Category: Editorial

  • To Saint Lucia with love

    To Saint Lucia with love

    Soft power comes with economic benefits across the aisle

    But for the umpteenth demagoguery of Mr. Peter Obi, the candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 presidential election, President Bola Tinubu’s state visit to Saint Lucia should have passed for what it is: a sovereign state’s diplomatic priorities on how it relates with other sovereign states, for mutual benefits.

    That is captured under the 4-D foreign policy doctrine of the Tinubu administration: Democracy, Development, Diaspora and Demography.

    Saint Lucia, with a GDP of US$ 2.43 billion (contrasted to Nigeria’s US$ 363.8 billion) — both for 2023 — is a far smaller economy.  But its per capita income of US$ 11, 854 (2024) towers above Nigeria’s: US$ 3, 136 (2024). 

    There is no magic to this reverse: Nigeria’s thumping population (of 227 million) just “swallowed” its vaster earning, as St. Lucia’s puny population (179, 744) boosted its tiny GDP, thus reflecting a far better per capita income.

    What this cross-statistics show is the inter-dependency of states, from the poorest to the richest, the smallest to the biggest; and how diplomacy can birth peace, boost cooperation and produce shared interests and mutual interests; as against war, which pushes aggression, cross-border raid, conquest and brigandage.

    These salient points of peace and shared prosperity, from cooperation, hard thought-out among states, make a silent plea for the mission to Saint Lucia.  Still, hard number crunchers would still ask if the hard tilling is worth the puny harvest.  That is a legitimate query.

    But that hardly justifies Mr. Obi’s emotive tantrums, drawing on local tragedies and everyday challenges to bad-mouth the trip.  It’s simply not so.

    That pre-Donald Trump America used USAID to solve sundry global developmental challenges — in health, education, technology, all sorts — did not mean that the United States had created an el-dorado in which every American is “made”.  That Russia has, for three years now, launched blistering aggression on Ukraine, has not stopped the president of Ukraine from travelling abroad in his country’s interests.

    That Johannesburg accounts for arguably the highest number of car-jacking in the world has not prevented the South African president from embarking on diplomatic shuttles abroad. That the United States crops the direst global statistics in gun violence, claiming helpless children in schools, and hapless citizens in malls, doesn’t quite make America the Armageddon such tragedies suggest.

    No one starts learning new tricks in old age — and so it is for Mr. Obi’s combustible brand of base populism: a willful penchant to stack emotive cards and weaponise tragedies as a prime political tool.  The man has his appeals, no doubt.

    But people that process issues through their mind, and not through their heart, marvel at his non-stop hysteria.  His tantrums over St. Lucia are yet another proof.  But the more he cries wolf, the more he risks being scorned when serious issues arise, and real wolves threaten.

    Sane criticism — or even politics — is made of more sober stuffs.

    The fact of the matter is that St. Lucia appears to tick every box in Nigeria’s 4-D diplomatic policy: Democracy, Development, Diaspora and Demography.

    If it’s democracy, there is surely something to pick from a country which democracy has endured since its independence in 1979.  Nigeria’s democratic encore that same year sunk after four troubled years.  That the same experiment has endured here since 1999 — 26 years — is a thing to cherish.  But having democratic friends hurts no Nigerian.

    Development, diaspora and demography follow in the same logical lane.

    Cooperation between these two countries, leading to mutual development, is hardly novel.  The late Sir Darnley Alexander, from St. Lucia, was Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) from 1975-1979, after entering the Nigerian service after the Western Region, under Chief Obafemi Awolowo, recruited him as a legal draughtsman.

    So, what stops Nigeria from opening up the job market of St. Lucia for many of its huge expertise in human capital, many of these youths, grappling with unemployment challenges?  Incidentally, Nigeria’s Technical Aid Corps (TAC) officials are already looking toward that direction.

    The diaspora, after a united and just Nigeria, is about the most important national issue, given the huge Nigerian diaspora population.  Whatever done to open consular services for Nigerians in Saint Lucia — and the greater Caribbean — can’t be said to be a waste.

    Then, demography.  From history, culture and contemporary realities, Nigeria would be wise to closely x-ray demography, vis-a-vis its comparative advantages.  That way, our human capital can be pressed to full advantage, especially in cultural products: music, film and even stage.  Such exchanges could build a market hub, from which both countries can mutually reap.  This also won’t preclude education and training, as Nigeria’s putative scholarships for Saint Lucia youths to study in Nigerian universities.

    Indeed, it’s a practical application of soft power towards the Caribbean, with Saint Lucia, headquarters of the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), as entry point.  OECS is itself entry point into the 15-member Caribbean Community (CARICOM) — a political and economic union, and five associates from the Americas.  CARICOM has a combined GDP of US$ 130 billion; and tapping into that, for mutual benefits, can’t be termed a waste by any bit of imagination.

    The 15 CARICOM states are Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Dominica, Jamaica, Grenada, Guyana, Haiti, Monserrat, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Saint Lucia, Suriname and Trinidad & Tobago.  All of these countries have ancestral links with the African continent, especially West Africa, no thanks to trans-Atlantic slave trade.

    Even Mr. Obi as Anambra State governor flew to Haiti — a CARICOM state — to make donations in a time of dire tragedy.  So, why was it yes to Haiti then but no to Saint Lucia now?  Opportunistic, emotive politics, perhaps?

    But Mr. Obi does have one point: even with love to Saint Lucia, Nigeria must not throw money around, under the guise of economic diplomacy.  It’s an eon from when Nigeria’s headache was not money but how to spend it.  Yet, sane criticisms are well taken in measured tones, not in the screeds and screeches of viragoes.

  • Aminu Dantata (1931 – 2025)

    Aminu Dantata (1931 – 2025)

    • An embodiment of explainable wealth, philanthropy and humility

    Immense wealth and remarkable generosity characterised him. For instance, he bought his first aircraft in the 1960s when he was in his thirties, stating it cost him “10,000 pounds, which was about $15,000.” Decades later, in 2008, he purchased his last private jet for “about $38 million.” His generosity was evident in his N1.5 billion donation to flood victims in Borno State in 2024.

    Nigerian billionaire businessman and philanthropist Aminu Dantata, 94, who died in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, on June 28, was born into a wealthy trading family in Kano. After his education, he joined the family business, Alhassan Dantata and Sons, in his teens. By 1960, he had become the head of the business, after the death of his father and brother.

    It is a testimony to his business acumen that he expanded the family enterprise to include construction, agriculture, manufacturing, oil and gas, and banking. He had significant business breaks in the 1960s with a contract to build part of the Nigeria College of Aviation Technology (NCAT) in Zaria (then known as the School of Aviation), and contracts for projects like the Defence Academy in Kaduna and extensions to Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria.

    He grew from strength to strength, and was a notable figure in the country’s economic development.  In 1961, he was part of Nigeria’s first global economic mission after independence, a 23-member group of businessmen. In 1964, he was among the pioneer board members of the Nigerian Industrial Development Bank (NIDB), now the Bank of Industry (BoI). His appointment as Commissioner for Economic Development, Trade, and Industry in Kano State in 1968 demonstrated recognition of his contributions to development. He held the position until 1973.

    Under his leadership, by the 1990s, the business he inherited had transformed into the Dantata Organisation, a result of its relentless expansion. He was notably among the founders of Jaiz Bank, Nigeria’s first non-interest bank built on Islamic principles.

    There was a political side to him. He entered politics and won election into the House of Representatives in the 1960s, in Nigeria’s First Republic, as a member of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC). He described his participation in politics at the time as “a good experience,” adding, “people were honest, not like today’s politics.” He was a member of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), 1978 to 1984, in the Second Republic.  In a 2023 interview, he said: “What I am seeing in politics now is pathetic. We are no longer honest; people are distorting the truth and supporting mischief. It is not good.”

    Well known for his philanthropy, he gave huge amounts to universities, charity organisations, hospitals, and schools, among others. He established the Alhassan Dantata Haemodialysis Centre at Aminu Kano Teaching Hospital, Kano, and donated a ward and an Intensive Care Unit (ICU) complex to Murtala Muhammed Specialist Hospital in Kano.

    He funded the construction and support of numerous schools across Northern Nigeria, donated N300 million to Kano University of Technology and N1 billion for Katsina Islamic University infrastructure. He served as the first Chancellor of Al-Qalam University, Katsina, and contributed to its establishment. He was among the promoters of Kano State Foundation, providing support for education and grants to small-scale entrepreneurs. He provided support for widows and the underprivileged.

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    For his contributions, Dantata received honorary degrees from several universities, including Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria; Bayero University, Kano; Abia State University, Uturu; Imo State University, Owerri; and Usman Danfodio University, Sokoto.

    He explained the philosophy behind his philanthropy, saying, “I believe in God’s words that if you give, Allah will reward you. Anybody who gives for Allah’s sake, Allah will give him at least 10 or 70 times. I believe in that.” This underlined his deep Islamic faith.

    Despite his affluence, he was not showy and avoided publicity. “I am not very wealthy, but I thank God that I am rich enough to take care of myself,” he said in an interview. It was a profound statement that underscored his humility. 

    He will be remembered for his example of explainable wealth, liberal giving, modesty, and faith.  

  • Wanton killings

    Wanton killings

    • These should stop. Cases of suspicious movements should be reported to the police

    Nothing illustrates better the resurgence of arbitrary and gruesome killings in different parts of the country than the recent barbaric murder of 14 persons by a mob in Mangu Local Government Area of Plateau State. The victims were reported to be travelling from Zaria, in Kaduna State, to attend a wedding ceremony in Qua’an  Local Government Area and met their brutish end when they lost their way and stopped to ask for directions to the wedding venue.

    A suspicious mob was said to have descended on the travellers, attacked and set their bus ablaze, resulting in the death of the affected persons, with several others sustaining injuries.

    This unprovoked attack on and destruction of the lives of innocent people has occurred with disturbing regularity in different communities, reflecting a deep-seated lack of trust among large numbers of Nigerians.

    In a similar vein, about 10 persons reportedly holding a peaceful meeting were this week murdered in cold blood at Ogboji in Orumba South Local Government Area of Anambra State. Those who suffered this dastardly fate were said to be indigenes of Ebonyi State, prompting the state governor, Francis Ogbona Nwifuru, to describe the crime as “senseless, barbaric and an affront to peace, unity and the sanctity of human life.

    “It defies reason and logic that a group of Ebonyi people holding a peaceful meeting would be shot at close range. It is unacceptable, and I frown strongly at such heinous acts in their entirety”, the governor added.

    During the last Sallah celebration, a group of 16 farmers travelling from Port Harcourt, Rivers State, to Kano, were ambushed and killed by an angry mob in Uromi, Edo State. Disbelieving the claim of the victims to be travelling hunters returning to their state of residence, their assailants murdered them extra-judicially, leading to heightened tensions between Kano and Edo states. Mercifully, that did not escalate because of the prompt intervention and mature conduct of the leadership of both states.

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    Even where indigenes of communities suspect that those traversing their territory are criminal elements, they should be handed over to law enforcement agents for investigation and necessary action rather than citizens taking the law into their hands.

    But, apart from these lawless killings, there has also been a resurgence of assorted murders which compound the security challenges confronting the country and breed intense fear among citizens.

    For instance, in the last week of June, 12 persons were killed in Borno State when a female suicide bomber detonated an explosive device in Konduga Local Government Area of the state. At about the same period, a military mortar bomb went off along the Eastern Bypass in Kano, the Kano State capital, resulting in the death of five persons. And in Kebbi State, no less than 30 persons were reportedly killed in a number of banditry attacks in parts of the Zuru Emirate.

    These incidents reinforce the urgent need for the federal and state authorities to expedite action on the establishment of state police, on which there is now considerable unanimity that it has become imperative to enhance security across the country. This will enable state police outfits with personnel drawn from local communities to recognise and deal more effectively with peculiar security challenges of their areas, than a unitary policing system is able to do.

    Again, governors can more creatively and productively channel larger percentages of their security votes to strengthen community security structures as all security is, in the final analysis, local.

    Furthermore, it is time for the security agencies to thoroughly investigate these frequent security breaches to ensure that they are not politically motivated to destabilise the polity, create the impression of pervasive insecurity, with a view to discrediting the incumbent administration, with future elections in mind.

    The President Bola Tinubu administration must intensify its ongoing efforts to revive the economy, generate mass employment, alleviate poverty and boost prosperity as economic deprivation is a key source of destabilising insecurity.

    Moreso, a situation whereby those who perpetrate violent acts are not efficiently investigated, apprehended and diligently prosecuted to serve as a deterrent to others encourages future rampant criminality carried out with impunity and no fear of punishment.

  • Elite protection

    Elite protection

    • Armed policemen escorting actress raise questions again on the elite force

    Another image scandal lately hit the Nigeria Police, with a visual clip that went viral online showing actress Angela Okorie being escorted by armed police officers while she was jogging. In the video, the actress was depicted in a public area running along the street and trailed by officers bearing arms, apparently to provide her protection.

    The video ignited a controversy in the public space as to the propriety of armed officers being preoccupied with watching over private individuals – and flaunting arms in public to do so – amidst pervasive security challenges that hobble the citizenry and hazard public safety.

    Okorie has not publicly commented on the controversy, but the visual clip in question is suspected to be from behind-the-scenes shoot for ‘Queen of Guns,’ a project the actress began promoting in recent weeks.

    Whatever the clip was about, the police establishment did not find it funny and has launched an investigation to unravel the circumstance and possible liability for the display.

    In a statement last week on its official X handle and signed by force spokesperson Olumuyiwa Adejobi, an Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP), the force described the officers’ conduct as falling short of the discipline and decorum expected of police personnel.

    “The Nigeria Police Force strongly frowns on the conduct of armed police officers seen in a viral video trailing actress Angela Okorie while she jogged – an act considered clearly inconsistent with the professional standards and decorum expected of personnel of the force,” it said.

    Adejobi further stated that whereas the video appeared to have been shot on or near a movie set, it had elicited public concern and criticism. “While it remains unclear whether the scene was part of a scripted production, the conduct of the officers seen in the video falls short of the standards expected of members of the Nigeria Police Force,” he asserted, adding: “Accordingly, necessary administrative processes have been initiated to identify the officers involved and determine the circumstances surrounding the video, while appropriate disciplinary action will be taken based on the outcome of the review.”

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    The latest incident renews the debate about the propriety of police elite protection services amidst high level of insecurity this country presently faces. Statutorily, only top-level public officers like the president, vice-president, governors and deputy governors, council chairmen, principal legislative officers at the federal level and in the states as well as judges and magistrates are entitled to police protection.

    But the privilege has over the years been accorded all manner of private individuals, raising the question as to how many are left of the police’s less than 375,000 workforce to provide protection for the estimated 200 million Nigerian population. This is against the backdrop of projections by the United Nations that the police force of any country should have no fewer than three personnel for every 1,000 citizens.

    Recently, the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) Kayode Egbetokun was reported to have freshly reinvigorated the police Special Protection Unit (SPU). Speaking at the passing out of participants from Special Protection Unit Base 23 Minna, Niger State, in early May, unit commander Hassan Sani, a Chief Superintendent of Police (CSP), said IGP Egbetokun newly established the unit to meet increasing demand for elite protective services in the country.

    The SPU is, however, by no means a new feature of the Nigeria Police. The unit established to provide dedicated security for high-risked persons like political officers, diplomats and expatriates working on sensitive government projects in Nigeria, is a creation of the 2009 Police Reform Agenda of government, although it didn’t commence full operations until 2011.

    At the opening of the SPU Base 25 complex in Asaba, Delta State, in September 2019, then IGP Mohammed Adamu said the SPU was set up to “fortify security around VIPs and diplomats who, by all ramifications, must be protected and guarded against any unforeseen attacks.”

    But even that stated objective has been abused over the years. We’ve had the case of a lady professor who in 2022 was accused of battering her police orderly for declining to do menial household chores meant for personal domestic staff.

    There was early this year the case of a police personnel who held bales of crisp naira notes for the children of a Lagos billionaire who were cited by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission for abusing the local currency in a promotional musical video. And there are many other instances.

    Meanwhile, the police have always claimed being short-staffed, warranting former President Muhammadu Buhari in 2018 to give approval for recruitment of 60,000 constables over a six-year period at 10,000 recruits yearly. If the police must keep up with elite protection in the dimension we see, they’ll need to up their game with recruitments, so there will be hands left for the generality.  

  • Ray of hope

    Ray of hope

    • Dismantling of illegal checkpoints will positively impact food prices

    There might be a ray of hope for Nigerians as regards the grinding food insecurity and other socio-economic problems caused by the proliferation of illegal checkpoints across the country. The Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) has unanimously given its support to the Federal Government’s proposal to “dismantle illegal checkpoints, streamline levies and improve the movement of goods and services across the country, as a strategy to tackle soaring inflation”.

    This decision came on the heels of a multi-agency finding that, “proliferation of checkpoints, illegal taxation and very poor infrastructure are major drivers of food prices, inflation and inefficiency in Nigeria’s food chain”.

    The NGF and key Federal Government officials like the National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, Minister of Defence, Muhammed Badaru Abubakar, Minister of Agriculture and Food Security, Senator Abubakar Kyari, and the Minister of Transportation, Senator Sai’du Alkali, discussed this in a closed-door session recently.

    We commend the Federal Government’s initiative not just to have looked at the data showing the larger implications of certain actions and inactions of federal agencies  on general inflation but principally on food insecurity.

    For some years now, certain variables have negatively impacted both the production and distribution of agricultural products across the country.

    Food insecurity is directly linked to many other socio-economic problems in the country, and, as the governors agreed, addressing that is a matter of great national importance and urgency. While many of the issues that cause food insecurity might be a bit intractable immediately, that of unauthorised checkpoints of multiple government security agencies can easily be handled to ease the pressure on farmers and transporters, as many of these illegal checkpoints are manned  basically by extortionists who harass citizens in the food chain production and distribution businesses.

    For decades, many citizens, including community groups, farmers, transporters, professional associations, lawyers and many civil society members have complained bitterly about the impact of many of the unauthorised checkpoints, especially in the South Eastern part of the country. Many of the illegal checkpoints are manned by federal agents who ought to show the highest form of professionalism and civil-military decorum to citizens but often end up extorting and dehumanising citizens under the guise of checking vehicle documents and maintaining security.

    The irony of the proliferation of illegal checkpoints is that the same agents of government seem to sometimes be sources of grave problems to the same people they are supposed to protect.

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    Many criminals have often set up ‘checkpoints’ and while wearing what the public often assume are security uniforms, they had turned out to be bandits and kidnappers.

    Unfortunately, the seeming proliferation of ‘checkpoints’ hasn’t in any way eradicated insecurity.

    Nigeria’s infrastructure is still not developed enough for some seamless transportation of agricultural products. The roads are often either non-existent from the core agricultural production centres to the cities, or they are poorly maintained. This has led to many transporters refusing to transport materials due to the wear and tear on their vehicles.  To now burden the few managing to eke out a living doing that is as retrogressive as it is unproductive.

    This is one of the major reasons food is very expensive given that after the transportation inconveniences, high cost of production, farmer/herder  attacks, the total costs are passed on to consumers.

    Food insecurity is one of the gravest hurdles to economic stability in any country. We therefore believe that any action taken by governments at all levels to ease production,  preservation, transportation, distribution and accessibility of agricultural products is and should be in the best interest of the people.

    Food is one basic need of humans and governments often take steps to make it accessible to all at minimal costs.

    It is good to do all the talks and come to conclusions on an issue like this, but matching words with action is better.

  • Pastoral crisis

    Pastoral crisis

    • It’s commendable that states and Federal Government have resolved to embrace ranching.

    Blood of innocent Nigerians keep flowing in various parts of the country. It has not just started. For years now, herders, killer-herders, in desperate search for pasture for their animals would run through farms on which crop farmers had invested a fortune and hope for good harvest, and feed the fruits to their cattle.

    Realising that there would be resistance, the herders would go armed and attack the farmers, and sometimes the community.

    This has been the trend. In what has appeared an intractable crisis, all attempts to stem the tide had failed. Previous efforts by the Buhari administration and the states through the instrumentality of the National Economic Council (NEC) came up with the National Livestock Transformation Plan (NLTP) that sought to terminate the culture of nomadic pastoral farming. At first, it was called Ruga, which was roundly rejected across the South and the Middle Belt, seen as a bid by the Fulani who are predominantly nomadic cattle rearers, to take over their land.

    It is noteworthy that 11 states have now conceded to make land available for the scheme in a bid to joining the modern world in developing the animal husbandry sector of the economy. Botswana has shown the way in this wise in Africa. The small country’s meat industry accounts for 80 per cent of her exports. They have so perfected the industry that the value chain assists in employment of the youth, thus keeping them away from being restive.

    Perhaps as Nigeria now has a Ministry of Livestock Development, we would have something akin to the Botswana Meat Commission that regulates the industry and ensures that all work together in harmony in the value chain. The recent clashes in the Plateau, Benue axis that some have blamed on clashes between herders and farmers, with mutual suspicion on both sides has called for serious concern by the federal and state governments.

    The Federal Government should start implementing the policies already developed immediately, particularly the ranching plan. That states in the North and South have agreed to the plan to yield land for ranching is a step forward and the momentum should be seized immediately.

    It is unfortunate that no progress was made since the spokesman to former President Muhammadu Buhari, Mallam Garba Shehu, announced in 2021 that N24b had been released to three states  — Katsina, Plateau, Ebonyi and the federal capital territory; no report of how the public fund was expended has been released to the public. Neither did the federal lawmakers who have constitutional oversight over public accounts deemed it fit to invite the public officers to explain what they had done with the money.

    We call on President Bola Tinubu to personally take interest in this ranching programme. To ensure transparency and steady growth, he should encourage the private sector to take interest by investing in the sector.

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    It should be clear to all that the attempt to reopen the grazing route system is long gone. It cannot be revived as the population has grown and the lands so earmarked for the programme have since been taken over by human population.

    It should be obvious by now that profiling any ethnic group over this matter is unhelpful for the country. If ranches are established, the local population could be engaged to man them. The young ones could be trained in modern animal husbandry. We can, as a nation make maximum profit with increased yield on production of meat, milk, hide and manure.

    In the First Republic, the Western Region had ranches in places like Oke Ogun in present-day Oyo State, Ijebu- Ode in Ogun State and Akoko in Ondo Sate. They were successfully run until succeeding military rulers chose to run them aground. They could be resuscitated.

    Successful ranching schemes, too, will help to reduce insecurity in the land. We would be able to account for every animal in each ranch, and thus whenever cattle are seen roaming the streets, the owners could be traced and appropriate penalty applied.

     In the North where the nomads are predominant, cattle rustling has been a source of conflicts over the years. In most cases, this has been traced to marauders from other countries who exploit the poor control of our borders and the poor system of managing our livestock to visit mayhem on the communities and cart away animals back to their countries. This cannot be allowed in modern-day Nigeria where the economic system is being reformed.

    Government has a duty to embark on a massive enlightenment campaign to sensitise the public to the new reality. This should start immediately before the ranching system becomes functional. How it would function, benefits to all stakeholders and why both crop farmers and pastoralists should tolerate one another now is important. It is likely that the trust deficit in any scheme driven by the government would make the people reluctant to embrace it at first, but professional public relations experts should be engaged to assist in changing this.

    The nomads who have a settled way of transacting their business would be reluctant or even resistant at first, but when prominent people from the region are engaged to talk to them and participate in the new process, they will be less suspicious.

    Time is so precious that we cannot afford to delay any further. Nigeria is a country of about 200 million people and should not be trapped in the past. It would seem that policy makers have failed to realise that culture is dynamic. While people are likely to resist change, serious leaders would find a way round getting the people to embrace technology and new ways of doing things. This is one scheme whose time has come. Nigeria cannot afford to be left behind, especially at a time when the economy is calling for change; that we may feed ourselves and export as well.

  • How come?

    How come?

    • Inmate’s processing of travelling document in passport office raises many questions

    Although inmates in our correctional facilities as elsewhere deserve to be treated with some dignity, they cannot enjoy the kind of freedoms that law-abiding citizens are entitled to. Their movement, for instance, is restricted to the four walls of their correctional facilities, unless they are going to court, hospital (in cases where the facility in the correctional centres cannot handle their medical challenge), or when they are on special assignment.

    In all these cases, there are procedures to follow and relevant documents in support of the movement must be obtained and tendered before they can leave the correctional facilities.

    It is against this background that Nigerians saw as curious the report that an armed robbery convict, Haruna Ayo, was taken to the Nigeria Immigration Service  (NIS) passport office at FESTAC Town in Lagos, on May 19, allegedly for processing of travel documents.

    According to reports, Ayo was among some five convicts selected to do some menial job at the residence of the officer in charge of the custodial centre on the day of the incident.

    However, he was excused when an orderly told the supervising officer that he had instructions from another superior officer that Ayo be released to him.

    That was how the journey to the passport office began.

    But for the impatience of the warder that escorted him to the place, who mistakenly said that he needed to take him “back to the cell”, Ayo might have stayed longer at the place and perhaps concluded formalities for getting an international passport.

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    It was this Freudian slip that raised suspicion among the immigration officers, who immediately detained both the inmate and the warder, and then alerted their superiors.

    Ayo’s case is only about the latest scandal that has rocked our correctional centres in recent times. Some warders had been accused of extorting money from inmates, selling items donated to the custodial centres, and giving preferential treatment to some inmates and convicts in exchange for bribes.

    We recall specifically last year’s incident in which the Baale of Kirikiri, Babalola Shabi, accused prison officials of collecting N35m to give the cross-dresser, Bobrisky, special treatment during his sentence. This led to the suspension of some senior officers.

    Similarly, another set of officers at the Afikpo Custodial Centre, Ebonyi State, was also suspended for allegedly smuggling an inmate, Ibuchi Eze, out of prison, to visit his girlfriend.

    There are many others.

    Ayo’s presence at the passport office raises many fundamental questions.

    One, was he supposed to be taken out of the custodial centre to do menial work in the home of any officer of the centre? If yes, which dress should he have worn to the place? Apparently he did not wear his prison uniform to the passport office because that would have raised suspicion early and he would have been stopped if there was no collusion with some people there.

    From this and similar incidents in the past, it would seem there are rackets in the custodial centres. These incidents could not have been done by just one or two people.

    It would also be interesting to know whether any hospital attended by the inmate played any role in the matter.

    This country has had too many such embarrassing incidents in our custodial centres. It is high time we stopped those involved. Custodial centre officers aiding and abetting inmates to sneak out to enjoy the comforts of normal life in exchange for bribes are committing crimes and subverting the course of justice. They should not only be thrown out of job, they should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law.

    As a legal practitioner, Tolu Babaleye, noted, “When somebody is in a correctional centre…the whole idea is for the inmate to reflect, show remorse, and reform. But when that process is undermined and inmates are taken out for pleasure or personal errands, justice is subverted and the essence of the sentence is defeated.”

    The Nigerian Correctional Service (NCS) has confirmed the latest incident. Its national public relations officer, Abubakar Umar, said investigation was ongoing on it. Nigerians cannot wait any longer to know the outcome.

  • Richer states

    Richer states

    • With more allocations to them, Nigerians should focus more on their governors rather than the centre.

    It is not entirely surprising that the mid-term reviews by analysts have dwelt more disproportionately on the activities of the Federal Government as against what the states and local governments are doing. That is partly understandable in a country where even those running the affairs at the sub national levels also see Abuja as some Father Christmas, and which only needs to sneeze for citizens dwelling in the remotest corners of the federation to catch cold.

    Yet, Nigerians can truly make sense of the progress or lack thereof of the past two years only when the activities of its sub nationals are taken into account. 

    Without doubt, the last two years have been most challenging for Nigerians. The Federal Government had to remove the subsidy on fuel, whose retention had posed an existential threat to the nation’s fiscal health. The hitherto ruling multiple foreign exchange system and its embedded corruption, with its corollary of wealth without work, also had to go.

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    The impacts of the twin policies were immediate: prices of goods and services shot up astronomically as indeed the cost of doing business. Far less tolerable was food inflation, exacerbated by the spate of insecurity, as farmers could no longer freely access their farms to carry out their daily routines.

    The Federal Government came up with palliatives and other interventionist measures to cushion the impacts of these policies. Unfortunately, their management, particularly by the states, would leave too much to be desired.

    In fact, a great number of the states were practically missing in action when it mattered most. Others simply bungled provisions that were designed to provide succour for the people. The same with the new minimum wage; although most states had publicly declared their commitment, in the end, this was treated just like another line item in their public accounting. 

    This was despite the fact that the central government had let out the fact that the measures were going to be painful; and that these were necessary to maintain macro-economic stability.

    Which is why the management of the dividends that came after, particularly the accruals into state treasuries, turned out to be no different. Yes, the reforms came with more money to spend, but far too little to show for it – two years after. In other words, the dividends are yet to trickle down to the ordinary citizen.

    Admittedly, states’ expenditures somewhat ballooned as a result of inflation. Worse hit were those with foreign exchange components in the aftermath of the currency’s devaluation. But so was the issue of wastes in government left largely unaddressed. In all, none of the states could have complained as their accruals were known to have trebled almost across the board. Not even with the new minimum wage which came after.

    Truth is, if Nigerians expected more from their governors at this time, this, has for the most part, turned out to be mere wishful thinking. In fact, the perception, largely, is that outcomes have been sub-par. Across most state capitals, it tended to be business as usual. In fact, with perhaps the exception of a few states, majority of the governors seem totally oblivious of the fact that their action and inaction were no less contributory to the anger that pervades the country.

    Going forward, we expect things to change dramatically. With the macro-economic environment substantially stabilising and the inflation rate going down, we expect to see these translate to enhanced purchasing power for the ordinary Nigerian and for businesses a more clement environment.

    In all, we expect to see some urgency injected into the project delivery process, considering that the country will soon switch into the electioneering mode.  Part of the current imperative is better synergy between the states and the Federal Government to tame the monster of insecurity; a more aggressive partnership to upgrade critical social services in health and education, to enhance the standard of living. 

  • Critical juncture?

    Critical juncture?

    •Strict regulation will make or mar a deregulated electricity market

    Federalising electricity, given the age-old under-performance of the power sector, is good news.  That was the great promise of the Electricity Act 2023. 

    To see states like Enugu, Ondo, Ekiti, Kogi, Edo, Imo and Oyo race to regulate own electricity is very encouraging.  That the quad of Lagos, Niger, Plateau and Ogun will, between June and September, receive own charter to join these electricity federalists, shows the seriousness with which the states take the huge electricity challenge, because of its negative impact on the economy.  That’s very encouraging too.

    But not so encouraging is what seems the regulatory void that now surrounds the take-off of this historic phase in Nigeria’s quest for routine electricity, at a reasonable price. 

    That’s the crux.  The innovation will float or sink depending on the quality of sub-national regulations, now that the new market jurisdictions would fall outside the central regulators, the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC). 

    But the new regulators need not re-invent the wheel.  They have the NERC prototype to rely on as guide.  The tricky aspect, however, will be how they tailor these technical and administrative protocols to their peculiar local needs.  That way, both the end consumer: industrial and household (demand) and power-trading companies (supply) would derive mutual value, which continues to sustain the business.

    That would take some doing.  Indeed, that the present centralised structure is not doing so is why federalising the electricity value chain has become an option. 

    In February, Adebayo Adelabu, the power minister, gave a N4trillion debt overhang over the electricity market, which could impair the electricity generating companies (GenCos).  Breakdown: N2 trillion owed GenCos as legacy debts from electricity distribution companies (DisCos); N1.8 trillion owed GenCos  as subsidised electricity supplied in 2024; N450 billion owed to DisCos for electricity subsidies for 2024. 

    For that debt, the GenCos had threatened to shut down before the Federal Government pledged to offset N2 trillion out of it before this year ends.

    Aside, the books of the DisCos reveal controversial consumer debts,  though many of these claims are rather flabby.  This is because of the controversial estimated billing — controversial at best, fraudulent at worst.  The impact is DisCos themselves not having enough cash to do sustainable business, even if they too are in heavy debts to the GenCos. NERC has not been able to solve these problems.

    So, for federalising the market to make any sense, the new state regulators must start with resolving these critical challenges, at own smaller trading jurisdictions.

    As it’s clear, trading capital is crucial.  So, the first thing the new regulators should do is ensure that cash flows. 

    It’s not clear how Lagos will deal with the two DisCos — Eko Electricity Distribution Company and Ikeja Electric — in its jurisdiction.  But it won’t be a bad idea for the new Lagos regulator to name a sub-company, either way, as adjunct to the two, in the trading jurisdictions within its territory. 

    If these two companies have access to capital to invest in metering every customer, they would be able to secure their revenues, unlike the current DisCos.  With secure revenue via meters, estimated billing would vanish, customer morale would flare (other things being equal) and cases of unmet market debts and sundry liabilities would reduce. 

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    In the spirit of competition, such a strategy could galvanise the two legacy DisCos to embark on large-scale metering too to retain their customers.  The market would be the stronger and better for it.

    Another area is consumer protection.  Metering is the basic protection, true — you pay for the electricity you consume.  Still, cases of energy theft abound; and the default setting, right now, is to punish everyone for the crime of a few. 

    Indeed, energy theft is one of the reasons estimated billing is unfair — at least to honest, law-abiding consumers — since untraced consumption is spread among every unmetered customer.  The new regulators should impose a more discriminatory regimen to root out both energy theft and the unfair billing that follows it.  Again, a fairer market is a boon to both supply and demand.  Both will gain mutual values.

    Then, the question of reasonable tariffs. Will the market rate make electricity available to the majority?  Or will each state need to chip in some subsidy?  For starters, effective metering could result in an enlarged market, such that the economy of scale pushes down tariffs.  Again, mass metering is crucial to market survival. 

    But even with that, should the under-served still need some form of subsidy not to be left behind, effective regulations can come up with discriminatory, fair and effective tariffs across social demographics. If regular power results in a better economy, and progressively strengthens the ability to pay, there would a constant transition from the  subsidy zone.  But again, this won’t be happenstance.  It would be a function of rigorous study and planning.

    A federalised, effective and efficient electricity market is a production of quality manpower, technical and administrative.  For state regulators to succeed, therefore, they must invest in technical manpower and sundry human resources.  There is no other way.

  • Back home

    Back home

    Record number of returned Benin Bronzes is cheering news, but the authorities must tackle impediments to tourism

    Nigeria’s efforts to regain possession of its looted artefacts in foreign lands yielded greater results as the Netherlands recently returned 119 Benin bronze works to the country’s cultural authorities. It was a huge and historic development. 

    The Minister of Culture, Arts, Tourism and Creative Economy, Hannatu Musawa, called it “the single largest physical repatriation of cultural property” in the country’s history.

    The National Commission for Museums and Monuments (NCMM) received four of the artefacts at a handover ceremony in Lagos on June 21, while Oba Ewuare II of Benin had earlier received 115. The Director-General of NCMM, Olugbile Holloway, noted that there were many more stolen Benin objects abroad, and thanked the Netherlands for setting “such a beautiful example.” He stressed the significance of the occasion “for the pride and dignity of not just the Benin people, but the whole of Nigeria.”

    Oba Ewuare II thanked the Federal Government “for ensuring that efforts are made to bring back our reputed Benin artefacts across the globe.” Dutch Ambassador for Cultural Cooperation Dei van de Weerd praised Nigeria for its “persistent advocacy for the return of the Benin Bronzes.” Indeed, both the local campaigners for the return of looted artefacts from overseas and the facilitators of the repatriation of such works deserve commendation. 

    The Dutch government had agreed to the transfer of 119 Benin Bronzes in February upon request from the Nigerian government. Most of the objects were part of the Dutch State Collection and were exhibited at the Wereldmuseum in Leiden. Four items will remain on display there on a loan agreement.

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    The Benin Bronzes, made between the 15th and 19th centuries, include ornaments, jewellery and masks, many of which decorated the royal palace of the old Benin Kingdom, now part of Nigeria. A great number of these treasures were looted by British troops involved in a “punitive expedition” that resulted in the 1897 conquest of the kingdom. Following the killing of seven British officers by natives while on a trade mission to the kingdom, the British authorities reacted even more violently by setting the ancient city ablaze, killing thousands of natives and forcing their king into exile. This created a perfect situation for wild looting. Numerous artworks were plundered from the royal palace, including age-long Benin bronzes that demonstrated superlative artistry. A significant number of the stolen works have been domiciled at the British Museum in London ever since. This 19th century demonstration of the beastly aspects of humanity remains a haunting reminder of colonialism and its unflattering sins.

    Most of the looted artefacts were eventually sold to over 130 museums in 20 countries, mainly in the United Kingdom and Germany. Today, museums in Britain, Germany and the U.S. hold a large number of looted bronze works created by the Edo people. Art historian Philip J. C. Dark, in his work titled, “Benin Bronze Heads: Styles and Chronology,” said that about 6, 500 Benin artefacts could be found in an estimated 77 places across the world. Of this number, the British Museum is believed to be in possession of over 900, while the Ethnology Museum in Berlin, which historically held over 500, has transferred ownership of its collection to Nigeria, with some pieces remaining on loan.

    Notably, in July 2022, the country signed a repatriation agreement with Germany for the return of 1,130 Benin Bronzes. This resulted in the return of 20 of them in December 2022. The country also sent a repatriation request to the British Museum in October 2021.

    It is a testimony to the artistic advancement of the Edo people that when colonialists encountered their works, they were reportedly amazed that such treasures could be created by people they arrogantly regarded as ‘primitive.’ It is a credit to the ancient Benin civilisation that its bronze works remain among the most celebrated African artworks.

    The latest repatriation of looted Benin artefacts raises the question of appropriate protection and preservation in their new home. Oba Ewuare II observed that “With the Federal Government of Nigeria Official Gazette of 28 March 2023 entrusting the ownership and custody of the artefacts on the Oba of Benin as a true owner and being the custodian of the cultural tradition, as well as the heritage of Benin Kingdom and its people, deliberate misinformation about the ownership of the artefacts has been put to rest.”

    Based on this, the repatriated Benin Bronzes are expected to be housed in the planned Benin Royal Museum. However, the stage of the museum’s construction is unclear. This situation highlights a critical challenge and responsibility that comes with restitution.

    The country’s cultural authorities must demonstrate readiness not only to repossess looted artefacts but also to ensure their safety and preservation. It is counter-productive if they receive such artefacts without proper preparation for adequate housing.   

    Failure to provide standard facilities for keeping the returned artefacts would ultimately undermine the tourism value of having them back in the country.

     The country’s unresolved security crisis is another dimension that could work against the tourism possibilities connected with the returned artefacts. The authorities must tackle impediments to tourism to maximise the benefits of having the artefacts back home.