpredictable revenue and budgetary expectations. For a country willing to learn, we have had a lot of shocks to make us pay diversification of the economy the desired attention. That we have not is not only saddening, it is equally regrettable.

    About two years ago, precisely in June 2020, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo had, at the inauguration, via a Zoom virtual meeting, of Nigeria’s first Gold and precious Metals Refining Conglomerate, an operation of Dukia Gold a Precious Metals Raw Materials Buying Programme, in collaboration with Heritage Bank disclosed that ‘’Nigeria has potential reserves of 200 million ounces of gold and the launch of this expansive project, Dukia Gold, creates new opportunities for us to mine these reserves properly, trade responsibly and refine locally.’’ An optimistic Osinbajo added, rather enthusiastically that ‘’what we are looking at here is an extremely valuable new source of trade, jobs and foreign exchange.’’

    So, what has happened to this seemingly promising project? Two years down the line, Nigeria is yet to take concrete steps at modernising mining of the commodity as it is still mostly extracted by artisan miners who use the crude form to extract them, unlike some other West African countries like Ghana and Burkina Faso that have fully developed their mining potential.

    To reverse the trend, the Federal Government must tackle headlong, the problems of illegal mining and smuggling that President Buhari said Nigeria lost $3 billion to between 2012 and 2018. Not only is the country losing revenue through these illegal activities in the gold subsector of the mining sector, the activities of the illegal miners and smugglers have also compounded insecurity in Zamfara State.

    It is high time the government activated its Presidential Artisanal Gold Mining Development Initiative (PAGMDI), an artisanal and small-scale gold mining that would enable the miners send refined gold to the Central Bank of Nigeria, in accordance with the London Bullion Market Association (LBMA) standards. This is the only way by which the country can realise its full potential in the sector, boost foreign earnings, create jobs as well as enjoy other multiplier effects that the sector holds for those doing the business according to international best practices.

  • Checking Lagos hoodlums

    Checking Lagos hoodlums

    When he returned to Lagos on Sunday , June 19, for the first time after his emergence as presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for the 2023 elections, it was only natural that former governor of the state, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, would pay a courtesy call on the Oba of Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu, in his palace. As Tinubu’s convoy departed the palace at the Adeniji end of Isale Eko, some of the vehicles were attacked by hoodlums armed with stones, cutlasses and other weapons. Particularly affected were the vehicles that conveyed journalists as well as a security car, which had their side glasses and windshields smashed.

    One of the reporters injured in the attack, Adeola Ogunrinde, gave an account of the harrowing experience she and her colleagues went through: “It happened at the Oba’s palace. The thugs, armed with cutlasses, attacked the convoy and our bus was on the tail end of the convoy, and shattered its windows with stones. I was seated beside the window and some of the broken glass entered my eye. Our bus was damaged, so most of us sustained various injuries. One of us even had his phone stolen. It was a terrible experience. We have been given medical and tomorrow, I will be at the hospital”.

    Even though they were not necessarily attacked because of their profession, this unsavoury incident illustrates the kind of hazards journalists are routinely exposed to in the course of carrying out their responsibilities. The governor, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu, must be commended for ensuring that those injured were given prompt medical attention in addition to personally visiting the correspondents at the Bagauda Kaltho Press Centre at the Alausa Secretariat, and promising a thorough investigation into the incident as well as punishment for perpetrators.

    But then, it could easily have been much worse, with the possibility of more serious injuries and even loss of life. It thus becomes imperative to ensure adequate security cover for journalists assigned to cover the governor’s beat, and indeed other eminent citizens across the country before, during and after events. However, if this could happen to a convoy of vehicles conveying important dignitaries, we can best imagine what would be the plight of ordinary citizens in that area on a daily basis.

    Those who are familiar with Isale Eko and the menace hoodlums and ‘area boys’ have posed in that vicinity over the years would most likely be tempted to dismiss this incident as just another example of what has become a normal occurrence. This would be most unfortunate and unhelpful. There is no way this kind of atrocious and barbaric behaviour can be expected and tolerated as the norm in any society with a claim to being decent and civilised.

    It is particularly unacceptable because the vicinity hosts the palace of the illustrious throne of Oba of Lagos, which makes it a prime centre of attraction and, necessarily, a major tourist destination. There is no doubt that the notoriety Isale Eko has come to be known for on account of the rampant activities of the ‘area boys’ is depriving the entire neighbourhood, the Lagos monarchy and the state as a whole of the several benefits that ought to accrue from the location of a palace of such traditional and historic import.

    Quite apart from the need for the state government as well as local government councils in the area to focus renewed attention and effort in getting rid of the ‘area boys’ menace in Isale Eko, the palace also has a responsibility to leverage on its traditional authority and influence to mobilise support for the upgrading of its environment. A fundamental causal factor of the ‘area boys’ menace in Isale Eko and beyond is pervasive poverty and the attendant youth unemployment.

    This is compounded by the prevalent destructive culture of drug addiction, alcohol and substance abuse, as well as mindless hedonism. These will require the concerted effort of parents, governments, the traditional institution and the private sector to address, in order to redeem those already caught in the throes of destructive addictions.

  • Fail to plan?

    Fail to plan?

    After seeing collapsing facilities at the Tin-Can Island Port in Lagos, former Senator Gbemisola Saraki, Minister of State for Transportation, let fly a lament, which a newspaper picturesquely dubbed “bemoaning”.

    At the Tin-Can Island  Container Terminal (TICT), the minister lamented: “Let’s be frank.  It’s a bit sad that TCIT terminal has taken it upon themselves to find a solution to collapsing portions of their port terminals.  Palliatives won’t work anymore,” she declared. “We need to find a long-term solution to this problem.”

    The Five Star Logistics Terminal, another facility inside the port complex, very much suffers the fate of TICT.  From the minister’s comments, it would appear to suffer a five-star collapse, rather than a five-star expansion or growth.

    TICT and Five Star Logistics Terminal — both are overarching metaphors for progressive non-reinvestments and non-expansion (put in layman’s language: neglect), even when the country grossed millions in revenue from the port, year in, year out, since the Tin-Can Island Port opened in 1977.

    Put another way: if you fail to plan, you plan to fail.  If Tin-Can Port facilities are decaying and collapsing, it’s simply because there seemed not enough robust and systematic plans for facility expansion and maintenance at that complex.

    Still, that may well be a tad two sweeping.  It’s probably safer to assume there was indeed such a plan but that such plans were utterly jettisoned, as the years rolled by.

    Either is not good enough.

    Unfortunately, that would appear the ugly story of Nigerian public sector investments — even down to ones as minute as public restrooms.  A public pay restroom opens; and yet, some five, six years down the line, its key facilities: urinals, flush toilets, water systems, etc, pack up.  Then you ask yourself: whatever happened to the tolls paid by the public that use the facilities?  Corruption?  Zero routine maintenance?

    That is what has happened to Tin-Can Island Port, though on a much humongous scale.  That itself is an historic irony, for Tin-Can, when it opened for business, was touted as a grand moderniser: with an installed capacity to handle ships of 30, 000 tonnes, a daily delivery of 4, 000 metric tonnes in grains, and an integrated RO-RO (roll on-roll off) discharge facility.

    Indeed, Tin-Can was destined to teach its Apapa mother port a trick or two in nimble port service delivery.  But now, all that seems gone with the winds!

    Still, the minister was right on one score: there is a limit to palliatives, especially with the goose that lays the golden egg, which really is the port’s economic status — and other ports generally — in the maritime sector.  Anything short of targeted, specific and deliberate re-investments won’t cut it at all!  That is why the minister’s pledge to go for a holistic solution to the Tin-Can decay is welcome; and should be encouraged.

    Even then, that should come with a radical change in business and maintenance mind-set.  The reason is simple logic: if the Tin-Can Port was built to a certain cargo capacity in 1977, and business volume has more than quadrupled that capacity in 2022, and there has been no expansion, decay and collapse are a logical result.

    But that is even focusing on the end result.  To achieve productive and more satisfying results, process-thinking must drive that holistic process.  For instance, even if Tin-Can were refurbished, and its facilities much expanded, it would still end up in decay, if timely, periodic re-investment, in maintenance and expansion, were not carried out — as routine.

    In other words, the slovenly public sector attitude to re-investment and routine maintenance must give way to a more business-like ethos, where private sector investors are better equipped.  Which is why it’s a thing to cheer that newer ports in Lagos — Lekki Deep Port and Badagry — now being developed are embracing these private sector ethos the more.  That is the sane path to asset maximisation.

    But even with the best of change in investment behaviour, Nigeria still needs to add, to the mix, better overall port utilisation.  That ports in Lagos are being choked while those in Calabar, Onitsha, Warri, etc are idle don’t show much of wise management.  If Nigeria must get maximum returns from its billion-Naira port investments, the port managers must get the mix right.

  • Unending fuel conundrum 

    Unending fuel conundrum 

    The best that could be said of the latest hiccups in the fuel supply chain is that it is predictable. Rooted in the topsy-turvy dynamics of energy price movements which the Federal Government has not only proven to be most unimaginative in its response but utterly lacking in the will to provide the required firm and decisive leadership, it is unfortunate that Nigerians are again sucked into a most fruitless debate on superficialities when the way forward is so obvious.

    The background to the latest conundrum is the current wave which has seen crude oil prices rise steadily across the globe. Once again, Nigerians – as it’s always the case during every successive cycle of high oil prices – are not only reminded of that sustainable path not taken by successive administrations to address the nation’s energy needs, but the cost of that dereliction. By this we refer to the wages of denial, of indifference by successive administrations and their penchant to kick the problem down the road – all of which have brought us to the sorry pass.

    Few weeks back, the media had speculated on the imminence of fuel shortages and with it potential price hikes related to the surge in oil prices. From the national oil corporation came the denial that any such development was in the offing, with the usual assurance that the country had sufficient stock to meet the immediate and perhaps future needs of Nigerians. The story was the same right up to the time that fuel queues surfaced in Abuja, the seat of the Federal Government, until it spread to other parts of the country. Since then, other stakeholders have weighed in. For the Major Oil Marketers of Nigeria (MOMAN): “the current supply framework cannot guarantee steady and consistent supplies to the country, given the current state of government finances and unpredictable international supply shortages.”  It therefore canvassed for “full deregulation of the petroleum downstream sector and full implementation of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021”.

    As for the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN), the underlying issue is ‘bridging funds’. Aside the cost of diesel which has hit the roof, those in the fuel haulage business argue that the monetary augmentation paid to them to move products to different parts of the country has become inadequate, particularly as the cost of the product itself has quadrupled.

    Like the N6 trillion subsidy bill under whose weight the economy currently chaffs, the so-called bridging fund, and both of which lie at the heart of the latest hiccup, are merely the symptoms of a deep-layered problem created by successive administrations. In other words, the issues are inextricably interwoven:  Nigeria pays premium for fuel because its four refineries are not working; for its reliance on imported fuel, it has to put up with exchange rate differentials, the cost of lightering and associated handling charges, at the end of which the burden of cost-price differentials are said to be unsustainable. And as if that is not enough; the products pipeline network on which the nation had invested billions of taxpayers’ money to service the different parts of the federation has been left to corrode and so abandoned. Now, the country is forced to pay billions to a cartel of transporters to maintain the so-called price parity. It doesn’t even end there as OPECs sixth producer currently spends some 40 percent of its entire foreign exchange earnings on fuel imports alone.

    Removing the subsidy, though ineluctable, would seem a minor part of the solution. In any case, it is hard to see government contemplating that in the current environment of acute inflation, unprecedented unemployment and pervasive poverty. At issue is what the government does to make the industry whole again and to give the economy the much needed breather. Nigerians surely have the understanding that the current regime of subsidy is unsustainable; what they reject is the thoughtless haste to remove it before a proper groundwork for a truly liberalised sector is laid.  And just like the coming of Dangote Refinery will mark a new beginning, a more aggressive push to get other licensed players on board will certainly be a good step forward.

  • Right step

    Right step

    Free allocation of prepaid meters to electricity consumers  will resume by the end of August, courtesy of the Federal Government’s National Mass Metering Programme (NMMP). In the interim, government has directed electricity distribution companies (DisCos) to resume and rev up the Meter Assets Provider (MAP) programme under which consumers who can’t await the free distribution schedule could procure their meters.

    Even though the MAP has been in operation by DisCos for some years, it was side-lined by the introduction of the NMMP under Vice President Yemi Osinbajo’s office in 2020 to bridge the wide metering gap in the electricity supply industry. Whereas the MAP had managed to reach about 4,000 homes by 2020, government’s intervention through ‘Phase 0’ of the NMMP reached more than 800,000 homes. Under the MAP, DisCos place a price tag of about N64,000 on single-phase meters and nearly N120,000 on three-phase meters, inclusive of the Value Added Tax. Even then, the fact of consumers paying does not translate to instant supply with meters because DisCos say they have to first schedule a date for surveying the prospective meter buyer following confirmation of payment transaction, and thereafter do a batching of outstanding consumers before they get to install them with meters. While all these last, those consumers continue being billed on estimated charges, which in most cases hardly truly reflects the actual quantity of power consumed, despite having paid for meters.

    Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) Chairman Garuba Sanusi, was reported stating that free distribution of meters by government under ‘Phase 1’ of the NMMP would begin in August, but DisCos meanwhile should resume and speed up on the MAP. “By the end of August, meters from local manufacturers will be deployed by the DisCos. As a result, DisCos have been ordered to re-open the MAP, and customers are advised to take advantage of the window to purchase theirs if they cannot wait for the free meters,” he said. According to Sanusi, 45 local manufacturers have applied to supply meters under the new phase of NMMP that would target four million households, and the selection process has begun. “Names of winners of the bid rounds will be announced as soon as the process is completed,” he said.

    It is a most welcome step that government is resuming mass distribution of free meters under the NMMP to bridge the metering gap. The level of consumer metering till date is yet very low, and DisCos have carried on with estimated billing that many consumers have argued is a rip-off in that power consumption is assumed whereas reality is frequent blackouts. For consumers with meters, the situation is more bearable – though nonetheless inconveniencing – because they only pay for energy supplied. For those without meters, however, it is double jeopardy: they get estimated billing for energy not supplied. The perennial blackout has been ascribed by relevant authorities to insufficient power generation and frequent grid failures during transmission, which have been acknowledged at the highest level of government. There are grassroots arguments that consumers getting estimated billing make up the revenue that DisCos lose on non-supply of electricity to metered consumers, and so there’s really no urge to get everyone metered. Besides, some DisCos have been asking consumers to buy meters under the MAP programme, and the Kaduna Distribution Company only recently spoke up to advise consumers within its jurisdiction against paying for meters unless they are impatient to wait for free meters under the NMMP.

    We do hope that government’s promise of a new phase of mass metering will not end up being miscarried by DisCos, but that the firms will be held to strict account on how meters entrusted to them are assigned to needy consumers. In other words, this new phase must make significant impact in addressing the metering gap.

  • Judges at war   

    Judges at war   

    An unprecedented development took place in the Supreme Court of Nigeria about a week ago which should worry the country’s leadership. Fourteen justices of the court petitioned the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Muhammad Tanko, impugning his integrity and performance in office. A summary of the allegations include dereliction of duty, misappropriation of resources and abuse of power. In his response, the CJN denied the allegations, noting that the judiciary is affected by low budgetary allocation arising from the country’s economic challenges.

    We urge the National Judicial Council (NJC), which is empowered under the Third Schedule, Paragraph 21(g) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) to: “appoint, dismiss and exercise disciplinary control over members and staff of the council” to discharge its constitutional responsibility over the allegations.

    Considering that the CJN is the statutory chairman of the NJC, and the next most senior Justice of the Supreme Court, the deputy chairman, is part of the accusers, the President of the Court of Appeal, who is the third in hierarchy, should preside.

    No doubt the allegations against the CJN are weighty and also deserve a discreet investigation by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). Of course such discreet investigation should cover the finances of the NJC, considering the far-reaching implications of the issues raised by the 14 Justices.

    Among other allegations, the CJN is accused of using the resources of the NJC for the benefit of his “spouse, children and personal staff,” while denying the justices their entitlements. The justices claimed that the vehicles supplied to them as new, were “either refurbished or substandard.” They demanded to know what has become of their training funds, asking whether it has been diverted. They also claimed that the justices sworn in on November 6, 2022,  were yet to be accommodated by the court. They alleged that their entitlement to qualified legal assistants to effectively offer their best, “has not been accorded any attention by the Honourable Chief Justice.”

    Furthermore, they claimed a neglect of their health care, stating that Supreme Court’s Staff Clinic has become “a mere consulting clinic” where “drugs are not available to treat minor ailments” and that “there is a general lack of concern for justices who require immediate or emergency medical attention.” The justices wondered why “despite the upward review of our budgetary allocation, the court cannot cater for our legitimate entitlements.” The words on consulting clinics sadly remind us of the reasons for military intervention in 1983.

    The justices also complained of neglect of a fundamental tool of their work. They said the CJN has withheld his assent to the “Rules of Court for almost three years now.” Furthermore, the justices claimed they are compelled to work only between the “hours of 8am and 4pm daily, for lack of diesel.” Referring to a memo on the shutdown of power by 4pm, they noted that the nature of their work requires longer hours beyond 4pm.

    The justices claimed that the myriad of developments constitute “the peak of the degeneration of the court; it is the height of decadence and clear evidence of the absence of probity and moral rectitude.” They reminded the CJN that: “The Supreme Court is the seat of the Judiciary as an arm of government.”

    They vowed that they would not abandon their responsibility to call the CJN to order in the face of these sad developments that threaten their survival as an institution, noting that they have done their best to send a wake-up call to the CJN.

    The Supreme Court Justices who reportedly signed the letter are Olukayode Ariwoola, Musa Dattijo Mohammed, Kudirat Motonmori O. Kekere-Ekun, John Inyang Okoro, Chima Centus Nweze, Amina Adamu Augie, Uwani Musa Abba-Aji, Mohammed Lawal, Helen Moronkeji Ogunwumiju, Abdu Aboki, Ibrahim Saulawa, Adamu Jauro, Tijjani Abubakar, and Emmanuel Agim. Indeed, if the

    Supreme Court justices were a democratic assembly, the memo would amount to a vote of no-confidence on the CJN, and that should raise alarm.

    So, we urge relevant democratic institutions to rise up and deal decisively with these grave allegations made by Supreme Court justices against their leader. The judiciary must bear in mind that there are those who believe that corruption pervades the hallowed chambers of the courts, and it will amount to a monumental tragedy if the head is perceived as rotten. We therefore call on the NJC to immediately institute a probe, by ordering an audit of NJC’s account.

    Of note, the Body of Benchers has promised to intervene, even though they have limited statutory responsibility in that regard. The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) has also called on the judiciary to put its house in order. We recall that the allegations against the immediate former CJN, Justice Walter Onnoghen, for which he was edged out, were inconsequential compared to the allegations raised against Justice Tanko. To ignore these allegations will send a wrong signal to Nigerians and the international community.