The Nation Newspaper

Category: Editorial

  • Still importing fuel?

    Still importing fuel?

    Strange as it may seem, it is good, at least for competition

    Many Nigerians must have been disappointed by media reports that the country is still importing about 25 million litres of fuel daily. This is especially so that the 650,000 barrels per day Dangote Refinery has taken off, and even the hitherto moribund Port Harcourt Refinery has also resumed production. There are other modular refineries that have also started functioning.

    However, none of these local refineries is involved in fuel importation.

    Executive Director of Distribution Systems, Storage and Retailing Infrastructure, Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), Mr. Ogbugo Ukoha, who made the disclosures, said petrol importation became necessary to ensure that scarcity does not return to the downstream sector.

    ‘Let me speak a little bit about supply. All of us have experienced a yuletide free of any scarcity and let me just reconfirm that from year to year we saw an increase in the demand for PMS by 2021, 2022 up to 2023 just before the current administration came in,” Ukoha said. He added that “the daily PMS supply sufficiency was always more than 60 million, in fact averaging about 66 million a day for PMS. And following Mr. President’s withdrawal of subsidy, the announcement on May 29th, 2023, we immediately saw a steep decline in consumption, and between then and as we speak, we’ve continued to do plus or minus 50 million”.

    Ukoha, who was speaking with journalists after a stakeholders meeting in Abuja, last week, said: “Of these 50 million litres averaging for each day, less than 50% of that is contributed by domestic refineries and so the shortfall, in accordance with the PIA (Petroleum Industry Act), is sourced by way of imports”.

    That the figure is official would though have lent some credibility to the report, but it would not in any way obliterate the question of why.

    Many Nigerians had hoped that when Dangote Refinery comes on stream, it would put an automatic end to fuel importation because it has the capacity to meet the country’s local fuel demand and even export.

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    Very little hope was hinged on any of the public refineries because they had remained a drain pipe, gulping huge public funds over the years, with little to show for it. That the Port Harcourt Refinery (though not producing at full capacity) has resumed production should be bonus to the local fuel market.

    It is against this backdrop that Ukoha’s disclosure of the country still importing fuel would have come as a surprise to many Nigerians.

    But it needn’t be so.

    First, the country does not have enough crude to sell to the local refineries because we are not producing enough. Even then, a substantial amount of the crude that we produce had been sold upfront by the immediate past Muhammadu Buhari administration.

    Second, the sector has been completely deregulated, especially with the withdrawal of fuel subsidy by the Bola Tinubu administration. So, those who want to continue to import fuel are free to do so, especially with subsidy now gone!

    But it is not just a question of importation for the sake of it, but it also has a way of engendering competition so that we do not have the dangerous situation of a monopolist or two hijacking the sector and setting prices according to their personal whims and caprices. And this has turned out well so far, with both fuel importers and local producers now in a price war that is helping somewhat to modulate prices.

    Notwithstanding this advantage, the ultimate goal should still be towards zero fuel import, especially if we are really serious about making substantial foreign exchange savings, with a view to shoring up the value of the nation’s currency.

    So, the more local refineries; the merrier. But we must also be able to meet their demand for crude.

  • IBB’s journey

    IBB’s journey

    • Former military leader Babangida’s new book and the presentation did nothing to help or advance the cause of justice on June 12

    It was a day of memory, and what a bad memory it was. But it was the military man who styled himself as our president to take on the false air of a democrat. This same man, Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, who held sway of

    the nation’s affairs from 1985 to 1993, had lied to his fellow citizens that he wanted the nation to move to a democratic dispensation on his watch. It led to one of the most tragic chapters in the history of the country.

    But on February 20, he enacted a revisionist hour, and he gathered the high and mighty of the nation, including former heads of state and presidents, former and sitting governors, former vice presidents, and the present president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. The sticking point of the gathering, for all who attended and those who did not, was whether the man was going to say something new about the acclaimed best election in the nation’s history, the presidential election that was supposed to usher in Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, as the leader and president of the country. The poll took place on June 12, 1993.

    On his watch, the election was annulled, and that act led to a series of events and reactions that precipitated a turmoil in this country. It turned out that the

    meet was not about a mea culpa. It was a sort of sophomoric rigmarole. It was his autobiography titled, ‘A journey in Service’. It was a much-anticipated book, a book as event. But it was obvious from his brief but potent speech that the man had not changed from the very day the election was plucked out of the rights of the voters, when a democracy was dissolved.

    What many wanted was an apology, and we got none. Those who wanted remorse couched in a language of soft euphemism had neither remorse nor euphemism. Most of the country tagged on to a sense of deception in which he asserted that the “nation is entitled to an impression of my regret.” Yet, that did not say he regretted what happened. Rather, he tapped into the popular sentiment of expectation of humility. He was too proud for regret, remorse or apology. He had admitted that there were missteps and mistakes, but he did not own up to them.

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    Rather, he blamed others for his disgrace of a legacy. For irony, he said he took full responsibility for all that happened.  The other assertion that deceived many was that if it happened again, he would have done it differently.

    That claim is contradicted by his standpoint that if he handed over to Abiola as president, it would have led to bloodshed and the nation’s disintegration. He also said very clearly in the book that Chief Abiola would not have been a good president. This underscores his action in those days of unrest when he lined up several Yoruba leaders in the presidential villa and unveiled to them the raft of contracts that his government had signed with the winner of the poll. The idea was to delegitimise the winner by casting him as a carpet bagger and moral opprobrium.

    So, if he was to do it differently, does it mean he would have preferred the disintegration of the country? His logic does not add up because he painted two scenarios, give Abiola and birth a ruin, or stop and save the country. If he said he supported June 12 annulment because he was saving this country from the evil to come, he was casting himself as a hero. He said as much when he asserted that because of him the nation was safe for today’s democracy.

     Yet, he deprived us of democracy. His was a tendentious and malevolent reasoning.

    That sort of thinking had no room for regrets or remorse. The logic also follows that if he did not want disintegration, the alternative was to annul June 12. So, how could he have done it differently, if he did not think it would destroy Nigeria?

    If he had a robust understanding of the situation, why did he describe what happened as mistakes and missteps?

    This book was just an opportunity for the former military ruler to subject the nation to his perverse humour. To add to it, it became a sort of bazaar for obscene money peddling as the writer took home about 17 billion naira for a library. We hope it is not called a presidential library because Babangida was not a legitimate president. A president, by definition, ought to be elected. He gunned his way to power.

    For whatever it was worth, such a book should document all he did in power to stymie a popular election. It should also document some of the landmark events and landmines of his precarious reign. All the diaries and litigations and fears and trembling that characterised the journalist icon Dele Giwa’s murder should be recorded.  We need the facts about the International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan debate that teased our civic opinion while going the other way to take the loans after officially conceding to the public.

    Still on June 12, we need his accounting on the killings and hounding of dissidents in that era, including president Tinubu. The campaign for Democracy (CD), the Civil Liberties Organisation (CLO), the Committee For the Defence of Human Rights (CDHR), were in the bloody trenches of that fraught era. We have not, in spite of the tempestuous Oputa Panel days, hit the bottom of the killings of Kudirat Abiola, Bagauda Kaltho and many who died on the streets defenceless, against the savage guns of Babangida’s army. Many were detained and subjected to inhuman treatments. The deaths of Beko Ransome-Kuti and Gani Fawehinmi have been traced to the traumas of those years. We cannot forget that families were set back for generations and professions suffered. Markets were shut down for long periods. Newspapers, including Abiola’s ‘National Concord’, were banned.

    It must be noted that most of those who gathered for the book presentation were either in support of or indifferent to the cause of June 12. It is therefore a gathering mostly of cheerleaders of an autocracy and incendiary episode of our past.

    Babangida’s book, for its rigmarole and self-purification, has not added much to knowledge or the cause of justice of our country. Rather, it has complicated it.

  • Free female education

    Free female education

    •Jigawa’s model will go a long way to empower women

    When the world celebrates International Women’s Day (IWD) on March 8, 2025, Jigawa State would have something substantial to showcase. This is the state government’s decision to grant free education to females, from primary school to the Ph.D level, irrespective of their course of study. This initiative of the Governor Umar Namadi administration aims to empower women.

    The Jigawa State Commissioner for Higher Education, Prof Isa Chamo, said: “This is a significant step towards promoting gender equality and empowering women through education. By providing free education to female indigenes, the Jigawa State Government is empowering women to take control of their lives, make informed decisions, and contribute meaningfully to the development of their communities.”

    This a commendable female empowerment initiative. Incidentally, the official theme of IWD 2025 is “March Forward” and another theme is “Accelerate Action” and the policy of the Jigawa State Government is consistent with the IWD set of themes.

    In societies across the world, the odds are stacked against women. These are manifested in all forms of social, cultural, economic, and political exclusion or restriction. Implicated in this sorry state of affairs is the generally low level of female access to formal or Western education.

    According to the late South African President, Nelson Mandela, “Education is the most powerful weapon you can use to change the world.” An October 16, 2023 article by Zubair Junjunia and published by the United Nations Development Programme also notes: “Time and again, research has proven the incredible power of education to break poverty cycles and economically empower individuals from the most marginalised communities with dignified work and upward social mobility.”

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    Moreover, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) declares: “Investing in girls’ education transforms communities, countries and the entire world. Girls who receive an education are less likely to marry young and more likely to lead healthy, productive lives. They earn higher incomes, participate in the decisions that most affect them, and build a better future for themselves and their families. Girls’ education strengthens economies and reduces inequality. It contributes to more stable, resilient societies that give all individuals – including boys and men – the opportunity to fulfil their potential.”

    Therefore, in addition to the earlier commendation, it is necessary to encourage the state government to provide optimum facilities and human resources to make the initiative achieve its envisaged goals. It is also necessary to provide strong advisory or counselling services to the students at the different levels to help them ward off social and cultural mobilisers and other conservative members of the different communities who may seek to counter the government’s good efforts by demotivating the females from subscribing to Western education. Moreover, as UNICEF rightly notes, especially considering recent Nigerian experience, “education for girls is about more than access to school. It’s also about girls feeling safe in classrooms and supported in the subjects and careers they choose to pursue – including those in which they are often under-represented.”

    To avoid violence against females which can result from the perception of skewed attention to them, it is necessary to give due consideration to complementary forms of education such as nomadic education and Almajirai education.

    In addition, to facilitate peer review and make the Jigawa free female education initiative a model to emulate, it would be invaluable to place the programme within the context of Northern governors’ aspirations to re-enact the Sir Ahmadu Bello regional development agenda. This would make the programme both effective and sustainable.

  • Way forward

    Way forward

    • Both the CBN and senate committee must collaborate on the N30 trillion ways and means probe

    If gold rusts, what shall iron do – that is perhaps a good context to view the

    ongoing brickbats between the apex bank and the nine-member ad-hoc committee probing the N30 trillion ways and means facility granted by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to the Federal Government between 2015 and 2023.

    Last week, the senate committee chairman, Jibrin Isah, had, while receiving an interim report from its consultants, accused the CBN of failure to provide the necessary documents to facilitate the investigation. Expressing dissatisfaction with the CBN’s lack of transparency, he claimed that his committee had attempted several methods to obtain the required documents but had run into a brick wall. The committee’s efforts to engage CBN officials at various levels, he said, have met with no success. Same, he said, of the efforts of the committee clerk and those of the consultants to retrieve the documents directly from the CBN – including the committee chairman’s visit to the deputy governor who, he claimed, promised to do something.

    None, he noted, has yielded any fruits since the February 27, 2024 inauguration of the committee. “So, let the Nigerian public know that this assignment has been hindered by the Central Bank of Nigeria”, he had let out in frustration.

    The CBN however paints a completely different picture. According to the apex bank’s director of banking services, Hamisu Abdullahi, all requested documents had been submitted via email. “We provided a schedule showing summary of ways and means stating direct ways and means and indirect ways and means. That folder was sent to an email provided by this committee. There was an email provided, we sent, we replied to that email three times,” he said.

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    “…If there were any specific documents that the consultants believed were missing, they should identify them so the CBN could address the issue. We can resend that document as we speak here. So, we have responded that we are not aware of any document requested that we have not provided”, he further stated.

    Surely, both sides couldn’t be right at the same time. In the first place, it is hard to imagine the Yemi Cardoso-led

    CBN playing Jekyll and Hyde with the probe designed to seek answers to the unprecedented abuses under his immediate predecessor.

    We are referring to an era under which the apex bank engaged in the most reckless printing of naira notes while casting away its institutional restraints under a false toga of exigency. For, while the story of the Muhammadu Buhari administration’s borrowing of N30 trillion via the mechanism is already public knowledge, we would have thought that the current apex bank management would, like most Nigerians, only be too eager to put a closure on the transgressions of that era through a swift and unhindered probe.

    It is in the same vein that we consider it unimaginable that the senate committee, together with its bevy of consultants, can be justifiably accused of not understanding their remit. Nothing in their disparate positions appears to suggest irreconcilability; in fact, the problem would seem essentially one of communication which both parties, acting in good faith, can together iron out.

    Now that the CBN has promised to respond to the committee’s demand, we have no reason not to hold the institution to its words. Now, we expect the committee and the consultants to be more forthcoming in terms of what they are looking for, as against what appears to be a blanket or rather an open-ended expedition. Surely, this is what Nigerians expect and this precisely is what public duty demands.

  • The sham election in Osun

    The sham election in Osun

    • State government conducted LG elections to fill non-existing vacancies

    Confusion reigned supreme in Osun State penultimate Saturday, where, sadly, the Osun State Independent Electoral Commission (OSSIEC) passed off the sham that it called a local government election as a credible exercise. Even more sadly, the dancing Governor Ademola Adeleke is engaged in a ballet on the grave of the judgment of the Court of Appeal, which impliedly restored the tenure of the illegally sacked chairmen and councillors in the state. While that tenure subsists, Governor Adeleke and his cohorts purportedly held a new election on February 22.

    The Court of Appeal, sitting in Akure, in Appeal No: CA/AK/270/2022, between the All Progressives Congress & 3 Ors vs Peoples Democratic Party & Ors, nullified the judgment of the Federal High Court in Suit: FHC/OS/CS/94/2022, which had sacked the chairmen and councillors, elected few months before the exit of Governor Adegboyega Oyetola.  Following that judgment of the Court of Appeal, the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF), Lateef Fagbemi SAN, advised the state government not to hold a new election in the state, as the appeal had consequentially restored the sacked council officials back to their seats.

    Rather than obey the Court of Appeal judgment, the state engineered a suit at the state high court in Osogbo, which held that there were vacancies in the 30 local governments and mandated the state electoral commission to fill the vacancies. The state government is also referring to an appeal in which it was not a party, but which it argues justified the end of tenure of the local council officials. Meanwhile, the returned chairmen and councillors, whose tenure would end by October, have returned to their seats in obedience to the judgment of the appeal court.

    In the midst of these uncertainties, the state government went ahead to conduct a sham, which it called a democratic election when, indeed, many voters stayed indoors for fear of violence breaking out due to the confusion.

    Even the police and other security agencies, in obedience to the judgment of the appeal court and the directive of the AGF had advised the state government to postpone the election. Furthermore, the ad hoc staff of the state electoral commission did not turn up in many of the polling booths.

    A national newspaper reported that a trader around Osogbo, one Yusuf Olutope, on the eve of the election, said: “Election is being held tomorrow? (Saturday)”, “I am not sure I will vote. You can observe there’s no enthusiasm about it among residents.” Another resident, named as Kudrat, also said: “I know the election is scheduled for tomorrow but you can see people don’t feel it. There’s nothing to suggest people are preparing for it.” So, it appears both the electorate and the commission were never ready for that election.

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    Intriguingly, a day to the sham election, Justice Adeyinka Aderibigbe, sat over a Motion on Notice filed by the Peoples Democratic Party in suit number HIL/M/.192025, against the Osun State Electoral Commission and Hashim Abioye, the OSSIEC chairman, and held that there were vacancies in the 30 local government areas in the state, and directed law enforcement agencies to provide security during and after the local government election. According to the judge, the election conducted by OSSIEC on October 15, 2022, was invalidated by the Federal High Court in a judgment delivered on November 30, 2022, and the judgment of the Federal High Court was affirmed by the Court of Appeal on January 13, 2025.

    Those who complain that our courts are part of the challenges facing our democratic journey may have their point, as that eleventh hour ruling of Justice Aderibigbe indicates. For most Nigerians, it is strange that a high court will rely on a motion filed by the ruling PDP against the state-controlled electoral commission, to give an order that flagrantly contradicted the consequential order emanating from the judgment of the Court of Appeal. Such abuse of the court process is common across states, under this democracy.

    Sadly, many state governors have found it hard to live with the judgment of the Supreme Court which gave financial autonomy to the local governments. In desperation, the guilty governors erect all manner of obstacles to frustrate the realisation of the benefits of the judgment.

    In Anambra State, the governor got a law that sought to frustrate the import of the judgment. In Edo State, the new governor is involved in a legal tango with the local government officials elected at the twilight of the previous administration. Now, in Osun State, the governor has discarded the judgment of the Court of Appeal, like a tissue paper.   

    In addition to all these is the tragedy of having compromised electoral umpires as state independent electoral commissions. In every state, the electoral commissions usually return all the candidates of the ruling party as winners of all chairmanship and councillorship seats.

    Nigerians look forward to democracy at the local councils, and we urge the AGF to lead the legal battle to actualise that.

  • Tom Adaba (1941 -2025)

    Tom Adaba (1941 -2025)

    A broadcast icon departs

    “Pioneering is not an easy thing,” Prof. Tom Adaba remarked while reminiscing in a 2018 interview. He was in 1980 appointed the first Principal of the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) Television College, Jos, established to provide training in television production and journalism to meet the needs of the country’s expanding television industry. In 1992, he was appointed the pioneer Director-General of the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC), the regulatory body responsible for the country’s broadcast licence and codes.

    His death on February 22, aged 83, generated tributes to his professionalism and enduring contribution to the growth of broadcasting in the country. President Bola Tinubu called him “an icon of the broadcast industry,” and extolled him for “the integrity he brought to the public offices he held.”

    As NBC boss for seven years, he played a revolutionary role changing the media landscape by unprecedentedly licensing private broadcast media, which not only encouraged creative competition but also enhanced media entertainment. The first set of private broadcast media licences notably produced Raypower, AIT, Murhi Television, Channels, Rhythm FM and Silverbird Television, among others.

    Private broadcasting, resulting from Nigeria’s broadcast industry deregulation, led to a proliferation of broadcast stations. According to Adaba, this offered “a variety.” The new stations introduced 24-hour broadcasting. He argued: “Proliferation would have been quite good if only we were professional in our approach because each area, each interest, each constituency is defined.”

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    He explained that his time as President, African Council on Communication Education (ACCE) Nairobi, Kenya, (1988-1992), had equipped him for the NBC headship. “I was the first Nigerian to have been elected president of the ACCE,” he said, which underscored his professional stature. “It was really in this council that I was further exposed to the problems of broadcasting in Africa, and when I came into the NBC, I looked at it too as a challenge; that as a regulatory body we are supposed to know all the terrains of broadcasting, all the nuances, all the difficulties, all the problems and all the progress of broadcasting in Nigeria.”

    A native of Okene, in present-day Kogi State, he initially aspired to priesthood, then the military and broadcasting. His journey to the profession that brought him recognition included a stint at St. Peter Claver Seminary, Okpala, in present-day Imo State, and studies at the Advanced Teacher’s College (ATC), Kano, where he first got a taste of broadcasting. He got a scholarship from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to study Mass Communication at Ohio University, USA. “I went into broadcasting in 1974 in the then Benue Plateau Television, Jos,” he said.

    Six years later, he was head of the NTA TV College from 1980 to 1987. “Between then and 1989, I was able to do my PhD programme,” he said. He got a doctorate from the University of Jos. He had earned a master’s degree from Indiana University, USA. Between 1990 and 1992, he also served as General Manager, NTA Makurdi, Benue State, and Deputy Director (Operations), NTA Headquarters, Lagos.

    It is a credit to his pioneering work that the NBC, established in 1992, is still in operation. However, three years ago, when asked to assess the agency’s operations, Adaba expressed concerns about its professionalism. He said: “I think it is the politicisation of it that seems to give it a very bad name now; I am very uncomfortable about it… It’s been run as a political agency and I wished they had been allowed to do the professional job of really regulating the industry.”

    After his retirement from public service in 1999, he remained relevant as a consultant, teacher and public speaker. He was, among others, a consultant to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), and Associate Professor/Head of Department, Mass Communication, Madonna University, Okija, Anambra State. A recipient of the Nigerian national honour, Officer of the Order of the Niger (OON) (2008), he left a legacy of committed service.

  • Ekiti randy teachers

    Ekiti randy teachers

    •44 years in jail without option of fine will serve as deterrence to others

    For Gbenga Ajibola (43), and Ayodele Olaofe, (52), their career as teachers ended on Tuesday when an Ekiti High Court sentenced them to 44 years in prison for rape of two minors and gross abuse of office. They committed the offences in 2019. The victims were lured to a hotel where the crimes were committed.

    For Justice Adeniyi Familoni, the presiding judge, “the defendants, seared their minds and mulled the voice of conscience as they took advantage of the victims with reckless abandon; they deserve severe sanctions for their misdeeds to serve as a warning to others who may want to follow in their footsteps”.

    He gave them no option of fine.

    The alibi of political witch-hunt by the two teachers was not enough to free them from the clutches of the law.

    We commend the successful prosecution of this case in a country with very high incidents of sexual violence, especially against minors, some of which often do not get enough reportage or even successful prosecution.

    Ekiti State stands out in the fight against sexual violence, with the prompt establishment of the Sexual Violence Register which documents names of perpetrators of sexual violence in the state. This is one of the legacies of the former Ekiti State First Lady, Erelu Olabisi Fayemi, whose tireless fight for gender justice and human rights is well documented.

    Again, this case, to us, highlights the fact that sexual violence in schools is not limited to tertiary institutions. There have been several reports of sexual violence happening even in primary schools.

     In 2019, Adegboyega Adenekan, a supervisor in one of the Chrisland schools was jailed for 60 years, for sexually violating a two years and eleven months old child. Again, kudos to the Lagos State Domestic Violence and Sexual Offences agency that prosecuted the case successfully.

    Sexual violence is a global issue, but we feel that the only solution is a concerted effort of the people and law enforcement agencies and the judiciary to do the needful to stem the tide by making sure that the laws are implemented. 

    In this Ekiti case, we must commend the mother of the victim who possibly took up the case when her daughter reported the persistent harassment by one of the teachers on her daughter. She possibly damned the fear of stigmatisation by the society that often victimises victims, to seek justice. For too long, suspects rely on such social misnomers to perpetrate evil.

    We equally commend the judiciary in Ekiti State for standing tall with the government’s fight against sexual violence. To successfully prosecute this case is commendable and will inspire a lot of the other states to step up. On the part of the schools, there must be more vigilance and sexual education of children at all stages, about the possible clues of lasciviousness in predators. There must be departments that handle reports without victimising the victims.

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    We however feel that the two minors in this case must also be cautioned for falling into such sexual situation. While the teachers abused their power and office, the two girls willingly went to meet them. The fact that one of the girls reported being given N200 to wear mufti and go wait at a filling station where she met the second girl and thereafter proceeded to a hotel is very telling. They were minors but not toddlers. Why did they not raise the alarm at the instructions of the teachers?

    While we condemn the actions of the teachers, we must point out some gaps in the actions and inactions of the girls too.

     Here, we must, through this address the parenting gaps. Mothers especially must be very sincere in guiding their children, particularly the girls who are more susceptible to being sexually abused. Parents must be thorough and deliberate to tell the girl-child about the red flags in male behaviour. There must be clear teachings about how to avoid the pitfalls like accepting monetary or material inducements. Raising the alarm when inappropriately being touched by men, and totally avoiding being alone with older males in isolated environments helps.

    Accepting to go wait for your male teacher at a filling station, going with another girl with two male teachers into a hotel is a bit of deliberate acquiescence. While the law recognises their ages as minors, at 17 and 15 years, they are not too young to refuse such instructions.

    While we don’t intend to blame victims, we also want realistic acceptance of errors by both parents and victims. Sometimes, victims’ actions and inactions, especially with no proofs of influences like being drugged, facilitate abuses. We hope this incident enhances the curriculum of our schools to include clear sex education to prevent such incidents.

  • Suspicious

    Suspicious

    •True circumstance of Nigerian footballer’s death in Uganda must be unearthed

    The death, early this week, of Nigerian footballer Abubakar Lawal, a striker for Ugandan premier league side, Vipers Sports Club, reeked of possible foul play that needs unravelling. Lawal allegedly fell from the third floor of a shopping mall apartment in Kampala, the Ugandan capital, and was pronounced dead in hospital.

    Ugandan police said the 29-year-old former Nigeria Under-20 international was found critically injured outside the Voicemall Shopping Arcade in Bwebajja early Monday morning after he allegedly fell from the third floor balcony of a friend’s apartment. Lawal’s friend, a Tanzanian national residing in one of the mall’s residential apartments, reportedly told the police she had left him alone in the apartment preparing tea while she stepped out to a game centre within the mall. But shortly after, at approximately 8:00a.m., he was found on the ground below.

    “Preliminary reports indicate that Lawal arrived at the shopping mall in his vehicle, registration number UBQ 695G, to meet his friend, Omary Naima, a Tanzanian national residing in room 416 since February 20, 2025,” the police said in their statement. “According to Naima, she left Lawal in the room and later learned he had fallen from the balcony,” they added. He was reportedly rushed to Entebbe Referral Hospital, where he was pronounced dead on arrival.

    Law enforcement authorities in Uganda have gone retrieving CCTV footage from the shopping mall and conducting interrogations to piece together the moments leading to Lawal’s death. The police also recovered his belongings, including two smartphones, a pair of open shoes, headsets, a training kit and chargers from his black backpack. “Kajjansi Police Division is investigating the circumstances surrounding the tragic death of Nigerian national Abubakar Lawal, a professional footballer at Vipers Sports Club, who allegedly fell from the third floor of Voicemall Shopping Arcade on the morning of February 24, 2025,” Kampala Metropolitan Deputy Police spokesperson Luke Owoyesigyire was reported saying. “As part of the investigation, authorities are retrieving CCTV footage and conducting thorough interrogations to establish the exact circumstances surrounding the incident,” he further said, adding that updates would be provided as investigations continue.

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    There were conflicting reports about how Lawal died, deepening the concern about the suspicious nature of his death. Initial reports said he had died in a motorcycle accident along Entebbe Road. But police findings later pointed to a possible fall from the shopping mall balcony. His club, Vipers SC, refuted the motorcycle accident account, stating that the police had confirmed he fell from Room 416 of Voicemall. In a statement released on its official X (formerly Twitter) account, the club acknowledged growing concerns surrounding Lawal’s death and did not foreclose foul play. “The police report confirms that on Monday morning, Lawal Abubakar fell from the third floor (Room 416) of Voicemall, Bwebajja, and not from a motorcycle accident as earlier reported. He was rushed to Entebbe Hospital but was pronounced dead on arrival,” the club said.

    The Nigerian government, through the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM) is seeking thorough investigation of Lawal’s death. NiDCOM Chairman/CEO Abike Dabiri-Erewa, said the Nigerian embassy in Uganda had demanded full autopsy and thorough probe of the circumstances surrounding the unfortunate incident. In a statement by spokesman Abdur-Rahman Balogun, the agency described Lawal’s death as “pathetic and…suspicious.” It added: “We demand a thorough investigation. No cover up at all… The Nigerian government will ensure and demand a thorough and transparent investigation.”

    We think it is important that government follows through on this demand and not relent until the facts concerning this young man’s death are fully unearthed. Ugandan authorities said they were on their own pursuing a probe, but they may need some diplomatic pressure to stay that course and not abandon the case as just another mishap. The whole talk about his being left alone in an apartment and later falling off the balcony sucks, and it should be interrogated for motives beyond the seeming.

    In his career, Lawal was a good ambassador of his native country. He joined Vipers SC in July 2022 after spending two seasons with AS Kigali in Rwanda. President of the Federation of Uganda Football Associations (FUFA) Moses Magogo, in his tribute, said: “Lawal’s immense contribution to Ugandan football will never be forgotten, particularly his pivotal role in Vipers SC’s historic league and Uganda Cup domestic double triumph in the 2022/23 season.” Upon his joining Vipers SC, he made history by scoring the club’s first-ever group stage goal in the CAF Champions League in a 1-1 draw against Raja Casablanca. His positive personality reportedly earned him admiration not only among fans, but also from top ranks of the club hierarchy. That is why he must not die in vain.

  • Errant Chiamaka

    Errant Chiamaka

    For a third-year History and International Studies student of the Nnamdi Azikiwe University (UNIZIK), Awka, in Anambra State, Chiamaka Goddy-Mbakwe,  her tertiary education in that school came to an abrupt end a few days ago. The  university’s disciplinary committee investigating her alleged assault on a theater and films department lecturer, Dr. Chukwudi Okoye, found her guilty and the university consequently expelled her.

    In what has turned out a double-edged sword, the social media platforms have been a blessing and a curse on this issue. Miss Chiamaka was allegedly making a Tiktok video on the school walkway and the lecturer had unknowingly ‘strayed’ into her video. Feeling an obstruction on his way, the lecturer had allegedly tapped the student slightly, asking to be given a chance to walk past.

    Feeling interrupted, the student had made comments that drew the man’s attention to the ‘video production’ and his alleged interruption of the process. The lecturer then insisted that the video containing his appearance be deleted. The student allegedly refused and an attempt to get hold of the phone from the student led to some brawl, which in turn led to the lady biting the lecturer’s wrist and tearing his shirt.

    The incident attracted other students and a scene was created. The video went viral and ironically, giving the student the seeming notoriety instead of the possibility of fame she might have sought in the first place. The lecturer who many of the students have described as easy-going has also been in the news for no fault of his.

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    The university management set up a fact-finding panel that found the student, “guilty of gross misconduct and violating the Students Disciplinary Regulations, particularly Regulation 4”. The management insisted on fair hearing as “There is no place for indiscipline, misconduct, or any form of unacceptable behaviour within our community”.

    The acting head of information, public relations, and protocol, Njelita Louis, had earlier insisted that, “In line with our core values of discipline, self-reliance, and excellence, and in adherence to the principles of fair hearing, equity, and justice, the acting vice-chancellor, Prof. Joseph I. Ikechebelu, has ordered a full-scale, transparent, and unbiased investigation into the matter. He said that the Nnamdi Azikiwe University remains an institution of learning that upholds high moral and ethical standards.

    We commend the management of UNIZIK for upholding the laws guiding the institution. If the punishment for the unethical behaviour as displayed by Miss Chiamaka is expulsion, then she must have read but ignored that in the Student Handbook usually given to students during registration, or written somewhere that is accessible.

    We commend the lecturer too who many have applauded for his restraint in the face of disrespect.

    Usually on graduation, these words; “found worthy in character and learning” are often inscribed on the certificate of every student that meets the qualifying criteria. Being utterly disrespectful and unruly to anyone is bad enough; to display such nasty behaviour on a lecturer under any guise is condemnable. The confrontation seen on the video says a lot about the character of the student.

    While there is freedom to create content and use the social media, common sense ought to tell the young lady that there are lines she must not cross.

    If the allegations that one of her parents is a lecturer in the same university is true, then a lot has gone wrong. She had slipped into the errant arrogance of some people with privileges that act with impunity. If her parent is a lecturer, then the school must be applauded for delivering justice in spite of that. The law is supposed to be blind to class and privileges.

    The lecturer must be commended for showing better sense of wisdom. Ordinarily, if the events were not captured on video, the student might have gotten away with blue murder literally, given that a lady like that could easily have alleged the axiomatic ‘male lecturer sexual harassment rhetoric’ that is often manipulatively skewed against the male gender.

    In this instance the social media stood as a forum of evidence that told the story. All her alibi after the story went viral fell flat on her face.

    This incident again validates why some universities ban students from the use of telephones or internet. Her obsession with creating content is common with the Millennials and Gen-Zs . They often don’t know where to stop.

    We wish beyond all these that parenting be taken more seriously. The lady’s behaviour clearly shows she left home without certain ennobling values like respect and the dignity of the human person. On the other hand, Dr. Okoye showed that masculinity is not expressed through violence.  Vivid examples of two opposing characters defying normal stereotypes. UNIZIK did well to follow the law guiding the institution. 

  • Murky privatisation  

    Murky privatisation  

    • Sale of Delta Steel deserves thorough investigation to unravel who did what

    Nothing illustrates better the astronomical cost in terms of retarded socio-economic development and the attendant continued impoverishment of the vast majority of Nigerians than the country’s flawed and largely failed privatisation of public enterprises programme. The poor, incompetent and corrupt leadership responsible over the years for a privatisation exercise that has become an albatross on the economy was once again revealed when the Director-General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), Mr Ayo Gbeleyi, appeared before the House of Representatives Committee on Public Assets to testify on a petition arising from the privatisation of the Delta Steel Company, (DSC), Aladja, Delta State.

    Residents of Camps 2, 4 and 5 which were estates and plots of land owned by the DSC had petitioned the house that they had been under intimidation and harassment by the police and other security agencies since 2015, to vacate the estates which had allegedly been used as collateral to raise loans by parties involved in the privatisation of the company, presumably without the knowledge of the affected residents.

    Responding to questions before the committee, Mr Gbeleyi said the BPE had, in pursuance of the Federal Government’s privatisation policy, sold 80 per cent of the DSC’s shareholding to a private company, Global Infrastructure Nigeria Limited, (GINL), in 2005, while the Federal Government retained 20 per cent shareholding. Thus, the DSC, which was valued at over $700 million was sold to GINL for $30 million. 

    According to Gbeleyi, residential buildings and plots of land belonging to DSC were used to settle the entitlements of workers and pensioners of the company. After taking ownership of the DSC on terms that can only be described as a monumental rip-off, GINL used the assets of the company as collateral to obtain a loan from Ecobank. The story got murkier when, as a result of non-performance of the loan, the Assets Management Company of Nigeria (AMCON), acquired the assets of DSC in 2015, and sold them to Premium Steel and Mines Ltd.

    Although AMCON has the statutory responsibility of intervening to acquire and take measures to save failing entities from collapse, its involvement only appeared to have compounded the woes associated with the privatisation of the DSC. The representative of AMCON at the hearing, Chukwuemeka Umunakwu, of its legal unit, said the company acquired the assets of DSC used as collateral to obtain loans from four banks to prevent the facilities from collapsing.

    He revealed that AMCON acquired the assets at N22 billion and sold them to Premium Steel and Mines at N32 billion. However, Gbeleyi had earlier stated that the transactions between AMCON and Premium Steel and Mines Ltd were done without the involvement of the BPE, which would have provided clarifications on earlier contractual agreements.

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    Furthermore, the BPE acknowledged awareness only of the loan taken by GIHL from Ecobank but not those from three other banks that AMCON had listed as the creditors. The representative of the Accountant-General of the Federation, Kabiru Ademola, the Director of Finance in the Office of the Accountant-General, acknowledged receipt for payment of N3 billion by BPE in respect of sales of 80 per cent of DSC assets to GIHL. But he said the Accountant-General of the Federation was yet to receive any response from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) on the claim by AMCON that it had paid N32 billion derived from the sale of DSC assets to Premium Steel and Mines to the Federal Government’s Treasury Single Account (TSA). It is curious that the office of the Accountant-General seemingly has no record of such a transaction.

    Since the BPE’s DG had earlier stated that the residential buildings and plots of land owned by DSC had been used to settle the entitlements of workers and pensioners of the company by GINL, the claim by the petitioners that the assets used as collateral by GINL to obtain the Ecobank loan did not include the residential buildings appears to have some plausibility.

    How and why then did AMCON and Premium Steel and Mines Ltd include these residential buildings in the assets they used as collateral to raise loans from four banks as they claim?

    But no less disturbing is their claim that information available at the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) indicates that the loan obtained by GINL from Ecobank was N250 million and not N7 billion as stated. These are all issues that require meticulous investigation to uncover the truth and ensure that the law is enforced in the interest of justice and the public good.

    However, the opacity, untidiness and outright corruption so obvious in the privatisation of the DSC is not an isolated exception. Rather, it is the norm that is mirrored in the botched privatisation of scores of public enterprises that remain non-functional and inefficient because of their flawed and fraudulent transfer to incompetent hands without the technical expertise or financial capacity to deliver despite the political connections that enabled them take over multi-billion Naira enterprises at a fragment of their values.

    A critical example is the power sector which continues to perform inefficiently and sub-optimally since the unbundling, in 2013, of the defunct Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) into 11 distribution (DisCos) and six generation companies (GenCos) which possess neither the professional track record nor the financial wherewithal to discharge their obligations under the contractual privatisation agreement.

    The privatisation process of companies across diverse sectors of the economy was found to have been tainted as the civil society organisation, the Socio-economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) aptly put it by “damaging allegations of corruption, presidential interference, and abuse of due process in the selection of core investor, valuation of public enterprises, pricing of shares/assets, determination of workers’ terminal benefits and use of proceeds of privatization”.

    It is thus unsurprising that when members of the House of Representatives Committee on Privatisation visited the BPE in 2018, the agency’s DG at the time, Mr Alex Okoh, said 37 per cent of privatised companies were underperforming, with many involved in protracted legal disputes. Consequently, he was reported by the media as affirming that “The benefits of privatisation which should have been better management, job retention, job creation and technical advancement, empowering local communities, improved tax revenues and corporate social responsibility projects for communities have not happened because state assets went into the hands of economic buccaneers in a privatisation process that was used mainly for political patronage”.