Category: Editorial

  • Gun-runner confesses

    Gun-runner confesses

    At least two reasons emerged from an arrested gun-runner as to why the terror war in the country has lingered. One is the fact that it has become an industry from where some military officers and civilians make a lot of illicit money. The other, though related somewhat to the first, is that collusion would almost be impossible without the involvement of some soldiers and other security agents.

    A 30-year-old suspect, Shehu Alli Kachalla, arrested by troops of the Federal Intelligence Investigation Bureau in Gussau, the Zamfara State capital, said a military personnel usually gives him cover at security checkpoints to enable him deliver arms to criminals in their hideouts. He said he had sold 450 rifles and 8,000 live ammunition to different criminal gangs in Zamfara, Kaduna and Niger states. Kachalla, a Nigerien citizen, has been importing weapons from Niger Republic in the last three years.

    It is significant that some other arrests had been made before Kachalla’s.

    On June 8, last year, a syndicate allegedly supplying drugs, bread and other food items to bandits operating in Zaria, Kaduna State, and its environs was smashed by operatives of the FIB Intelligence Response Team (FIB-IRT) at the Rigachikun base in Kaduna, after supplying bread to the bandits in their hideout in the forest.

    But the job of supplying arms to terrorists is not for minions alone. This, at least, was what the arrest of another alleged supplier of arms to them revealed. Musa Mohammed Kamarawa, 33, who was arrested in February shocked Nigerians when he disclosed how he bought a N28.5million gun truck for the notorious bandit leader in Sokoto State, Bello Turji, his childhood friend. Kamarawa said he had brought sophisticated weapons into Nigeria on many occasions.

    Many other arrests had been made.

    It is intriguing that the arms and food suppliers know that their customers are bandits but they feign ignorance of collusion with them. We do not believe this, though. What rather seems credible is that economic considerations trounce other considerations in the transactions.

    Indeed, one of the questions that hitherto bothered Nigerians is how terrorists are able to sneak in arms into the country without being detected by the customs and immigration and other officials. But the confessions of some of these terrorism suspects have provided answers to some of these lingering questions. One is that the motivation to remain in business is high for all the people involved. For instance, Kachalla said he developed interest in the illicit business due to the high profit. According to him, he sells a rifle for between N600,000 and N1million,  depending on the make, and realises about N300,000  on each rifle sold. This is aside the profit he makes from selling ammunition which he said he sold for N1,100 each.

    Also, an alleged member of the syndicate smashed on June 8, last year, told interrogators that he made about N150,000 weekly from supplying bread to the bandits adding that this rose sharply to about N70,000 daily, following the abduction of some students of Greenfield University in Kaduna by bandits.

    We can therefore see the motivation at both ends. It is obvious that while the bandits have access to regular supply of critical supplies like food, arms and other items, the suppliers too are happy that they are able to make money without hawking in search of ever dwindling customers. We can also see the mutual benefit to both parties when large numbers of people are abducted.

    But it is not only the suppliers and bandits that smile to the banks. Their security agents’ collaborators do too. From what is known so far, their  networks involve military and political elites working in collaboration. Although Kachalla said his illicit activities had been facilitated by a military officer, one person cannot do this alone. Of course, we also have top military officers involved in arms contract who are similarly making a kill by inflating contract costs or simply pocketing money for the purchase of arms. Good enough, some of them have been jailed.

    It would appear that the information in the public domain about the networking of the bandits, their sponsors and suppliers as well as their security agents and political elite collaborators is enough to nip banditry in the bud. But one critical element that seems to be missing is the political will to deal decisively with the situation.

    The Federal Government must be ready and willing to smash the networks providing oxygen for these criminals. It must also be ready to provide the needed resources, including arms and ammunition, to prosecute the war, as well as adequately motivate the officers and men in the security agencies. Stories of inadequate care of soldiers, which we feel would be far more than have been made public, are, to say the least, disturbing. The government must also ensure adequate cover for the country’s  official and unofficial borders as well as engage local communities with a view to securing their support in the terror war.

    In the final analysis, it is the government’s resolve to end banditry that is perhaps the most important elixir needed to facilitate an end to the security challenge. It is sad that the government on its own volition promised to name and prosecute terrorism sponsors and is yet to do that more than one year after. We do not see the sense in keeping secret the identities of people who are publicly and senselessly shedding the blood of innocent people.

    Above all, the government must address the socio-economic and socio-cultural dimensions of the insurgency.

  • Deaths at workplace

    Deaths at workplace

    Occupational accidents and work-related diseases result in more than 6,000 deaths worldwide on a daily basis, according to the International Labour Organisation (ILO). The global body estimated that some 2.3million people around the world die from work-related injuries and diseases every year, while about 340million others suffer injuries from occupational accidents and 160million fall victim of work-related illnesses annually.

    ILO periodically updates its estimates and these latest figures indicate an uptick in the rate of work-related accidents and cases of ill health. They also bear out safety expert and  chair of the Lagos State chapter of Institute of Safety Professionals of Nigeria (ISPON), Olusola Ogunleye, who said about 6,300 people die globally every day due to occupational accidents and diseases linked to work. According to him, hundreds of millions more suffer injuries and other hazards that lead to extended absence from work. Ogunleye spoke during the commemoration of 2022 edition of  ‘World Day for Safety and Health at Work,’ where he called on government at all levels to show strong commitment towards building and maintenance of preventive safety and health culture and also ensure that occupational safety and health (OSH) takes priority in national, state and local agenda. He called on employers of labour in private and public sectors to integrate OSH management into their business model, and on employees to take responsibility for working safely and protecting themselves and others against harm at the workplace. “They should know their rights, and collaborate with employers and participate in the implementation of all preventive measures at the workplace,” the safety expert said.

    At another event to commemorate the same occasion in Abuja, the Federal Government stressed the imperative of collective approach to building occupational safety and health culture towards promoting national development. Labour and employment minister of state Festus Keyamo said government’s strategy included promoting public awareness about the need for safe and healthy environment at the workplace through national programmes, enactment of relevant legislations and entering collective agreements in line with ILO’s decent work agenda. “Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, we have seen that having a strong occupational safety and health system was very apt,” the minister said, adding: “We saw meaningful participation by government, employers, workers, public health actors, among others  that are crucial in protecting the working environment and safeguarding the safety and health of workers.” According to him, there is need for continuous collaboration and co-operation of all stakeholders across all sectors to ensure highest possible level of safety, health and wellbeing of workers in the country.

    The commemoration of the 2022 work safety day was a fitting occasion to once again highlight occupational safety and health at the workplace as a significant aspect of our basic civilisation as a people. Abusive conditions in the work environment derogate from our claim to civilisation and tarnish our collective image in humanity. Such abusive conditions had in the past been reported in factories – many run by foreigners – where casualised factory hands have been made to work in neo-slavery that in some cases has resulted in the death or permanent disability of affected workers. Nigerian labour laws are somewhat permissive and have allowed slave masters masquerading as employers to exploit defenceless Nigerians desperate to make a living in a harsh economy; very few of the cases that got exposed and made it to the courts have resulted in adequate compensation for survivors. It is good, therefore, that government at the recent commemoration touched on the issue of legislation, which is one area it needs to look closely into to remedy abuses that are perpetrated by stealth in some outfits.

    The emphasis of this year’s commemoration was, however, on collective approach to ensuring safe work environment. Workers must play their part by imbibing the culture of safety and supporting efforts by employers towards reducing, if not eliminate hazards in the work environment.

  • Army couple’s murder

    Army couple’s murder

    Who murdered an army couple, Master Warrant Officer Audu Linus and Private Gloria Matthew, in Imo State, and why? They had travelled to the state for their traditional wedding rites, and were killed and beheaded by mysterious gunmen who made videos of the gruesome killing, which were circulated on social media.

    The Director, Army Public Relations, Brig. Gen. Onyema Nwachukwu, in a statement, described the incident as “indisputably a brazen act of terrorism perpetrated by IPOB/ESN.”  The outlawed separatist group, Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), and its paramilitary organisation, the Eastern Security Network (ESN), have been blamed for escalating insecurity in the Southeast of the country, where Imo State is located.

    Insecurity has worsened in that part of the country following the arrest and detention, last year, of IPOB’s leader, Nnamdi Kanu, who is facing trial for alleged treason and terrorism. IPOB is fighting for an independent state of Biafra made up of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu and Imo states in the Southeast, and parts of the South-south region of the country.

    IPOB’s notoriety does not prove that it was responsible for the couple’s murder. The army’s spokesman said it had “commenced investigations to unmask and bring to book the criminals behind the murder.”  So blaming the killing on IPOB was hasty.

    In its response, IPOB denied responsibility for the double murder, describing the army’s accusation as a “jaundiced conclusion.”  The group’s spokesperson, Emma Powerful, said in a statement:  ”IPOB has no hands in the said atrocity which is an abominable act in Igbo tradition. No true Igbo will hurt an in-law, how much more a married daughter (Ada) in Igbo land.”  Private Mathew hailed from Nkwerre Local Government Area of Imo State.

    So who murdered the couple? The double murder further shows how badly law and order have broken down in the Southeast, which has continued to experience attacks on security agencies, government facilities and officials, and high-profile individuals. Many people have been killed, and properties worth millions have been destroyed in the attacks.

    IPOB alleged that “armed gunmen or criminals recruited by evil politicians” operate in the region, adding, “We have on our own been battling these same criminals.” This is a serious allegation that should be investigated by law enforcement. Is it true that people working for politicians are responsible for the violence? What is their motive?

    The situation is confusing. It is lamentable that the authorities allowed things to degenerate to this point where the situation appears uncontrollable. There is a frightening possibility that the situation could worsen to the point where the region becomes ungovernable.

    With the approach of the 2023 general election, it is crucial to ensure that no section of the country is unsafe to warrant non-participation.  IPOB, for instance, is known to have threatened to prevent elections from holding in the region at different times in the past. The group failed to carry out the threats. But the level of insecurity in the region today is a potent threat that may affect the election.

    Insecurity in the northern part of the country, mainly connected with the activities of kidnappers, bandits and terrorists, also poses a threat to the coming election.  It is lamentable that insecurity threatens Nigeria’s democracy.

    It is unclear why the army couple was killed, particularly whether it had something to do with the fact that they were soldiers. Did their killers see them as symbolising the Federal Government and, therefore, deserved to be killed? The manner of the murder suggests rage. What enraged the murderers?

    The army’s accusation against IPOB needs to be substantiated. A thorough investigation is necessary to establish the group’s alleged culpability. It is important to find the killers and prosecute them for deterrent effect.

    This horrifying double murder is yet another strong reason the authorities must tackle insecurity with a sense of urgency.

  • Failed refineries

    Failed refineries

    A retired Group General Manager, Research and Development, Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC), Dr Bola Afolabi, in an interview granted The Punch Newspaper, captured the perennial challenges of government-owned public companies. It is what one may call the tragedy of government as bad manager of business. According to Dr Afolabi: “government has no business in business.” He went on: “empirical evidence suggests that no matter how efficient a government establishment is, it cannot be run profitably and efficiently as a commercial enterprise because of conflicting objectives.”

    He made an interesting comparison between the successful delivery of the Dangote Refinery, and the debilitating state of the NNPC refineries, which has remained comatose despite the huge resources invested by several regimes in the so-called turn around maintenance. According to the renowned expert in supply chain management, the NNPC is run against the standards of business practice, and that affects its efficiency. He posits that no business will run the way the refineries are run, where products are sold below the cost price of production.

    In his words: “The refineries are running at a loss because of the dilapidated condition of the assets (plant, machineries and infrastructure) due to their ageing nature and poor maintenance.” He continued: “funding is epileptic, policy is unstable and there is little or no strategic plan for asset renewal processes.” It is sad that the three refineries owned by the NNPC have remained money guzzlers and cesspit of corruption, since the sale conducted by the government of President Olusegun Obasanjo was botched by the succeeding regime of President Umaru Yar’Adua.

    In fairness to late President Yar’Adua, many public commentators had supported that the sale be rescinded, alleging that it was fraught with corruption. But tragically, since then, billions of dollars have been expended on perennial turnaround maintenance that has yielded next to nothing. So, perhaps there is the need for elite consensus on the way forward, considering the unending tragedy that the NNPC and other national corporations have suffered. Perhaps those who called for the reversal of the sale of the refineries then would argue differently considering the current challenges.

    There are other national corporations that have turned into an albatross on the national economic life. They include the Ajaokuta Steel Complex and the Transmission Corporation of Nigeria (TCN). While every government since President Obasanjo up to President Muhammadu Buhari, has tried several tactics to complete the Ajaokuta complex, it has been a lot of motion without movement. And in that locomotion, billions of dollars have been wasted, without any success. On its part, the TCN has perennially plunged the country into darkness, because of its inefficiency.

    As we stated above, there is the need for national consensus on the way out of the quagmire. Apart from the challenge of government running corporations, there are complaints about the centralisation of the key economic facilitators in the hands of the Federal Government. For instance, many Nigerians are aghast that electricity remains in the exclusive legislative list. Again, unlike the standard practice of federal system of government, the natural resources of federating units have been confiscated by the central authority, and such distortions contribute to the gross inefficiency that pervades the system.

    Dr Afolabi captures the peculiar contradictions in the life of our national corporations, when he said: “incidentally, NNPC is blessed with very competent and well-trained technical staff that can run the assets efficiently and effectively but inconsistent government policies, political interference, asset vandalisation and unstable crude supply are among the myriad of problems militating against the smooth functioning of these refineries.”

    The time for change is now, unless we want to keep doing the same thing that has failed the nation repeatedly, which would not be good for us. As they say, you cannot be doing the same thing the same way and expect a different result.

  • Federalised police

    Federalised police

    To be sure, the history of sub-national policing in Nigeria is bitter and rotten. Pristine policing, in several parts of the territory that makes up the present Nigeria, were attached to royal courts, to enforce traditional laws and customs: Dongari or Yan Doka (in the North), Akoda or Olopa (in the West) and Ohu, or much later, Kotima (in the East).

    With the coming of Nigeria’s first fully federal constitution in 1954, the Nigeria Police became federalised.  By 1963 (the year Nigeria became a republic), the police was organised under five regional commands, which a commissioner of police headed: Lagos, Northern Region, Western Region, Eastern Region and Mid-Western Region.  The Inspector-General, the overall boss, was installed in Lagos, the federal capital.

    But, while the regional commands conformed with the letters of the 1963 Republican/Federal Constitution, they imbibed more the spirit of the pristine Dongari or Akoda or Kotima, meaning that the local constabularies were attack dogs of the ruling political elite; and sheer pestilence to the political opposition.  That misuse bugged the democratic republic until its overthrow on January 15, 1966.

    The in-coming military, citing these ringing abuses, progressively abolished the regional structure, starting with the creation of the first 12 states, from the four regions, on the virtual eve of the Nigerian Civil War in 1967.  That beginning has birthed the current other extreme: a unitary police in a federal state.

    Even then, the centralised police is not short of abuses too.  Under IGP Sunday Adewusi, the elite Mobile Police was little more than the storm-trooping arm of the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN), under President Shehu Shagari, in the Second Republic (1979-1983).

    Even as late as 2014 under President Goodluck Jonathan, a distraught Governor Kayode Fayemi became a pathetic spectator, as a lowly police officer scorned his orders, en route to a controversial election, in which the governor was voted out.

    This historical background is imperative, to understand why a federally structured police became unitary misnomer, peaking in the current security crisis.  It is also clear that abuse isn’t a monopoly of old regional political potentates, as the cited cases have shown.

    Even then, the bitter truth today is that the present unitary-minded Nigeria Police is clearly out of its depth, in tackling Nigeria’s current security challenges, even with the mocking pantomime of “community police”.  It’s high time then, that the entire issue was revisited.

    One: a new, federalised police structure would boost the number of men in formal police uniforms.  The basic security challenge today is that Nigeria is so vast it has a wide swathe of un-governed (read un-policed) spaces, from where terrorists and allied criminals wreak havoc.

    The good news is that in Amotekun (South West), the Lagos Neighbourhood

    Watch (Lagos), the Joint Civilian Task Force (North East) and the near-stillbirth Ebubeagu (South East), almost every geo-political zone already boasts ready and teeming personnel that can fit into a new federalised police.

    Then, two: these local cadres know their terrain as they know the back of their hands,  So, aside from boosted numbers, they could be an invaluable intelligence trove.  A vastly improved grassroots human Intel can and should greatly assist the police in delivering on its security and crime-busting mandate.

    It borders on the commonsensical, therefore, that federalising the police holds more promise to prevail over the security realities, than the current police as structured.

    However, to avoid getting wise after the fact, the National Assembly should gather experts to study abuses of the past regional arrangements. That body should now propose robust checks and balances to prevent a recurrence.  It should also draw up cooperative, operational protocols, between the central police in Abuja and its cousins in the various state capitals — or geo-political zones, whichever model is picked.

    If past abuses are not kept out, some 50 years down the line (with present security challenges gone and forgotten), their recurrence could spark 1966-like agitations to again centralise the police.

    Too bad, the National Assembly failed to address federalised police at its latest bout of constitutional amendments. Still, it should take re-federalising the Nigeria Police as a grave national emergency. Time to do it is now — not even the next second!

  • Another IMF pill?

    Another IMF pill?

    Nigerians have for good reasons, been paying more than a passing attention whenever the subject matter is debt. Nigeria’s total debt stock is expected to hit N45 trillion going by the Debt Management Office’s (DMO) plan to borrow additional N6.39 trillion to finance the 2022 budget deficit. And now, amidst apprehensions about the sustainability of the debt at its current level, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is making a case for the restructuring of Nigeria’s debts as indeed those of other African countries in debt peonage.

    According to the director, African Department of the bank, Abebe Selassie, the measure would allow for immediate debt relief and at the same time enable them to take fresh loans. While announcing the fund’s newly created Resilience and Sustainability Trust, which he said “will help ensure that these resources are used to provide critically needed policy support for longer term and longer-term funding for many countries in (our) region” he would equally note that the international community needed to do more “by removing obstacles for quicker debt restructuring under the common framework to allow for swift, and efficient debt restructuring”.

    Although the fund has never really offered the continent a fair deal, its renewed interest in her debt management process is perhaps noteworthy. For Nigeria, like other African countries currently chaffing under the burden of debt service, the promise of a debt relief ought to be sweet music. So is the offer of fresh loans to help ease off the current fiscal crunch exacerbated by the exogenous factors of COVID-19 and the on-going war in Ukraine. Yet, the question that bears asking at this time is – what has changed?

    This is in view of the IMF’s refrain and alarm not just at the size of the debts, but the proportion of public debt to the Gross Domestic Product, GDP, which it projects will rise steadily to 44.2 per cent by 2027. Would the latest proposal not amount to merely kicking the debt problem down the road?

    Of course, the proposal throws up many questions than it attempts to find answers. First, it glosses over the question of how the debts came about and the environment that enabled their steady build-up. So are issues of corruption and the utter lack of imagination in government – the end result of which is the current appallingly low tax to GDP ratio of eight percent – among the lowest in the world.

    A good example worth citing in this regard is Delta State, whose lawmakers only recently approved the request by the governor, Ifeanyi Okowa, to borrow N150 billion with barely 13 months to the end of his tenure. In the governor’s letter of request, he claimed that the loan would be used principally to settle contractors engaged to undertake some critical ongoing legacy projects awarded by past and present administrations in the state, as well as outstanding pension commitments to the state and local government areas’ workers in the contributory pension scheme.

    The question is why a governor, whose state is among the top earners in the federation account, will choose to wait until the lame duck session, when governance is virtually on hold and the nation is effectively on election mode, to go a-borrowing? How could this be justified, let alone defended?

    There is yet a third reason why Nigerians should take the overnight generosity of IMF with a pinch of salt. Aside the fact that a good number of previous loans were driven more by the self-interest of the lenders in collusion with corrupt officials, as opposed to public interest that is often packaged and presented to the public, Nigerians are by now only too familiar with the prescriptions of the Breton Woods institution not to recognise how they are more often than not, diametrically at variance with our national interest. So, much as Nigerians have nothing against the restructuring, the option of fresh loans should be off the table.

  • Malami and official conflict of interest

    Malami and official conflict of interest

    In this republic, it is a testament to the troubles of the rule of law and the fortunes of justice that we have hardly had an Attorney-General and Minister of Justice who has, like Caesar, lived above board. Is it because of the imperial powers of the office, or is it the social conscience succumbing to the power of a civil society gutted by impunity and constitutional defiance?

    Whatever it is, the position has not risen above the mire of a decayed society and it is because those entrusted to that position of honour and prestige have cast doubt on the power of man over temptation.

    Two things have happened in the past few months on the watch of the current office holder, Abubakar Malami, and we have reasons to worry.

    The first was the question of the electoral law.  Malami had shown his displeasure, just like the president, over the issue of public office holders resignation ahead of primaries. The section, 84(12) of the Electoral Act, was so objectionable to the administration that after the National Assembly passed it in defiance of the executive branch, the attorney-general promptly took the matter, in a surreptitious manner, to court in the southeast. The public was blindsided when the Justice Evelyn Anyadike court ruled that that law was illegal, null and void and should be expunged.

    Rather than wait for reactions, especially because those who were supposed to oppose the verdict did not get fair hearing, so that appeal be heard over it, he promptly hailed the verdict and was on his way to inscribing it in the gazette when the National Assembly appealed the case.

    “The office of the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice will accordingly give effect to the court judgment in line with the dictates of the law and the spirit of the judgment,” the statement by the minister’s spokesperson stated.

    “The judgment of the court will be recognised by the government printers in printing the Electoral Act. He was rather crude about it, and went further to say, “The Act will be gazetted factoring the effect of the judgment into consideration and deleting the constitutionally offensive provision accordingly. The provision of Section 84(12) of the Electoral Act 2022 is not part of our law and will be so treated accordingly,” the statement also stated.

    Read Also; Malami’s ambition and the Kebbi fleet

    It was bad enough that the chief law officer of the federation was betraying a rash impulse on a delicate matter. But what has become clear to the lovers of law was his throwing his hat in the ring as a candidate for the position of governor in his home state of Kebbi.

    Clearly, he had violated a fundamental principle of law and justice. He was an interested party but, one, he did not disclose it so as to recuse himself from any participation. Two, he went on to pursue the matter as though advancing the higher purpose of the constitution and democracy.

    Now it is clear that he was pursuing his personal ambition under the guise of defending the integrity of the constitution. He conflated his selfish interest with the higher ideals of our constitution and democracy.

    This is sheer hypocrisy, and clear-faced hypocrisy. It is conflict of interest and shameless manifestation of impunity.

    The matter is still on appeal and he is still the sponsor on behalf of the executive branch.

    That issue is still hovering over his head when, now as candidate, he has received through a foundation he established a cash gift of N135 million and a raft of sports utility vehicles, including Lexus and Mercedes Benz GLK and Toyota.

    This raised eyebrows across the country. He violated paragraph 6 of Part 1 of the Fiftth Schedule of the 1999 constitution. It says, “A public officer shall not ask for or accept property or benefits of any kind for himself or any other person on account of anything done or omitted to be done by him in the discharge of his duties.”

    This is categorical. But the minister has come out in his defence with a lame assertion. Hear him: “Let me state categorically that some of the foundations, as Khadi Malami and Khadimiyya for Justice and Development Initiative I am associated with over time, have workers who have demonstrated a greater capacity in the development of the state.

    “In appreciation of what the workers of the associations have been doing in the state and beyond, the supporters of the associations, collectively and individually, decided to solicit support from well-meaning Nigerians that have been supporting the NGOs in order to reward those that have been manning the affairs of the NGOs,” he said.

    He has also confessed that the gifts came from his friends and the number of vehicles were 30. This is cronyism in office, and clear case of a government officer using his connection against the will of law and decency to enhance his personal dream.

    He has shown that he is still associated with his foundation while still in office. He knows this is wrong, and he has committed not only a moral wrong but also a legal wrong. Malami denied that even though he held a meeting with Kebbi State delegates, he never gave them any gifts. That has no bearing on his relationship with a foundation that receives gifts.

    We need a better conduct from an Attorney General at a time of extreme pain and deprivation in the land, and bandying about gifts runs counter to the prestige and values his high office should entail and propagate.

  • No to mob action

    No to mob action

    Democracy is a system of government that gives power to the people. A government of the people by the people and for the people means that leadership in a democracy is not a monarchy or any other system of government that elevates, sometimes, unjustifiably, the ruling class from the commoners. Democracy is a representative government and the people are expected to elect their representatives and hold them to account too.

    In Nigeria unfortunately, the military interruptions of the democratic processes seem to have corrupted the civilian politicians in a way that the elected often feel a certain sense of superiority. There is a sad trajectory of total lack of trust and accountability by the elected in all the tiers of government.

    Flawed electoral processes where political party leaderships often usurp the power of the people by imposing leaders on them have been like a cancer eating up the democratic process in Nigeria. There is often a rape on democracy at the intra-party level, with anointing and imposition of candidates. So, ab initio, the     basic tenet of democracy is often violated at the political party level for selfish political expediencies.

    When the power of choice is stolen from the people and the selected candidates rely on violence and financial muscle to steal the mandate of the people, that becomes the seed of mistrust in the system and it literally germinates and bears many bad fruits. The leaders so selected feel no allegiance or loyalty to the people but to political leaders and godfathers. Unfortunately, the people are always in a higher number and the impact of bad representation becomes obvious and at some point, their anger boils over, irrational as that can be.

    There have been several reports of constituents attacking their leaders in various parts of the country for lack of performance. These non-performing leaders in turn resort to  protecting themselves with large numbers of security agents, at the expense of the ordinary citizens. This morphs into the level of insecurity in the land, which, in turn affects all sectors of the economy. The leaders on their part tend to live in a bubble as they feel protected with their families while leaving the people poor insecure and vulnerable. This condition fuels discontent as the primary function of government is the welfare of the people.

    The recent attacks on some law makers in both Niger and Ondo states by their constituents are condemnable because, in a democracy, there are lawful means of addressing ineptitude in leaders. They can either be impeached or recalled through votes. While we understand the anger of the people, we do not support  mob action.  Leadership is a social contract and the leaders must know that the people’s welfare is paramount.

    We understand the righteous indignation of the people but we also know that two wrongs do not make a right and most often, the casualties are not just the leaders seen to have failed but ordinary people that are just living their lives. The best way to treat inept leaders at any level is to be patient and vote them out at the next election if all other legal ways fail before then. The people must learn to trust the system and work at perfecting the electoral process through their active participation.

    Democracy imbues the people with more power than the elected leaders. That is why the people must arm themselves with the legal tools to reject ineffectual leaders at the polls.

    However, we feel that political parties in Nigeria must act more responsibly by practicing internal democracy that births due process and adherence to electoral laws.

    When the will of the people is thwarted at the intra-party level, the discontent ruins the entire processes and the distrust leads up to the violence under review. The people must realise too that there is a place for process and a place for rage, but they must not cut their nose to spite their face. Civic responsibility of being active participants in the process and shunning being financially or materially induced by political turncoats might be a more functional strategy.

  • Return of The Village Headmaster

    Return of The Village Headmaster

    After a 34-year break, The Village Headmaster, a must-see television drama series across the country in its heyday, returned on April 24. Written by Olusegun Olusola, now deceased, and directed by Dejumo Lewis, it was Nigeria’s longest-running TV drama series shown on the national television network from 1968 to 1988.

    Set in a fictional Yoruba village called Oja, the show dealt with a variety of subjects, including social problems and the effect of government policies on the community. The cast reflected different ethnic groups in the country, and communicated in Nigerian Pidgin, Standard English and Yoruba language.  It was a studio-based programme that promoted unity in diversity.

    There had been efforts to bring back the show before now, but there were issues, including contention over copyright, that got in the way of its return.

    It is commendable that the programme has finally returned, as a result of collaboration between the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) and Wale Adenuga Productions (WAP). This partnership involving the government-owned television network and the private production company demonstrates what is possible.

    Also laudable is the role of Globacom, the telecommunications service provider that is involved in the sponsorship of the TV series. Describing it as “iconic,” the company said it “remains unmatched and unparalleled in the annals of Nigeria Television.”  Globacom also said the programme “has undergone a spectacular makeover by Wale Adenuga’s WAP TV.” For a company that says it is “committed to excellence,” its involvement suggests that the viewing public should expect an excellent show.

    Indeed, the new programme is significantly different from the old one. The show has not only been revived; it has been reinvented. Importantly, it has been taken out of the studio and now has an outdoor rural setting that gives it greater realism.

    Some members of the original cast are in the new programme, notably Dejumo Lewis (Kabiyesi), Ibidun Allison (Amebo), Dan Imodu (Dagbolu), and Dele Osawe (Teacher Fadile).

    But new faces that are well-known in Nollywood have been introduced as part of the renewal. They include Mr. Latin, Jide Kosoko, Fathia Balogun, Rykardo Agbor, Yemi Shodimu and Binta Ayo Mogaji.

    The new series will face challenges, including attracting new fans in a new era. Times have changed since the programme was stopped in the 1980s.  Those who found it irresistible then may still feel the same way about it. But the more than three decades break is a long time, and there is a new generation of television viewers who were not around when the programme was popular.

    Also, the concept of the show may not appeal to a new generation that is more interested in urbanity than rusticity.

    In addition, there are far more TV stations these days, and there is intense competition related to content. The new programme will be shown on NTA, WAP TV and Africa Independent Television (AIT).

    The revivers of the show must have done their homework before embarking on the project. It remains to be seen if the new programme can attain the old glory. It is noteworthy that the old show ran for about 20 years before the long break, a record the new version may find difficult to break.

    At the launch of the show in Abuja, the Director-General of the National Council for Arts and Culture (NCAC), Otunba Segun Runsewe, observed that the timing of the return was right, especially given that the country was experiencing widening schisms connected with religion and ethnicity, and had lost the values of old.

    The new show retains the spirit of the old one. It promotes unity and social values that the country can benefit from, particularly at this time. Considering its past success, the reintroduced programme carries a burden of expectation as it seeks to prove that it is still relevant.

  • Renewable energy and Nigeria’s constant power outage

    Renewable energy and Nigeria’s constant power outage

    SIR: The private sector gained partial control of the country’s energy sector in November 2013 to encourage an efficient, affordable and reliable power supply, but since then, the national grid has collapsed more than 134 times resulting in severe economic, commercial and personal losses. Its cataclysmic implications on Nigerians who must continuously navigate the skyrocketing hike in fuel price include increasing cost of living and almost unbearable living conditions. With more than 60% of Africa’s most populous nation having no access to electricity and an annual loss of about N126 billion credited to power failures, renewable energy is considered a better alternative.

    Wind, biomass, solar, hydropower and uranium are renewable energy resources in Nigeria. The goal of the Nigeria Renewable Energy Master Plan (REMP) is for renewable energy to account for 10% of total energy consumption by 2025. However, despite attempts to increase renewable energy use in the country, short-term policies, lack of awareness and planning, high cost of set-up and political instability are some reasons for its failure.

    Since the last decade, the installation and use of solar inverters/panels have gained wide popularity while there hasn’t been much use of wind energy in Nigeria. One percent of the country’s landmass can generate 600,000 MW of solar power and because the sun influences wind energy, extensive wind energy mapping for offshore sites with higher speeds will provide foresight and opportunities for the use of wind turbines for electricity generation. Only a small fraction of hydropower potential has been exploited with over untapped 12,000 MW of potential hydropower which can produce about 50,000 GWh of electricity annually.

    A shift from over-reliance on fossil fuels to renewable energy sources will lead to improved health outcomes (through pollution reduction), development of rural and neglected areas, preservation of perishable food items, better transportation, environmental protection, job creation, or household and commercial uses. To achieve sustainable and clean energy use would require extensive research as different parts of the country have unequal amounts of these resources, provision of capital and credit facilities, consumer education, investment in renewable energy projects, and implementation of policies/initiatives that encourage diversification.

    Integrating Independent Power Producers (IPPs) into the energy market will need to be monitored by the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) to prevent abuse of market power. To this effect, standard fabrication materials, local manufacturing facilities and more transmission infrastructure should be provided to encourage a smooth transition from oil-dependent energy sources to renewable sources. Consequently, data on wind energy potentials should be made available to organizations whose goal is to develop indigenous technologies that will optimize wind energy consumption. Increased advocacy for solar energy use should also be encouraged as its potential to provide clean and reliable energy for household and commercial use is unlimited.

    • Angelica Chinecherem Uwaezuoke, angelnechy@gmail.com