Category: Editorial

  • Aladura centenary

    Aladura centenary

    • Nigeria’s first Pentecostal church clocks 100 years

    Their patron saint is Moses Orimolade Tunolase (1875-1933), who founded the Aladura (prayerful) Band in 1925.  His credo: his prophetic powers were free from God — and freely would he give of them to any one that needed spiritual healing.

    This “freeness” would push Orimolade to found Nigeria’s first native Pentecostal movement.  An account claimed someone, among his Holy Trinity (Anglican) Church hosts in Lagos, had suggested he should start charging the multitude pouring into his base for prayers, miracles and healing.  Orimolade balked — and faced homelessness.

    He arrived Lagos, from Ikare-Akoko, on July 4, 1924.  He got expelled from the church premises — though the sexton was Emmanuel Olumodeji, a co-Ikare native — on September 11, 1924, with his multitude in tow.  That crowd was tagged the “Aladura Band”.

    Enter: the Eternal Sacred Order of Cherubim and Seraphim (ESOCS), proclaimed on September 9, 1925.  That church just turned 100 years.  Its first formal name, though, beyond the generic Aladura Band, was Seraph Band — the “Seraph”, a contribution from a teenage girl-collaborator, Abiodun Akinsowon, later Captain Abiodun Emmanuel (1907-1994).

    “Cherubim” would be added to the name on March 26, 1926, because Cherubim and Seraphim, the church elders held, were “Siamese twins” in heaven.  Captain Abiodun, though much younger, would appear spiritual “Siamese twin” to Orimolade — she, indeed, was the first visioner of the church, until their forced separation in 1929, when the court ruled that the Band, under Abiodun, could retain the “Seraph” appellation.

    ESOCS climaxed decades of racial tension in the orthodox churches in Nigeria, at the turn of the 20th century.  But it wasn’t Nigeria’s first native church.  That honour belonged to the Ebenezer Baptist Church (1888), which broke from the American Baptist Church, now First Baptist Church.  The African Church too, in 1901, left the Anglican Church, just as the United African Methodist Church (Eleja) broke — in 1917 — from the mainstream Methodist Church — all on account of racial politics and prejudices, which plagued church administration.

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    “Piano and drums”, a poem by the late Gabriel Okara, though not directly on the church, reflected the stark spiritual contrast between the European mind — piano — that bossed Orthodox Church administration, and the African mind — drums — that thronged these churches as new converts.

    Orimolade himself had tales of his native Ikare Anglican Church members, who have had to abandon their many wives for one decreed by their new faith; aside enduring a rather passive liturgy (with moaning pianos), against frenetic drumming, singing and dancing, that energise the African soul.

    So, the ESOCS came to fill a spiritual void: prayers with savage rigour, hard drumming, frenetic dancing and boisterous singing, aside the many gifts of the Pentecost:  speaking in tongues, a gift of visions, spiritual healing, routine street evangelising — which they call “iwode” (Yoruba for street parades) — and ceaseless fasting.  Indeed, the mid-weekly services, on Wednesdays and Fridays, were nothing short of spiritual discos, soaked in burnt incense!

    All of these resonated with the first Yoruba converts: the proud “Kerubu” and “Serafu” sect  — with their white long robes; colorful sashes, audacious caps, military-style white prayer drills, and a shoe-less code in the worship chamber.

    But not even this new ardour — a syncretism of African and Oriental spirituality, even if European missionaries first brought Christianity — could save the new church from the fashionable schism of the day, with a rash of splits that dogged its earliest days.

    From Moses Orimolade Tunolase’s ESOCS (1925), even before the patron saint died in 1933, were: Cherubim and Seraphim Society (Aladura) of Captain Abiodun (1929); Praying Band of the Eternal Sacred Order of the Cherubim and Seraphim, under Ezekiel Davies (1930), and Church of the Lord (Aladura), of Josiah Olunowo Ositelu (1930), with headquarters in Ogere, now in Ogun State.  The C and S Movement (aka Ayo Ni o!), came much later.

    At the height of its fissuring in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the C and S had become a rash of solo priests, pious or profane, but mouthing adherence to the tenets of Moses Orimolade Tunolase!  Often, these atomic players would lead their flock on prayerful sorties to Orimolade’s Ojokoro head church in Lagos, Ositelu’s Ogere spiritual camp in Ogun State, ‘’Ayo Ni O’s’’ international headquarters at Orile-Igbon in Oyo State, or any other centrally recognised Aladura destination!

    One of such solo acts was the fictive Prophet Jeroboam, as portrayed in Wole Soyinka’s Jero Plays: The Trials of Brother Jero and Jero’s Metamorphosis, in their Bar Beach, Lagos, bastion.  That satire brimmed with spiritual roguery — illicit coitus, ocean bath and all!  Such wanton abuse has created huge image problems for the church, these last 100 years.

    Yet, the C and S was as deeply spiritual as any, leading to its 1925 nativity.  The baby Orimolade was such a miracle child he reportedly chatted with his mother from the womb!  The first contact between Orimolade, then 45, and the teenage, Abiodun Akinsowon, 17, was out-and-out spirituality.

    From an Encyclopaedia Brittanica “Aladura” account, Akinsowon had fallen into a trance — which lasted 21 days — after her gaze had bored into the Catholic chalice in Lagos, during a Corpus Christi procession.  Curiosity might indeed kill the cat but this one sent the maiden Abiodun into a trance!  It was from that trance that Abiodun called Orimolade, already a popular Aladura evangelist, for an SOS spiritual rescue.

    The Brittanica account is self-explanatory: “It was raining heavily.  Abiodun sent word three times, encouraging Orimolade to come, in spite of the rain and telling him: ‘Saint Moses Orimolade Tunolase should not be mindful of the heavy downpour of rain that can only beat the flesh and not the soul.’  As a result, Orimolade came in the rain from home to Saba Court, miraculously without being drenched.”

    Orimolade’s Aladura band nursed Abiodun back to normalcy.  There then, started their collaboration — with Abiodun becoming the church’s first visioner. Unfortunately, both of them had to part ways four years later.

    Meanwhile, in those years, Orimolade had sent Abiodun on missionary sorties to convert new members; and open the first Aladura churches in the Yoruba hinterland.

    Despite the split, however, both resonate with the church history.  Orimolade was the C  and S undisputed founder and eternal patron saint.  He neither married nor had any child.  A prophesy had assured him that his children would be as many as the sand at the sea shore — the global Aladura church today, numbering no less than 10 million members.

    His Ojokoro original base and church, as Holy Land, also hosts yearly pilgrims, aside his Ikare-Akoko native church, to where his remains were transferred from Ojokoro, 40 years after his burial, as he had instructed before his death.  Besides, his name, “Mose Orimolade Tunolase …” features in prayers, which always opens with “Oluwa Olorun Olodumare …”  Olodumare is the Yoruba Supreme God, a monotheism shared by the Christian Faith.  That reinforces C and S as a church with African — Yoruba — roots.

     Still, Captain Abiodun’s Cherubim and Seraphim Society (Aladura) also commands a significant membership in spite of the schisms in the ‘’Aladura’’ churches. Many flock to the church whenever the Ark of Apostles (a throwback to the Old Testament, incorporated into the church’s worship mode, even if the sacrifices of the Christ Jesus remains supreme) was on public display.

    Over 100 years, the C and S has become a respected religious order, boasting adherents from across all sectors, Nigeria and overseas, all immensely proud to profess its tenets.  Though the founding members were Yoruba, the order now embraces all, spreading beyond Nigeria to all over Africa, the Americas and Europe.

    It may have lost the battle against its founding bogey — splitting into too many parts.  But as its centenary resolution, it should formulate a strict code of conduct among its millions of adherents.  If it already has such, it should enforce it with new zeal.

    Still, one thing goes for the Aladura at their centenary: they have retained their pristine spiritual core; even while younger Nigerian Pentecostal cousins have gone flabby with prosperity preaching, which borders on the profane.

    It’s credit to Orimolade’s solemn credo that the Aladura movement, though highly fissured, has kept faith with that pristine rigour: the straight-and-narrow way to salvation; against the wide-and-merry prosperity preaching, as their latter-day, American-aping Nigerian Pentecostal cousins.

    Although Nigeria’s first gift to global Pentecostalism has done well for itself; it has at least survived this far despite all odds, it can still do better.

    The ‘’Aladura’’ churches need to put more efforts into their unification process. It is taking too long in coming.

    They should go tougher with those of their members that are ‘buying and selling’ in the churches or tarnishing their image within and without. 

    While the church should hold tight to those aspects of the religion that makes it distinct without compromising its essence, it should  strive to improve on its weaknesses as it begins its journey to another century.

    Nigeria’s first gift to global Pentecostalism deserves no less rigour.

  • As Fubara returns

    As Fubara returns

    • Much is at stake in Rivers State as the President lifts state of emergency

    ust as many hoped, the president, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, lifted the state of emergency on Rivers State. It caps off a half-year of tension, fear, hope and plots. It also triggers a time for rumination on the state of Rivers State politics, a rumination marked by faceoffs but no facedown except for those who expected the state to run into a paralysis of unending fight between Governor Sim Fubara and his allies and associates, versus his predecessor and Federal Capital Territory minister Nyesom Wike and his allies.

    Rather, President Tinubu lifted the veil and set the state for renewed operation of the ship of state in accordance with the rights, precepts and authorities of a democracy and in deference of the constitution.

    We acknowledge that there was, by no means, a consensus in the nation, not even in Rivers State, as to the necessity of declaring the state of emergency.

    Yet, as the president reminded the nation in his statement, even the judiciary declared that there was no government in Rivers State six months ago when he took the extraordinary step. The governor and the legislature no longer worked in harmony, the historic building of the state house of assembly was in ruins, no thanks to a bomb blast.

    And it reflected the state of the legislature itself in which the governor had decided it was not going to work with the house of assembly members.

    Hence, he therefore held on to a budget of illegitimacy since he did not secure the constitutionally requisite numbers to pass it. He did not also have a cabinet. He had fewer than half a dozen men he called his commissioners and even they were not endorsed by the house.

    He served as a governor by impunity. He wanted to corral the judiciary to endorse his unilateral system, and this sparked a march to anarchy.

    “Considered objectively,” said the president, “we had reached that situation of total breakdown of public order and public safety in Rivers State, as shown in the judgement of the Supreme Court on the disputes between the executive and legislative arms of Rivers State. It would have been a colossal failure on my part as President not to have made that proclamation.”

    Partisan cries in parts of the country, including within Rivers State, tended to drown the necessity of the moment, and it was an act of wise courage that the President stuck to law and commonsense to bring down the hammer and oust the political structure, pending the restoration of calm.

    What we have, as the state of emergency is restored, can at best be described as a calm of hope. During the six months, the two sides in the conflict were asked to meet, and it took a while before a sense of patriotism overrode insular egos and interests.

    It is thanks to forces, mostly out of the state, that eventually both Fubara and Wike met and the palpable air of truculence seemed to gradually give way to a pursuit of peace. Prior to that, the city of Port Harcourt, the state capital, convulsed with protests, of partisans on both sides, stoking the conflict. Some so-called elders in the state seemed to have abandoned prospects of reconciliation and some youths had aped them in their quests for a showdown.

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    Some of them called the sole administrator, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas, an impostor. Some threatened war and staked a claim that Rivers State would crawl into paralysis or chaos until President Tinubu reneged on his declaration.

    Hours before the state of emergency was declared, oil pipelines had also caught fire, and a sense of bloody foreboding had started to enwrap the state. It was not only a threat to the state and the Niger Delta region, it held the promise of contagion in the country at large.

    Vice Admiral Ibas took over and thankfully he was not caught in the partisan fray. He has handed over a state with an apparent quiet, and we hope both sides to the conflict have realised the futility of a contrarian spirit.

    Both sides have publicly met and photo ops were on television and all over the social media of smiles and even a show of cultural respect by the governor to his predecessor, signalling a return to courtesies and respect to good faith in the state.

    Many analysts have seen the execution of the local government elections as a surefire sign of goodwill. It was conducted under the supervision of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and with the full inputs of Governor Fubara and Wike, and neither was unhappy, at least in their rhetoric and public body language, on the outcome.

    The period of the state of emergency led to two important revelations. The first was of a N300million revelation of gift by the Fubara government to the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) to organise their conference; a decision the body could not defend and a cash it did not refund. Its hypocrisy is highlighted by its position on the side of the governor and insistence that the state of emergency was illegal without advancing any rigour of law. Its conflict of interest was writ large.

    The other point was the revelation that the sum of N5billiion was saved in an August civil service staff audit. That is a scandal that not even the local vocals were ready to condemn. It is hoped that the money will be saved subsequently. We fear that the silence in the state might mean a return to that conspiratorial financial opacity. Footloose spending is not a part of democracy. Even though it had little to do with the reason for the state of emergency, we are happy for the facts while hoping that it is not a revelation in vain.

    We hope that the apparent calm will mean substantial peace in the coming months. Nothing in the past six months, not the reconciliation, not the revived camaraderie, not the promises, can guarantee any hope.

    It is the actors themselves that must show good faith. Much is at stake. Democracy is at stake. Cooperation between the executive and legislative branches is at stake. Above all, commonsense is at stake.

  • N5 billion scandal

    N5 billion scandal

    • Shall we know the names of the treasury predators in Rivers State?

    It was a stunning announcement, and only hinted at something rotten not only in Rivers State, but the nation at large.

    The outgoing sole administrator of Rivers State, Vice Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas let the world know that the finances of the state were not always above board. He undertook a verification exercise of the staff of the civil service and discovered that N5 billion could not be connected to any real human being or worker.

    “This verification exercise has enabled us to distinguish genuine staff from impostors on the payroll. The N5 billion saved is not just a figure; it is a testament to our commitment to fiscal responsibility. These funds will now be strategically invested in critical infrastructure and social projects to accelerate the sustainable development of Rivers State,” said Ibas.

    He made the revelation without theatrics. The scandal is not only that the amount is huge but that the state greeted the disclosure with indifference and silence. It can only be described as a disgrace that a state, known for its quicksand of agitation and critics about the political society, has kept complete silence over this.

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    Even the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), also caught in a scandal of its own connected with the government of the state under its governor, Sim Fubara, has not found the lip or tongue to articulate an opinion. No one has asked for the books, the names of the investigators, the felons who committed that gargantuan crime against the people.

    Yet we must say the revelation fell short of details. It is not enough for the sole administrator to say who perpetrated the crime; the nation wants some answers arising from this discovery.

    One, how long has this been going on? Five billion naira is no breakfast gift. It is money that can make a difference in the life and fortune of the average citizen of the state or anywhere in the world.

    We want more details on how long this has been going on to ascertain the scale of this fraud against the people. Did it start in August alone? Was it only during the tenure of Fubara, or did it predate him? If it did, how far back can it be traced?

    The second issue concerns who are the criminals? This sum of money cannot disappear from the financial system without a conspiracy. The sole administrator’s shyness from dramatics should not restrain us from asking him to go a little further in the revelation.

    He should let us know how these ghost workers were paid, who initiated those names, who backed them up or legitimated them. Did the governor or governors know this? Was it a work of politicians? If it is the work of politicians, they cannot do it without the civil servants. Who were the civil servants?

    We need to also ask why the civil society has not asked any questions. We must learn to look ourselves in the mirror in matters like this. The last time a furore of this nature seized the nation’s imagination was when President Bola Tinubu was the governor of Lagos State, and deployed the Oracle technology to audit the staff. So much money and names were unaccounted for, and when the governor asked those who had not received their pay to show up, not a single soul appeared. The ghosts had returned to the cemetery.

    If N5 billion is dedicated to a community to build roads, homes, clinics each month, the people would not feel the distance between promise and welfare in the state. We want other states to do the same. It is not only a scandal; it would be a promise. It is only a promise if other states do what Ibas has done.

  • Regional government

    Regional government

    • This is a thing we need to be cautious about if we must get it right

    The declaration by the Executive Secretary of the Nigerian Christian Pilgrims Commission, Bishop Stephen Adegbite, on behalf of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, at the Mike Okonkwo Annual Lecture, that Nigeria would soon return to regional government may sound good to advocates of regionalism, who view it as the panacea to our nation’s development.

    Bishop Adegbite, who represented the President at the event in Lagos, last week, said “The regional government is what we must return to. And of course, constitutional review is on like you have said. Very soon, Nigeria will have a new constitution.” 

    While we agree that Nigeria needs far-reaching constitutional reforms, to give full vent to its full economic potentials, we foresee several impediments if the nation pursues a return to regional government, as we used to have it.

    Of course, we are not oblivious that many states in Nigeria are presently not viable. But how many of the states even in their present state of near insolvency would surrender their political and socio-economic freedom, from what they consider to be the hegemony of the past?

    And this challenge is true of many states across the country, where the old states had different tribes or even sub-tribes in the old order. For many people, the creation of a new state from the older ones was like a liberation. So, to ask them to return the independence they have gained would be seriously resisted.

    Yet, such a fundamental amendment of the constitution would require two-thirds or even four-fifths majority of state assemblies to achieve, as provided by S.9 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). Those who do not want a return to the older order would protest vehemently.

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    When Bishop Adegbite made a promise that a new constitution was in the offing, we wonder whether he was referring to the piecemeal amendment of the constitution that the National Assembly has been engaged in, since the advent of this republic.

    If that is how the Federal Government intends to achieve desired new constitution, it may not even get the support of the agitators for a new constitution. Many of such agitators want a new constitution derived from the proceedings of a constituent assembly, which the present political structure cannot guarantee.

    Perhaps, what the present administration is pursuing is economic integration of the regions, and not political integration. The establishment of the regional commissions across the six geopolitical zones seems to bear testimony to that projection.

    A fully functional regional commission would no doubt help states within the same region collaborate in the provision of certain infrastructure that cuts across the states, like rail transportation. Such bodies can also collaborate on research and programmes that would benefit from regional synergy and strength.

    We recognise that the agitation for a new constitution will not go away easily. At the Bishop Okonkwo event, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs, General Ike Nwachukwu (retd), who chaired the lecture, contended, “Nigeria stands in urgent need of a true people’s constitution. I am of the strong conviction that there is no unviable state in Nigeria. What we have are states that have been denied their rights to develop using their God-given human and natural resources.”

     He argued that granting states “full autonomy over their resources would unleash innovation, stimulate expansive economic activities and reduce dependence on the centre.”

    The Tinubu administration must not over-promise, so as not to be embarrassed by the challenges of delivery. The destination of a more equitable federation is desirous, but the journey would take time, and so, Nigerians must exercise patience.

    The administration’s success at creating regional commissions for states within each region so they can collaborate deserves to be commended. When the nation’s economy is strengthened, the discussion around state creation or regionalism will no doubt become less toxic.

  • NUPENG vs. Dangote

    NUPENG vs. Dangote

    •Government should put in place measures to resolve disputes without disrupting distribution

    Twists and turns have marked and marred the oil sector for as long as crude oil has been the mainstay of the Nigerian economy. Even when the state-owned refineries were in operation, supplied crude by the state-owned Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), breakdown of the distribution chain was regular, thus inflicting pains on the consumers.

    Passage of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) in the twilight of the Buhari administration raised hopes that deregulation of the sector would help ensure some sanity. True, for a while, after the Dangote Refinery came on stream, long queues at the fuel stations disappeared. The laws of supply and demand held sway, but drama and spats have not been in short supply among the stakeholders. When it is not between the 650,000 barrels per day giant and the regulatory authorities, it was between marketers and the refinery.

    A year after gasoline by a private refinery debuted in the country, disputes have not abated.

    Last week, the Nigerian Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG)  and the refinery threatened to disrupt supply of locally refined petroleum products to the filling stations. The union declared industrial action with Dangote Refinery for allegedly disallowing unionisation of workers in the company.

    NUPENG claimed that Dangote threatened to sack anyone that associated with it. In its place, the refinery was said to have hurriedly put in place a union unknown to the industry. The strike action lasted two days before the fire was put out by a truce brokered by the Department of State Services (DSS), in order to prevent it from subverting national security.

    At the initial two-day dialogue, many stakeholders, including the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment, Federal Ministry of Finance, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association (PENGASSAN), participated. The main protagonists  — Dangote, NUPENG and the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) were also on seat.

    At last, they signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), but the agreement did not last 24 hours before NUPENG once again cried foul that the oil firm was not keeping to the terms that included that it would allow free operation of unions and no one would be threatened with a sack for associating with existing recognised unions. It was equally alleged that Dangote disallowed any truck having the NUPENG stickers access to its premises, let alone load products. Again, it fell on the DSS to broker peace.

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    So far, consumers have not felt the impact of sour relations among the stakeholders. We hope they would continue to have seamless dialogue without even bringing in state security outfits. But anyone who paid attention to the terms of the agreement would have realised that crisis was not far off as, in keeping with the labour laws; the MOU noted that workers should be allowed to join unions of their choice.

    In other words, workers, especially the tanker drivers who already had grouse with NUPENG, were free to refuse entreaties from the union. Even the Petroleum Tanker Drivers unit of the union had been accusing it of extortion before the dispute with Dangote Refinery surfaced. This was a lacuna that would bring up disagreement again.

    NUPENG should not rely on strong arm tactics in resolving disputes. Often, in the past, the union had relied on its strategic position in the society, and support from the NLC and PENGASSAN, in dealing with matters that could have been easily resolved round a table.

    Neither side should seek to overawe the other in the national interest. That the refinery intends to bring in about 10,000 Compressed Natural Gas-driven trucks should be a blessing to the country, not a curse; at least in the absence of other modes of transportation for that purpose. As its chairman, Alhaji Aliko Dangote, pointed out at a press briefing to mark the first anniversary of Petroleum Motor Spirit (PMS) on Monday, it is obvious that the company’s entry to the sector has driven price constantly downwards, even though Nigerians expect more in the days ahead.

    It is expected that the direct free delivery of products to stations across the country would be to the benefit of all. The independent marketers who appeared to be kicking initially have since reached agreement with the suppliers who assured them that they were not out to suppress anyone in the industry. Dangote says he is not interested in acquiring filling stations that would have elbowed out some medium and smale-scale stations. This should be soothing to IPMAN members.

    In all this, nothing has been heard from the Major Oil Marketers Association of Nigeria (MOMAN), an indication that they may have no grouse against the system. But, just when it appeared that the union had accepted the position of the refinery that the workers were free to join unions of their choice without compulsion, the Depot and Petroleum Products Marketers Association of Nigeria (DAPPMAN) fiercely objected to the firm’s plan to supply products to the filling stations.

    The association claimed that many would be at the mercy of the oil giant if that was allowed. DAPPMAN’s executive secretary, Mr. Olufemi Adewole, insisted that Dangote should respect all stakeholders and keep to its lane as a producer. He described as false the company’s claim to supplying a large chunk of the fuel in the market, contending that only about 30-35 per cent of the oil in circulation in Nigeria is supplied by Dangote.

    He said the firm had been selling to the United States and other countries. A damning allegation by DAPPMAN that it had been sourcing products from Togo to which the refinery sells at cheaper cost attracted a swift rebuttal from Dangote.

    One issue that has been in the public space for a while is that Dangote could soon become a monopoly in the industry since it supplies so much products and is dabbling into distribution. About 100 of the 4,000 trucks already procured and delivered are said to have been deployed for supplies.

    However, upcoming Uyo-based BUA Refinery, Edo State Refinery and other modular refineries are expected to put up some checks on any monopoly tendencies. Besides, it cannot be ruled out that the state-owned refineries in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna would sometimes soon begin production.

    All we should ask for is for the regulatory authorities to be alive to their responsibilities in ensuring fair practice and justice in the system. No one should be permitted to hold others by the jugular. To allay fears, anti-trust laws should be revisited by the lawmakers, while regular parleys should be organised by relevant agencies of government to iron out areas of disagreement.

    The oil and gas industry functions like oxygen to the economy and households. Disruptions should therefore be proactively tackled.

  • Wrong horse

    Wrong horse

    • We strongly oppose negotiations with bandits

    Residents of communities in Jibia council area of Katsina State were recently reported celebrating a peace accord with bandits who used to terrorise their neighbourhoods. They said relative calm had reigned in the area since the pact was sealed, and that the outlaws now offer protection to residents from attacks by external bandits not involved in the peace deal.

    For them, the peace pact is a solution to the challenge of insecurity that wracked the area.

    Jibia is a community cluster that borders Niger Republic, and was among areas embattled by terror exploits of bandits that hindered residents from farming, their children going to school and other routine business activities. Following a recent peace accord with bandits, however, hundreds of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) were said to have returned to their ancestral homes.

    Agency reports cited a resident of Magama community applauding the relative peace that has returned to the area. The resident, Abubakar Mohammad, recalled that since a peace agreement was struck with bandits about six months ago, there has been no record of attacks on communities across the area. “Most of these bandits, we know them, we stay in the same area with some of them, some were even our friends before they decided to isolate themselves. But we thank God, since they have decided to embrace peace on their own. Some of them now come to the market, but you will never see them carry guns,” he said.

    “When you go to the forest, you will see them with their guns protecting us from external attacks, especially (bandits) from Zamfara and other local government areas yet to embrace dialogue,” Mohammad added, describing the present situation as allowing for bumper harvest because many residents have returned to their farms after having abandoned them for a long period owing to insecurity.

    Another resident of the area, Uzairu Rabiu, was cited saying: “For the past five to six months, there’ve been no reports of attacks by bandits; therefore, we’re happy.”

    Also speaking at a joint security committee meeting, the Secretary of Jibia People’s Forum, Zubairu Sani, said the peace deal was at the bandits’ request. He lauded Governor Dikko Radda for his commitment to the fight against insecurity.

    Echoing similar sentiments, a stakeholder body known as the Northern Elders Progressive Group (NEPG) urged governors in the North-west to negotiate with bandits. The North-west coordinator of the group, Mallam Yusuf Abubakar, said the forum supported non-kinetic measures being championed by National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu and other stakeholders to restore peace.

    “We are happy with the steps being taken so far. Travelling recently from Sokoto to Gusau, and from Funtua to Zaria, I observed a more peaceful atmosphere. Compared to what obtained before, there is improvement in security, in patrols and in the safety of commuters along that road,” he stated.

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    Abubakar urged governors to embrace dialogue, arguing that it is a more effective option than repeated condolence visits and military operations that overstretch security forces. “It is better for a governor to spend resources on saving lives than spending billions on condolence,” he said.

    Replying to opponents of negotiations with bandits, Abubakar argued that dialogue worked in other conflict zones of the world: “Even powerful nations have negotiated with groups like the Taliban, Al-Qaeda, and the Houthis. Negotiation is not weakness, it is about saving lives.”

    We differ from the selling points canvassed by advocates of negotiation with bandits. Beginning with the global argument, today’s Afghanistan and the costs of the Taliban’s ascendancy in power is the best you could hope for when you negotiate with terror groups. Neither has our own national experience justified negotiations with bandits as long-term harbinger of peace.

    Ask former Katsina State Governor Aminu Masari. Late in 2021, he said with the benefit of hindsight, his government should never have negotiated with bandits. Masari, who had offered bandits amnesty after negotiating with them, said looking back, he never should have done that.

    “We realised: who are you talking with, because they do not have an umbrella? They are not pushing any ideological view (or) religious view. They are simply bandits – criminals and thieves. Any person in the forest is a potential criminal and should be dealt with as such,” he stated.

    On another occasion, he said the only basis for government to negotiate with bandits is if they surrender: “We are no more going to negotiate with them. But if, on their volition, they decide to renounce their violent criminal ways and embrace peace, we are ready to listen to them. Even then, they must surrender all the arms and ammunition in their possession, otherwise they remain enemies to be dealt with accordingly as far as we are concerned.”

    Masari’s iterations captured the reality of dialogue with bandits. Any peace that results is usually ephemeral,  because the outlaws use the breather from military action to regroup and reinvigorate. Dialogue can only be meaningful if it is to debrief bandits who surrender and are genuinely remorseful. That doesn’t seem to be the case in Jibia where the bandits reportedly arrogate themselves the task of keeping guard against bandits from without.

    Non-kinetic option is doubtless helpful in the overall anti-terror war strategy. But this should be by way of winning over bandit-informants and debriefing surrendered bandits. Negotiating for peace at parity level is backing up the wrong horse.

  • Tread softly

    Tread softly

    • NASS has to exercise caution on its proposed law to regulate power sector

    A newspaper report that the National Assembly (NASS) may scrap the categorisation of tariff bands in the power sector may sound good to the ears. But there is need to tread softly on the issue so that NASS does not compound an already bad situation.

    The Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) came up with the idea of categorisation, as a way of easing the cash flow problems being complained about by the electricity distribution companies (DisCos).

    So, in April, last year, power consumers were categorised into four: Band A, Band B, Band C and Band D.  Band A consumers are entitled to 20-24 hours power supply per day, Band B (16-20 hours), Band C (12-16 hours), Band D (8-12 hours) and Band E (4-8 hours) daily. Consequently, tariffs for Band A consumers jumped to N225 per kilowatt-hour from N68. It was later reduced to N209.50 while Bands B, C and D consumers pay N63, N48.53 and N43.27, respectively. Band E is currently suspended.

    But virtually everyone in Band A has been groaning under the new tariff structure. Apparently, the noise has become too loud for the NASS to hear.

    “We are going to review the issues surrounding electricity tariffs category like Bands A, B, C and D introduced by NERC because we have been inundated with petitions, letters, and requests from Nigerians and key sectors of the economy. The Electricity Reform Act never provided for such categorisation,” ‘The Telegraph’ quoted a lawmaker saying.

    According to the newspaper’s report, the move is part of the ongoing amendment of the Electricity Act 2023 that will also establish a National Electric Power Policy Council to oversee policy alignment in the power sector.

    We appreciate the lawmakers’ concern on the matter. But then, this is a matter in which they need to avoid playing to the gallery.    

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    If there is any newspaper that is largely opposed to the ‘modus operandi’, especially of the DisCos, our paper is it. Like millions of other Nigerians, we are equally disenchanted with their services and their opaque manner of operations. We are particularly disgusted with their unpreparedness to meter their customers, hence the huge metering gap of over 55 per cent in spite of the liberalisation of the sector since November 2013.

    Indeed, we literally leapt for joy when the immediate past Buhari administration signed the Electricity Act 2023 (that replaced the obsolete Electric Power Sector Reform Act 2005) which empowers states, private entities, and local governments to generate, transmit, and distribute electricity independently. This has been improved upon by the incumbent Bola Tinubu administration.

    Predictably, the DisCos cannot be comfortable with this potential game changer in the power sector and that has become evident with their fight with Enugu State Electricity Regulatory Commission (EERC) that has seized the gauntlet by fixing its own tariff structure for power consumers under its jurisdiction. The grouse is that EERC cannot determine the price of a commodity it does not produce.

    We, like many other Nigerians saw this coming, especially against the backdrop of DisCos that are being spoonfed with subsidy despite their being largely private entities.

    Still, we think there is need for caution in attempts to free Nigerians from the shackles of the DisCos.

    The NASS should avoid being involved in minute details like banding but broad laws to regulate the sector. The details should be left for NERC.

    Moreover, there is need for the Federal Government to review its agreement with the DisCos, whether in terms of investments, technical know-how, etc. The present arrangement is not working.

    There must be conscious and sustained efforts to ensure every power generated does not go to the National Grid.

    We therefore urge the NASS to conduct hearings with all the major stakeholders, including power consumers, before drafting the law.

    We agree that the current template is still not delivering optimal results; yet we urge the NASS to make haste slowly so that the modest, even if fragile gains we have made, especially on the part of Band A power consumers would not be lost.

    Yes, consumers in this band are paying through their nose, many admit they have been having fairly regular power supply.

  • Okpebholo’s gesture

    Okpebholo’s gesture

    •The decision to hire 1,000 cleaners as civil servants is good thinking

    Call it a perfect repudiation of the orthodoxy: a governor choosing to hire cleaners, not as underpaid part-time workers, but as civil servants in a clime where outsourcing has long been accepted as norm.

    We refer here to the decision by Governor Monday Okpebholo of Edo State to put 1,000 of those traditionally ill-treated citizens as bona fide state employees with all its accruing benefits.

    According to Okpebholo’s chief press secretary, Fred Itua, the hire, which guarantees dignity, job security, and full protection for the new employees under civil service rules, was taken after Governor Okpebholo found that funds previously spent on contractors could sustainably cover direct employment at the new minimum wage of N75,000.

    Surely, a number of factors make the governor’s decision deserving of commendation.

    First, we note that the decision was not spurred by any reported agitation by anyone or group; rather, it was a case of governor deciding, on reflection on the travesty of the extant practice, to chart a different path, one laced with equity and justice. The thinking ostensibly is that these Nigerians, routinely treated as expendables, are no less deserving of fair treatment for the values they bring to the public service.

    Beyond the mere symbolism of getting the affected individuals on the state payroll however, the gesture would appear as one meant to give practical expression to the twin concepts of equity and dignity of labour, which, sadly, most employers, private or public, are notoriously averse to.

    Moreover, it brings to the fore, the matter of the exploitative practice of outsourcing under which a big man contractor is awarded the hefty job only for the casual hires to be paid pittance for getting the job done. As for the revelation that the funds previously spent on contractors would sustainably cover the new employees at the new minimum wage of N75,000, this merely illustrates the nature and depth of the inequity that has been an inextricable part of the outsourcing system.

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    The governor has certainly done well by this decision. To us, this is what empowerment is all about.

    Our expectation is that the new hires will regard the tag of ‘civil servants’ as merely the starting block; and that while the measure by the state government could pass for a charitable one, its essence should not be seen as one of charity but a call to public duty, for which they must at all times be willing to give their best to ensure a cleaner environment for the citizens of the state.

    On its part, the government owes them the duty of ensuring that the basic tools and accoutrements for getting the job done are adequately provided. In other words, the workers need to be kitted properly, with the supply of their tools of work duly guaranteed to help them deliver.

    Theirs should not be like the familiar sight, particularly in our cities, of government employees in that cadre, loitering around street corners and makeshift shelters with practically nothing to do. And this is, often times, not so much because the tasks are not there to be executed but due to government’s inability to provide them with working tools as indeed the failure to address the typical logistical challenges as one might expect after their deployment.

    This time around, we expect things to be different. In fact, the people of Edo State expect to see marked differences in the commitment of the government to ensuring wholesome workplace and the workers to delivering quality work. 

  • State police

    State police

    •An idea whose time has come

    Once upon a time, the South West preached the gospel of state police, with the swagger of a seer who could see tomorrow, bemused at other regions that have eyes but could not see.

    The North West, with the same iron scorn, aside determination, scowled back with no less ideological contempt: over their dead body would state police ever happen.

    All that has collapsed today. The perilous insecurity situation, preached louder than any regional arrogance or diffidence, has made the imperative for state police loud and clear.

    It’s welcoming that a sitting President not only feels this intense pulse, he is ready — nay, sworn — to seizing the times to make the formalisation of state police a reality. Formalisation, because a rash of vigilante corps are already contending Nigeria’s vast space with the bad boys, and their bristling violence. State police will only smooth their rough edges, streamline their training and formalise their mandate.

    That’s why President Bola Tinubu’s fresh commitment to formalising state police must be a thing to cheer. Nigeria clearly needs more boots on the ground. The more police troopers occupy empty spaces, the more constrained the murderous activities of violent felons should be.

    ”I have to create state police,” the President told a Katsina delegation, led by Governor Dikko Radda, at Aso Villa. “We are looking at that holistically. We will defeat insecurity,” he pledged. “We must protect our children, our people, our livelihood, our places of worship, our recreational spaces. They can’t intimidate us.”

    It’s also heart-warming that almost all the geo-political regional blocs — Afenifere (South West), Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF): with membership from the North’s three zones) and the Middle Belt Forum (MBF: North Central) have rallied to the President’s latest pledge.

    After running a centralised police with mixed results, the precarious situation yells that we try another formula. While the current policing views security from a central pooling, state police imbibes indigenised security, with the community at the core of any policing solution.

    What is more? Even the new Forest Guards should be shaped as the forest arm of state police. Local hunters trained as core security corps, over a forest landscape they know rather intimately, would appear a better deal than fresh personnel form virtual nowhere. 

    Inasmuch as this in no way suggests that Forest Guards should be the exclusive preserve of local farmers, they remain ready assets that could be moulded into a crack security network that could protect our forest space, dominate the place and flush out any suspicious band of felons, before they are able to pull off violent mischief.

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    If the President is talking of a holistic approach to the challenge, this is one direction to look.

    Indeed, the National Assembly, aside the ongoing constitutional reforms that already okayed the principle of state police, which nevertheless awaits the endorsement of two-thirds of the state Houses of Assembly to promulgate it into law, should further look into the possibility of further breaking policing into smaller units. That should be the future focus, though.

    If indeed more boots are needed to be on the ground, then the smaller the space a police jurisdiction covers, the better. So, even after achieving state police, smaller spaces like local government police, university or polytechnic campus police, etc. could further deepen the policing network. All of these sub-state police units can fit into efficient and effective intelligence cells, which ferret out hatched crimes, before they are even executed. 

    The common issue will then be a standard and rigorous training regime, the grade of arms adequate and available to each cadre to do effective policing, and a no less robust law that erects a network of jurisdictions, at the top of which the central police sits. 

    That is not unlike America’s Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), which the locals dub as the “Feds”, that only swoop in, if the seriousness of the crimes is above the capacity of the lower cadres.

    Besides, given the random abuse of regional police experiment in the First Republic — the very reason the military-in-power cancelled regional police for a central one — a rigorous legislation is imperative to rein in abuses by governors and other local players, especially against the political opposition.

    So, given the current security challenges, the state legislatures should speed up the legislative processes needed to make state police a reality. Without their prompt action, the President will but labour in vain over the matter. It’s time everyone played their roles.

  • Health as wealth

    Health as wealth

    There is need for more funding and monitoring of the health sector

    Many stakeholders in the health care sector have said that Nigeria’s health care system is currently facing the consequences of decades of poor investment in the sector.

    Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare, Prof. Muhammad Ali Pate, made this same observation at the opening of the National Health Financing Dialogue, themed “Re-imagining the Future of Health Financing in Nigeria.”

    The minister maintained that, “Health, wherever it is produced, is not cheap”. He pointed out that no country can have a good quality health system without paying for it. The minister lamented that Nigeria spends about $30 per person in public health financing, with more than two-thirds of health costs borne directly by citizens, and as such, “we cannot pretend to ride a Rolls Royce on the budget of a bicycle”.

    We are concerned that this lack of sufficient investment in the health sector has negatively impacted Nigeria’s development over the years. The development of any country is dependent on the health status of her citizens. It therefore follows the adage that “a healthy nation is a wealthy nation”, and vice versa.

    The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends that countries allocate at least 15 percent of their national budgets to healthcare. In spite of the fact that Nigeria is the most populous black nation, it has never met this UN budgetary benchmark.

    In the 2025 annual budget of N49.74trillion, the Federal Ministry of Health and Social Welfare got N1.91 trillion, which is an increase of 58.53 percent in healthcare funding in comparison to that of 2024. Sadly, 75 percent of healthcare funding still comes from the pockets of Nigerians. This of course makes it impossible for the citizens to enjoy the maximum benefits of good healthcare.

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    While we acknowledge the efforts of the Tinubu administration to improve the healthcare of citizens through an increased financial contribution to the National Health Insurance Authority (NHIA) in the last two years, we urge the government to ensure better management, awareness and implementation.

    More Nigerians should be encouraged to enroll so that certain terminal illnesses with huge medical bills can be covered, to reduce mortality rates.

    It is commendable again that the President  has directed the Federal Ministry of Health to prioritise sustainable health financing through increased domestic resources and effective implementation of policies that advance the Universal Health Coverage (UHC).

    We are concerned about the general mortality rates in Nigeria which are indicative of a parlous healthcare system. There is high maternal and child mortality rate which alone is indicative of dire consequences of lack of continuity of generations in any nation.

    As an African nation, malaria is a huge killer and not much is being done to eradicate mosquitoes which are the main carrier and transmitter of the parasites. This makes Nigeria the highest victim of malaria deaths in Africa.

    Inadequate medical infrastructure is one reason there is low life expectancy in Nigeria and this usually translates to not just the loss of the productive population but also one of the reasons there is a huge loss of trained medical professionals to more developed economies.

    A post-COVID 19 world has shown that economies are affected by epidemics and pandemics in very significant ways. There is an increase in globally communicable diseases, and prevention and cure that precede survival can only happen in countries with the requisite healthcare plans, policies and systemic functionality. Diseases can sometimes be vicious and life threatening. Lack of adequate funding of the health sector can only exacerbate an already bad situation.

    The mortality rate in Nigeria is at an all-time high not because there are some natural disasters but because the healthcare system has been grossly under-funded. Patients in primary and tertiary hospitals battle with an almost collapsing system where there are fewer doctors, dysfunctional or non-existent equipment, disillusioned medical professionals and just a general state of near anarchy that often push the people into fatalism or despondency.

    While we commend the Federal Government for trying to put more money into the sector, we suggest that policies had always been made in years past. The extra actions would be in deliberate attention to the details of implementation and follow-ups. The human capital must be invested in; there must be improvement in the infrastructural base that can motivate the professionals.

    The financing of the health insurance sector must be more inclusive, affordable and accessible to citizens. There must be an attempt to discourage medical tourism by the leadership to boost indigenous health concerns. If health is wealth, then Nigeria as a country must do better for the people.