The Nation Newspaper

Category: Editorial

  • Compensation

    Compensation

    •Deaths from accidental military bombings should attract compensation

     It has been estimated that more than 500 innocent Nigerians were accidentally killed in the North between 2017 and 2024, during strafing of supposed criminal elements by the Nigerian Air Force. According to the figures, 341 of such deaths occurred during the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari, while 187 deaths were recorded in four major incidents under the current administration of President Bola Tinubu. The affected communities were reported to have demanded compensation.

    The mounting civilian casualties in the war against terrorism in various parts of Northern Nigeria call for serious concern as it has a tendency to affect civil-military relations. Every time bombs are dropped on civilian communities, it has the tendency to block possible intelligence for the armed forces.

     The military is quick to defend its actions, claiming to have acted on intelligence and with precision; while the people and their leaders, always distrusting of the authorities, claim the officers acted deliberately.

    We find it difficult to agree that the air force had any reason to intentionally bomb innocent Nigerians. Many platforms have been procured to get the job done efficiently and professionally. The military may be right in saying accidental killings are not strange in battles and, unfortunately, whenever this happens, lives are lost. However, when this happens repeatedly, there is a need to review the tactics and strategies being employed. We cannot continue to lose innocent lives to such attacks which, if it were a football match, would be dubbed an own goal.

    Each time it occurred, the military authorities, and even the Federal Government, often promised to institute a thorough probe that would prevent a reoccurrence. But nothing is heard again. What were the causes? Who was responsible? What actions have been taken? The people are often left in the dark, and, thus, suspicion continues to grow.

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    Following the Christmas Day bombing of two villages in Sokoto State last month, the same promise was made after the Chief of Defence Staff, Gen. Christopher Musa, and the air force had denied that the incident could be traced to incompetence and unprofessionalism. It is good that President Tinubu waded in by demanding a thorough probe. But could the military that has already denied any wrongdoing be trusted with such a probe?

    We agree with the grieving communities that the least the military and the government could do is pay due compensation to the families of the victims. Yes, they lost their loved ones. Others lost their houses and means of livelihood. In addition to probing the circumstances and making the outcome known, we expect that due compensation should be paid. It amounts to double jeopardy if people lost their loved ones and were also displaced. Importantly, there should be standard forms of compensation in cases of accidental military bombing.

    It is also an opportunity for the governments to open up such communities with modern amenities so they could be allies of the state in the ongoing war. The military’s position that the people could have been providing a shield for the Lakurawa sect needs to be proved. Could that have been the reason for the accidental bombings in Borno, Kaduna, Niger and Zamfara States that preceded the latest in Sokoto? This is one case too many. We ought to demonstrate that the lives of innocent Nigerians matter. 

    While apologies are in order, there should be forms of compensation, and the armed forces need to demonstrate that they regret the killings by ensuring that they are more careful in planning and executing their war plans. Killing more than 500 innocent Nigerians through accidental bombings within eight years is indefensible. 

  • EFCC dismissals

    EFCC dismissals

    •A positive move against insider corruption

    The news that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) had turned the searchlight on itself showed it is not only focused on external corruption-related cases but is also paying attention to internal matters that have the complexion of corruption. Its spokesperson, Dele Oyewale, said in a statement that “In its quest to enforce integrity and rid its fold of fraudulent elements,” the commission “dismissed 27 officers from its workforce in 2024.” He added that their dismissal had followed the recommendation of the Staff Disciplinary Committee of the EFCC and was ratified by EFCC boss Olanipekun  Olukoyede. 

    He further stated that the EFCC chairman “reiterated the commitment of the commission to zero tolerance for corruption, warning that no officer is immune to disciplinary measures. Every modicum of allegation against any staff of the commission would always be investigated, including a trending $400,000 claim of a yet-to- be-identified supposed staff of the EFCC against a Sectional Head. The core values of the commission are sacrosanct and would always be held in optimal regard at all times.”

    Some days after the agency announced the multiple dismissals, its spokesperson said in a statement: “Ten officers of the Lagos Zonal Command of the EFCC are currently being detained in connection with the investigation of some missing operational items involving them.” He said these officers were arrested on the directive of Olukoyede and “are being questioned over the theft of items they could not account for.”  Their detention, he added, was “part of ongoing efforts” to rid the commission of corrupt practices.  According to the statement, “Investigators are making significant progress, and those found guilty will be subjected to internal disciplinary processes.”

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    Considering the widespread belief that probably no Nigerian institution is immune to corruption, the EFCC’s house cleaning efforts indicate that it is sensitive to public perception; and show a commitment to removing factors that could hinder its effectiveness, and thereby earn itself increased credibility. We encourage it to continue on this path.

    It is noteworthy that in an address to the agency’s personnel last year, Olukoyede had observed that public opinion about the conduct of some of its investigators was “adverse.” He said: “The craze and quest for gratification, bribes and other compromises by some of our investigators are becoming too embarrassing and this must not continue.”

    His appointment as EFCC chief in October 2023 was expected to mark a new era and bring a different and more effective approach to the commission’s anti-corruption role. It was reassuring when he started to brief the public about the commission’s activities, including investigations, convictions and property recovery. The most notable widely reported cases in recent times include securing the forfeiture of an estate in Abuja measuring 150,500 square metres and containing 753 units of duplexes and other apartments; and arresting 729 suspects of economic crimes operating in a seven-storey building in Lagos.

    Notably, the commission alerted the public to “the sinister activities of impersonators and blackmailers using the name of its Executive Chairman to extort money from high-profile suspects being investigated by the EFCC.” Its spokesperson said: “Two members of an alleged syndicate, Ojobo Joshua and Aliyu Hashim, were recently arraigned before Justice Jude Onwuebuzie of the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, High Court, Abuja for allegedly contacting a former Managing Director of the Nigerian Ports Authority, Mr. Mohammed Bello-Koko and demanding $1million from him for ‘Olukoyede to give him soft landing’ on a non-existing investigation.”

    Such attempts to sabotage the positive efforts of the EFCC place a duty on the public to support the commission by supplying useful information to it. The commission also needs to help the public to do this by facilitating the supply of such information and protecting the sources.

  • N132bn support for farmers

    N132bn support for farmers

    •This should transform agriculture

    One key element of the Federal Government’s 2025 budgetary plan that should excite farmers across the country is the allocation of N132bn to support the country’s beleaguered farmers. And the reason is simple: far from being another line item in the agriculture ministry’s budget, this allocation is actually going into a special purpose vehicle of the Federal Government – the National Agricultural Development Fund (NADF) – established with the sole objective of addressing those familiar challenges that have hobbled the agricultural enterprise. In this, the Federal Government surely has its heart in the right place.

    From the general outlines of the budget, the N132bn allocation is expected to address such age-long challenges as low productivity in general and lack of access to credit/finance. Also, it is expected to result in improved seedlings through targeted interventions, in addition to grants and subsidies for mechanised equipment, storage facilities, and modern farming tools.

    That the government considers these issues as challenges to be tackled headlong without which its advertised quest for sustainable farming practices, increased crop yields, and improved access to markets would remain a mirage is merely stating the obvious. Yet, the question remains as to the extent to which the fund can go in addressing the problems, given their complexity and widespread nature. In fact, the temptation is to see the allocation as amounting to a mere drop in the ocean.

    If there are any lessons to learn from the past years’ experiences, the problems usually have little to do with the quantum of resources allocated; rather they have more to do with poor prioritisation of activities and wastefulness by the implementation agencies. In fact, it does not even require a deep scrutiny into the operations of most of the budgets of ministries and extra-ministries to detect a disturbing pattern of abuses – from over-sized bureaucracy to excessively large overheads, all of which together end up consigning operational issues into a distant third place.

    Today, if Nigerians have become keenly aware of the linkages between the open-ended larceny associated with the serial interventions by the Godwin Emefiele-led leadership of the CBN in the recent past and the nightmares currently driving the country and citizens to the edge, it is only in the background of the subversion of the multi-purpose interventions that characterised that era.

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    Our expectation is that NADF will live up to its promise of being a truly transformational agency for the sector. And just in case the Fund needs any reminding, it is that time is of the essence as the country cannot afford any tardiness or lethargy. And if we may restate the obvious, the N132bn allocation is no small money; it is not expected to be spent as the Fund pleases. And as against the familiar tradition of a needlessly expansive bureaucracy, what we expect to see is a compact, service-oriented agency dedicated to its primary mission of empowering farmers by ensuring access to critical resources, such as improved seeds, fertilizers, irrigation systems, and market opportunities.

    And while at it, it is important that the Fund sees itself primarily as an agency for catering to the needs of Nigeria’s farming population; not to the palates of some greedy bureaucrats. In the same vein, we expect the National Assembly, through its appropriate committees, to periodically monitor and track the utilisation of the funds when finally appropriated.

    What Nigerians want to see by year’s end are concrete deliverables in terms of the numbers of the farmers impacted by way of farming inputs and credits they are able to access and, indeed, their overall productivity.

  • Low marks

    Low marks

    • Governors must do more with revenue increases

    The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) recently gave the state governors low marks regarding utilisation of the resources available to them for the welfare of the people in their states. National and state officers of the NLC who spoke to Punch newspaper in a special report accused many of the governors of misplaced priorities, execution of prestige and non-essential projects, wasteful expenditures and lack of financial accountability and transparency. Some states have allegedly not started paying the new national minimum wage of N70,000 despite the improvement in their finances.

    When some governors paid him a courtesy visit in Lagos during the Christmas and New Year festivities, President Bola Tinubu noted that at least 65 percent of disbursements from the Federation Account goes to the states and stressed that their leadership is “central to achieving food security, economic prosperity and rapid national growth.”

    While the 36 state governments got N5.22tn (34.5 percent) of the N15.14tn allocation to the three tiers of government, the 774 local government councils got N4.95tn and the Federal Government N4.95tn. True, a valid case can be made for further decentralisation of powers, responsibilities and resources to strengthen federalism in Nigeria, but this can only achieve the desired developmental objective with higher levels of transparency and accountability at the state and local government councils.

    As had been widely predicted before the adoption of the policy, the removal of the fuel subsidy by the President Tinubu administration on assumption of office in May 2023 has triggered sharp inflationary spirals that have compounded the prevalence of poverty in which the large majority of the people are enmeshed.

    Rising to its highest level over a 30-year period, the inflation rate in Nigeria increased from 33.8 percent in October 2024 to 34.60 percent in November, largely spurred by food inflation. The hardships have been worsened by the accompanying rise in transportation as well as the increase in housing and utilities inflation, caused largely by higher electricity tariffs.

    Although the pains associated with the removal of the fuel subsidy had been foretold, it was widely perceived as unsustainable as the policy had become a cesspit of massive corruption and humongous waste. President Tinubu, in particular, has persistently pleaded for patience on the part of Nigerians in the confident expectation that current pains will soon lead to enduring gains of the ongoing economic reforms.

    One effect of the fuel subsidy removal has been the sharp increase in the naira revenue accruals to the three levels of government, which have risen nearly three-fold over the last 16 months. It has been estimated that allocations to the federal, state and local governments have risen by at least N1.7tn since June 2023 with revenue receipts of the three tiers of government increasing by N4.99tn to N15.22tn from January to December 2024. This implies a 49.24 percent increase from the N10.14tn that the three tiers received in 2023.

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    Although all tiers of government have benefitted from the revenue increases, the state governments in particular have attracted much criticism for their perceived incapacity to translate the revenue windfalls into concrete welfare gains for their people. This is understandable since they are closer to the people than the Federal Government and, until current efforts to free local government councils from their financial stranglehold, they were widely seen as diverting most of the funds of the latter for their own purposes.

    We are, of course, aware that the high inflation rate as well as the fall in the exchange rate have had a negative impact on the value of the increased naira accruals to the various tiers of government. However, despite this, much more can be done with available resources to mitigate poverty and enhance the well-being of the majority of Nigerians if there is less corruption, waste and opacity in funds management at all levels of government.

    As legal custodians of land throughout the country, for instance, state governments can play critical roles in boosting food productivity through support for farmers as well as focus on rural roads and amenities that can foster food abundance and drastically bring down high inflation rates.

  • Wrong way to fight

    Wrong way to fight

    • Governor Okpebholo should do the right thing and restore the LG chairmen

    The suspension of the chairmen of all 18 local government councils in Edo State is the highlight so far of the new governor, Monday Okpebholo. It is a controversial stewardship for two reasons. It earns applause for facing corruption with righteous prejudice. Two, he is being accused of exercising a dictator’s powers for firing the chairmen against the law and in collaboration with the State House of Assembly.

    Not a few Nigerians agree with him that he has exposed the local government chairmen, and also his predecessor, Godwin Obaseki, and his party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), for running a fetid era in Edo State, especially with regard to managing the funds in such a way that foments a chasm of shame between what they received and spent on the one hand and the squalor and neglect in the local government domains.

    Yet, there is no wrong way to do the right thing. He falls in danger of replicating the error of the former governor who retained a wrong and wrong-headed head count of lawmakers to govern the state during his time.

    “Before Bola Tinubu’s administration, Edo State’s local governments were receiving N3.5bn monthly. Today, they receive over N8bn monthly. Yet, the 18 local government councils have nothing to show for the N83bn received in the last year,” the governor said.

    “These chairmen had the audacity to withdraw N800m monthly from local government accounts while our schools lacked proper classrooms, teachers, and basic infrastructure. This misconduct is unacceptable,” Okpebholo added.

    He told the story as though it were a work of dark comedy: “I picked interest in some of the spending because I saw an item which was tagged “Environmental security funding.” I have never heard of that before, and the amount involved was huge, N800m every month. These chairmen were contributing this money and giving it to the leaders of a party.

    “I invited the chairmen but could not meet with them but my deputy met with them. He asked them to explain certain spending, but none could explain. He asked them to provide their books, and they agreed and said they would in 24 hours provide the books, but the deputy said no, let it be in 48 hours.

    “But these chairmen didn’t obey the instructions for two weeks as none of them submitted their books. Following the development, I sent a letter to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to look into their records.”

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    The last sentence was the province of his rights. The other action, of suspending the chairmen, stepped on their rights. We love his rage, and his ability to stop forthwith any act of further brigandage of the state’s coffers.

    But the Supreme Court ruling is quite clear. And we agree with Lateef Fagbemi, the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, in his response. “I am aware,” he said, “that since July 11 when the Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment, local government administration has taken a new turn, different from the old order.

    “At any rate, we are still studying the situation but before final reaction, it must be stated categorically and emphatically that for now, local government chairmen can only be removed through the legislative arm of the local government itself and not the State House of Assembly.”

    That is the state of the law, and the Edo State governor should seek the advice of his lawyers to do the right thing. By writing a letter to the EFCC, he has followed the proper channel for redress. But by sacking them, he has taken the law into his own hands.

    There is a right way to fight corruption, and there is a wrong way to obey the law. Governor Okpebholo has his heart in the right place. He needs to put his acts there, too.

  • Queer quorum

    Queer quorum

    •Rivers aberration demands urgent judicial resolution

    The judgment of Justice Sika Aprioku of Rivers State High Court, authorising the governor of the state, Siminilayi Fubara, to transact legislative business with the three-member faction of the 32-member state House of Assembly smacks common sense on its face. But worse, it rides roughshod over the well-established principle of judicial precedent or stare decisis, which compels the state High Court to rely on the judgment of the Court of Appeal on a similar matter.

     Section 96(1) of the 1999 constitution (as amended) clearly provides: “The quorum of a House of Assembly shall be one-third of all members of the House.” We therefore urge the National Judicial Council (NJC) to investigate such aberration.

    We recall that in July last year, the Court of Appeal, sitting in Abuja, nullified the sacking of the 27-member faction of the Rivers State House of Assembly, and expressly held that the state governor acted recklessly in dealing with the three-member faction as the duly constituted Rivers State assembly. Before then, on January 22, 2024, Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, sitting in Abuja, had affirmed the Speaker of the 27-member faction, Martin Amaewhule, as the authentic speaker of the state assembly.

    The judge also nullified the 2024 Rivers State budget which was presented to the three-member faction, and the state governor was ordered to represent the budget to the 27-member faction, which the court held as the authentic House of Assembly. Again, on October 30, last year, Justice Joyce Abdulmalik of the Federal High Court, Abuja, delivered a judgment stopping the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) from further releasing the federal monthly allocations to the Rivers State government since it has no legitimate budget in place. The judge held the governor’s action as an affront on constitutional order.

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    So, what legal precedent did Justice Aprioku of the River State High Court rely on, to make the far-reaching pronouncements he made recently? Would he claim to be ignorant of the judgment of the Court of Appeal, which has not been upturned by a higher court. The judge’s pronouncement that the matter could only be resolved by the Supreme Court shows utter disregard for the Court of Appeal, which is the direct superior court to his court. We consider the disrespect as unbecoming of a judge, sworn to uphold the constitution and dispense justice without fear or favour.

    We wonder whether the judge relied on extra-judicial considerations in the matter? Instead of relying on a judicial precedent, he referred to the actions of a past governor, which cannot be a substitute for a judicial precedent of a superior court; in this instance, the Court of Appeal. The judgment speaks to the quality of judicial officers appointed to our courts. Clearly, a judge cannot rely on facts not in issue or relevant to the facts in issue to determine the issues before him. Assuming a former governor of the state acted in breach of the constitution, will that justify another governor doing the same?

    We agree with the Federal High Courts and the Court of Appeal that the three-member faction of the state House of Assembly cannot constitute a proper legislative arm of Rivers State. To pretend that it does, as Governor Fubara and Hon. Victor Oko-Jumbo had, in the past one year or so, made a mockery of our constitutional democracy. We urge the courts not be seen to give judicial imprimatur to such recklessness, and so the matter before the Supreme Court should get accelerated hearing, so that the matter would be determined finally.

    For the avoidance of doubt, we do not have a preference which way the judgment must go. What we consider an aberration is that three members can constitute a quorum in a State Assembly of 32 members, to exercise the far-reaching constitutional responsibility of the assembly. The earlier the matter is finally determined, the better for the people of Rivers State, who are entitled to constitutional democracy as enshrined in the 1999 constitution (as amended).

  • Changing oil narrative

    Changing oil narrative

    We urge sustained work on the refineries

    It is good news that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) recently announced that it had revived the 60,000 barrel-per-day (bpd) Port Harcourt oil refinery and the 125,000 bpd Warri refinery, both located in the Niger Delta. The other two state-owned refineries, the 110,000 bpd Kaduna plant in the north and another one in Port Harcourt with a capacity of 150,000 bpd, are also expected to be fixed. The four refineries have a combined capacity of 445,000 bpd.  President Bola Tinubu described the re-opening of the refineries as “another remarkable achievement.” 

    Nigeria is ranked 15th in the world for oil production. The country joined the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1971. It was at the height of the country’s oil boom period, which was barely a year after the civil war. Nigeria is one of the 13 members of OPEC. The country’s membership of the organisation was supposed to enhance the development of its oil industry.

    Most of the OPEC members maximised their membership for both domestic and international value. Other oil producing countries leveraged the blessing to develop their countries and people; some even invested in infrastructure and other sectors like tourism, health and sports to, in some ways, prepare for a time in future when oil might not wield the power it does now.

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    However, Nigeria’s narrative has been different.  For decades, Nigeria’s oil sector failed to meet both local and international market targets due to alleged corruption in the sector.  The country became the global example of how oil can turn into a seeming curse. Environmental degradation and crisis in the Niger Delta was clear evidence of how the sector had been mired in corruption and official negligence.

    From the era of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) to the present NNPCL, the people of Nigeria seemed to be in the middle of nowhere concerning the gains of being a major oil producing country.  The company, in the past, had seemingly failed to optimally manage the four refineries in Warri, Port Harcourt and Kaduna. This had resulted in the endless and chaotic importation of refined petroleum products that cost the country not just financially but also in terms of human lives. The economy suffered due to inoperative refineries.

    Sadly, successive administrations had been accused of not ensuring the refineries work optimally, and there were allegations of corruption regarding the Turn Around Maintenance (TAM) of the refineries that reportedly gulped billions of dollars with no results. There were also the scandalous oil sector subsidies paid to alleged ‘importers’ of refined products.

    The country continued to bleed due to inoperative refineries, and subsequently earned the unenviable tag of ‘the country that imports what it has.’ The importation of refined petroleum products pauperised the country and led to an economic disaster.

    We commend the work that has gone into reviving the refineries. It has stunned sceptics and shocked cynics. It is time for cooperation and not derailed thinking from the public. We hope the new situation would mark a departure from the past and expect that the economy and the people would be better for it. The refineries are expected to create more employment; and there would be less wastages of forex for importation. The host states would be the primary economic gainers.

    Also, we expect pump prices to gradually fall as we are beginning to see, which would eventually bring down prices of products and services affected by high pump prices. Kudos to NNPCL for changing the oil narrative after about two decades of bad news.

  • Ominous three percent

    Ominous three percent

    •Oil firms should be wary not to stir another crisis in the Niger Delta

    As the main pot that supplies the Nigerian dinner table, the oil-bearing states ought to be treated with kid gloves. As they say, we cannot kill the goose that lays the golden egg. Each state in the oil-producing region has an agency to tackle for equity in the sharing of the 13 percent derivation that goes to them every month. We can say that, in spite of that, the communities, especially the rural ones, tend to suffer the worst form of poverty, neglect, and deprivation.

    They have plenty but live little and on little. It is the paradox of our development. It shows that the problem is not entirely legislations or the institutions but, for most part, the culture of acquisition, corruption, ego, selfishness and greed. Individuals with powers and influence are purloining the entitlements of the community, and therefore convert resources into privileges, status into opportunism and privileges into pillage.

    This seems to be the case with the enshrinement of the three percent of operational expenditure (OPEX) of the international oil companies (IOCs) and national oil companies (NOCs) into the 2021 Petroleum Industry Act.

    This was hailed by the oil communities as a new source of funding and compensation. But around Christmas last year, another outcry has come from the communities that the IOCs and NOCs have treated their obligations with contempt, quiet defiance and impunity.

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    One of the organisations set up to enhance the three percent implementation is known by the acronym HOSTCOM that stands for Host Communities of Nigeria Producing Oil and Gas. The leader and president, Dr Benjamin Tamaranebi, warned that there may be repercussions for the behaviour of the oil firms.

     He said:  “In fact, we call on the NUPRC to list out all the settlors who have refused to comply with the PIA 2021 or else we will have no choice than to escalate the issue of noncompliance to section 234 of the PIA 2021 and the Host Communities Development Regulation No 114 of 2022 to the President who is the Minister of Petroleum Resources for the (NUPRC) and the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) to invoke the revocation of their licences for violating the extant regulatory laws of Nigeria and protocols of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) greenhouse gas (ghg).”

    The HOSTCOM leader picked out for commendation Gbenga Komolafe, the managing director and chief executive officer of the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC), who had imposed a penalty of $1,825m on defaulting firms at the rate of $52,500 per day.

    The chairman brought another dimension to the matter. Hear him: “For the avoidance of a crisis, we are saying that the IOCs, NOCs, the regulators, Upstream, Midstream, and Downstream, in line with the Ministry of Petroleum, should allow the communities to make their choices.

    “The 3% OPEX in the PIA, Section A favours the federal government, section B favours the oil companies, and C is the law that favours the host communities.”

    What he was calling for is democracy. He describes what is going on as “wrong implementation.” The accusation is that while the law is in order, and the need to establish HOSTCOM is also legitimate, the question is with the Host Communities Development Trust Fund (HCDTF). It is not that it is legal, but that it might be too legal for the communities. They mean that the oil firms have hijacked the body and turned it from its legal purpose to a nest of cronies. And they feel they are acting within their rights.

    From Rivers State to Delta State to Akwa Ibom State, grassroots protests are undermining the high purpose of this initiative because they accuse the oil firms of being in cahoots with traditional rulers. They accuse the oil firms of registering traditional rulers and their favourites with the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), which implies that they have created a schism in the communities.

    In some of the communities and clusters in Abua/Odua and Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Areas, ONELGA, where they are alleged to have hijacked the PIA process, it has boiled over from the street and moved to the court and back.

    But the Obagi and Egi clusters, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, took the case to court over an alleged imposition of PIA executives. Later they protested at the premises of the oil multinational.

    But the courts, for now, seem impotent. For instance, the people of the 14 communities of Egi Kingdom in ONELGA who live with Total Energies picketed the IOC over its alleged disobedience to orders of the court.

    Their disappointment, according to community leader Chief Ebenezer Hart-Eleba, was that, despite the order of the court, the oil firm has continued to deal with a class of individuals in the committee.

    Hart-Eleba led the protest to Total Energies office in Port Harcourt. He submitted a letter attached with the court orders to the management. He accused them of flouting court orders and, more importantly, the will of the host communities.

    Another leader, Chief Anthony Brown, stated, “Obagi and Egi are the host landlords, and if there is anything that is happening in Egi, at least Total is supposed to enlighten the people. Like this PIA, Total or their agents are supposed to come to Egi and enlighten the people. Total did not do that, what they did was to go to their choice and pick their brothers to represent the Egi people.”

    The same pattern has been observed in Delta and Akwa Ibom states. The issue of the oil firms picking and choosing who deserves to work with them reflects an arbitrary interpretation of the PIA. It gives the IOCs and NOCs exclusive rights to decide who works with them and that abuses good faith on their part.

    The issue of ethnicity has always been a big factor in our politics. The three percent crisis is showing that ethnic bias is also a grassroots hobgoblin. Communities who band together in national politics as one group are now fighting like ancestral and atavistic foes. It entrenches the idea that distribution of resources is pivotal to democratic peace. We need the National Assembly to clarify the relationship between the companies and the locals and enact modalities for how to constitute and who constitutes the HCDTF.

    It is a measure of our society that it is not a contest on how to build schools, secure scholarships, build healthcare clinics or rescue their apocalyptic environment. Rather, it is how to get contracts and enrich themselves at the expense of their neighbours. It is a tragedy that the IOCs and NOCs are playing into this moral catastrophe, while the lawmakers look on.

    This is how huge a crisis begins that engulfs whole towns and regions in firestorms of rage and fear. It is early days and early warning. The region is fragile and, therefore, febrile.

  • Looking for trouble

    Looking for trouble

    • Niger’s allegations against Nigeria just don’t add up

    Niger Republic’s military junta picked a fight with Nigeria in the closing days of last year, heightening diplomatic tension in the sub-region. Junta officials accused Nigeria of destabilisation schemes against that country, which Nigeria, backed by the sub-regional Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), roundly rebuffed. The current situation is an uneasy calm that calls for measures by the Nigerian leadership to proactively safeguard the country’s border with Niger. Eternal vigilance, they say, is the price of liberty.

    Junta leader General Abdourahamane Tchiani, in an interview on Christmas day with Radio-Télévision du Niger, the country’s state media, accused Nigeria of colluding with France to destabilise his country. He alleged that France – Niger’s former colonial lord with which the junta is a sworn adversary – had forged an alliance with militant groups in the Lake Chad region to undermine Niger’s security, allegedly with Nigeria’s knowledge.

    “Nigerian authorities are not unaware of this underhand move,” Tchiani stated in the interview conducted in Hausa language, and thus accessible to millions of Nigerians in the North. He also claimed that France had made a “substantial payment to President Bola Tinubu” to establish a military base in Nigeria and accused Nigeria of sponsoring terrorist attacks along its borders to undermine the military leadership.

    Before Tchiani gave his interview, Niger’s Foreign Minister Bakary Yaou Sangare accused the Nigerian government of complicity in a sabotage attack, December 13, on the Niger-Benin oil pipeline in Gaya. “Despite efforts to normalise relations, we regret that Nigeria has not given up on serving as a rear base for the destabilisation of Niger, with the complicity of some foreign powers and officials of the former regime to whom it offers refuge,” Sangare added in a statement.

    Relations between Niger and not just Nigeria, but most other countries in ECOWAS, soured following a coup in July 2023 by which the Tchiani junta ousted the elected administration of former President Mohamed Bazoum. Since the coup, Niger has asked France and other Western powers to withdraw their military bases on its soil, and it formed a security alliance with junta-led neighbours, Mali and Burkina Faso.

    In the aftermath of the coup in Niger, the sub-regional bloc led by Nigeria’s President Tinubu imposed economic sanctions on that country and momentarily threatened military intervention if constitutional order was not restored. The sanctions were later lifted in a gesture of rapprochement to guide the junta back to the path of rectitude; but Niger ganged up with Mali and Burkina Faso to stand up to ECOWAS and insist on withdrawing from the body. ECOWAS approved their withdrawal only late last year after they refused to restore democratic rule.

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    Nigeria firmly refuted the allegations of destabilisation schemes made by Niger, pointing out that it stands to gain nothing from such schemes and would not even condescend to playing international politics at that base level. National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu asserted that there is no foreign military base in Nigeria. Speaking on British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) Hausa Service, he said the allegations were baseless and false, as Nigeria had no cause to sabotage Niger or allow any disaster to befall it. He made clear, however, that this country would not sever diplomatic ties with France because of Niger’s differences with its former colonial master, just as it also maintains relations with Russia, the United States, the United Kingdom and China, among others.

    Information and National Orientation Minister Mohammed Idris dismissed the allegations by Niger’s junta leader saying there was no collusion whatsoever between Nigeria and France to destabilise his country. “These claims exist solely in the realm of imagination, as Nigeria has never engaged in any overt or covert alliance with France – or any other country – to sponsor terrorist attacks or destabilise Niger Republic in the wake of the undemocratic change in the leadership of that country,” the minister affirmed in a statement. He also dismissed Niger’s claim that Nigeria abetted sabotage of its pipelines and agriculture resources as unfounded. According to him, Nigeria has consistently supported Niger’s development through joint projects like the trans-Saharan gas pipeline and the Kano-Maradi railway, and it is illogical to suggest the country would undermine initiatives it actively promotes.

    Foreign Affairs Minister Yusuf Tuggar took the diplomacy high road and invited the junta leaders in Niger for “constructive dialogue” with the Nigerian leadership to de-escalate the diplomatic tension between two neighbouring countries. In a statement, he reaffirmed Nigeria’s commitment to peace and stability in the sub-region and called for “candid discussions to address mutual concerns” raised by Tchiani. Tuggar said: “We reaffirm our respect for Niger’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in alignment with ECOWAS principles. We welcome and encourage open, constructive dialogue between our governments and invite Niger’s leadership to join us in candid discussions to address mutual concerns. We are prepared to explore confidence-building measures, such as collective support, to alleviate the humanitarian impact on our border communities.”

    The minister assured Niger that Nigeria would not encourage any action that could undermine its security, and he stressed the importance of fostering mutual respect and collaboration between the two nations. “As brothers and neighbours, Nigeria and Niger share deep historical and cultural ties underscored by trade and economic interdependence. These enduring connections are reminders of our intrinsically linked destinies,” he said, adding: “Therefore, unfounded allegations cause needless tensions that could cause disaffection and threaten the collective progress of our region.”

    Nigeria wasn’t left alone to defend itself. ECOWAS weighed in and dismissed as completely baseless the claim it was sponsoring terrorism against Niger. The regional body, in a statement, reaffirmed its commitment to regional stability and highlighted Nigeria’s long-standing dedication to peace and security across Africa, noting in particular the achievements of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) that Nigeria leads.

    It may well be that Niger’s junta leaders flew the kite of allegations against Nigeria to justify a plot by that country to destabilise Nigeria. Mali and Burkina Faso with which Niger is in league are notorious havens of insurgents, and the country’s long border with Nigeria has always offered openings by which insurgents infiltrated northern parts of this country.

    When Niger’s junta leaders alleged sponsorship of terrorists into their country by Nigeria, you would ask where those terrorists were thought to originate from. Couldn’t have been from the Atlantic Ocean down south! Before the souring of ties, Niger was on diplomatic call to restrain infiltration of insurgents into Nigeria through its territory.

    Since the junta revolt, there’s been some dereliction on that call, and that may explain the recent advent of Lakurawa terrorists even as the Nigerian military valiantly battled Boko Haram insurgents. Now, Niger’s junta leaders are apparently seeking to turn the table of liability on Nigeria through the fight they have picked. The message for the Nigerian government, in our view, is to reinforce security on Nigeria’s border and thereby prevent a diplomatic undercut by an ill-intentioned neighbour.

  • Significance of President Tinubu’s Enugu visit

    Significance of President Tinubu’s Enugu visit

    • By Tunde Rahman

    President Bola Tinubu’s one-day visit to the Southeast, his first of 2025, was not just a routine event. It was laden with symbolisms, from the enthusiastic reception to the subsequent positive comments. The import of this visit, with its many remarkable aspects, was not lost on anyone. While many have spoken favourably and commended the visit, it equally throws up some questions.

    Is President Tinubu’s January 4, 2025 visit to Enugu, the old capital of the Southeast region, during which he inaugurated Governor Peter Ndubuisi Mbah’s landmark projects and made important pronouncements a new level in his relationship with the Southeast geopolitical zone?

    Is the President’s visit across the Niger a game changer and a subtle indicator of what lies ahead between him and the people of the South East?

    The Southeast’s posture towards President Tinubu has not been enthusiastic, just as it was with President Muhammadu Buhari. Of course, the results of the 2015, 2019, and 2023 elections reveal the political aloofness of the zone towards the two leaders.

    The Southeast was particularly lukewarm towards Tinubu’s presidential aspiration following developments in the build-up to the 2023 presidential election and the results that had arisen from it. In the run-up to the election, the Southeast put all its political eggs in the basket of homeboy Peter Obi, former Anambra State governor, who had broken ranks with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party to emerge as the Labour Party’s Presidential Candidate.

    The boisterousness of the Obidients –as Peter Obi’s supporters had christened themselves – had somewhat captured the imagination of the Southeast. Any Igbo who sang a different tune in the 2023 election was, more or less, seen as an outcast.

    Peter Obi himself did not allow the kind of amity that should prevail. He campaigned based on his Igbo ethnicity and overtly promoted his Christian faith to reap electoral benefits. When the election came, the Igbo voted en masse for him, signposting a strong correlation between region, religion and elections in Nigeria.

    As a geopolitical breakdown of the 2023 presidential election results shows, Obi and his LP polled 1,952, 998 votes from the five states of the Southeast, representing a massive 89.62% of the total votes in the region. President Tinubu and the All Progressives Congress polled 127,370 votes, a paltry 5.85% of the votes from the area while the Peoples Democratic Party candidate, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, got 90, 698 votes, amounting to a meagre 4.16%.

    Although Obi recorded impressive results outside the Southeast, like winning Lagos, Nasarawa, Edo, Delta, Plateau, Cross River, and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Abuja, his 2023 presidential challenge was essentially a Southeast affair.

    After the election, he and his ethnic supporters remained in their cocoons—or the alternate reality they had built. They acted like Obi had won the poll but denied victory. It seemed that the Obidients would rather not hear the name Asiwaju Tinubu, let alone President Tinubu. This trend continued even after Obi’s petition against President Tinubu’s victory in court failed. Any move of the President was criticised and condemned.

    On assumption of office, President Tinubu made overtures to the zone in key appointments such as the appointment of Chief of Naval Staff, Rear Admiral Emmanuel Ikechukwu Ogalla, who hails from Enugu, and through key ministerial appointments like those of Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi from Ebonyi State, Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, Hon. Uche Nnaji, and the first Minister of Trade and Investment, now Minister of State for Finance, Dr. Doris Uzoka-Anite, among others.

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    Remarkably, when the President reshuffled his cabinet in October last year, he brought in, among others, Ambassador Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, wife of the late Ikemba Nnewi, Chief Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu. She got the portfolio of Minister of State for Foreign Affairs. President Tinubu also established the Southeast Development Commission, a significant move to promote and accelerate the region’s development.

    A top journalist who is a friend from the Southeast zone and a staunch Obidient who had never masked his dislike for Tinubu said those two appointments were sufficient to forgive President Tinubu’s perceived sins against the Igbo.

    It was against that background that President Tinubu accepted Governor Mbah’s invitation to inaugurate some of his projects in the New Year. At the inauguration of Governor Mbah’s projects and during an interactive session with Southeast leaders, President Tinubu made significant statements that gladdened the hearts of the Igbo.

    At the inauguration of the Command and Control Center, the President emphasised the importance of cooperation and collaboration between the Federal Government and the sub-nationals to drive development.

    “This (Command and Control Centre) is a profound demonstration of what we can do together. It reassures me that more revenue going to the sub nationals and local governments is not a waste; it is for development.

    “We have committed leaders like Peter Mbah taking Enugu on the path of 21st-century development, taking Enugu to greater heights, and building our tomorrow today.

    “I cannot forget the sight of those children I just met at the Smart Green School. I have seen the gadgets and vehicles with 21st-century technology. You are indeed working for today, tomorrow and the future.”

    The President inaugurated the GTC Smart Green School, New Haven/Bisalla Road, the International Conference Center, the Command and Control Center, and 150 patrol vehicles with surveillance cameras. He also inaugurated other notable projects virtually at the Enugu State Government House.

    Later, at an interactive session with Southeast leaders, President Tinubu promised that his administration would complete the Eastern Rail line connecting Port Harcourt to Maiduguri and support the development of the Anambra Basin as a significant energy reserve estimated to hold up to 1 billion barrels of oil and 30 billion cubic feet of gas. He made the commitment while responding to the requests made by former Minister of Power Professor Chinedu Nebo and an Enugu State indigene, Chris Ugoh, at the interactive session.

    After commending the Tinubu administration for completing the Port Harcourt to Aba section of the Eastern rail line, Nebo had appealed to the President to prioritise the completion of the remaining portions of the rail link to facilitate exports of non-oil products and catalyse development in the region.

    Dignitaries who attended the session included governors, traditional rulers, captains of industry, and serving and former presiding officers of the National Assembly from the zone, including former Senate President Ken Nnamani.

    With the Enugu visit and the importance he attached to the invitation by PDP Governor Mbah, President Tinubu demonstrated political maturity and his commitment to supporting developmental strides from any part of the country and by any governor or stakeholder. The visit was a bold testament to his nonpartisan inclination and willingness to put the country first. He was full of commendation for Governor Mbah for demonstrating “an irrevocable commitment to human development.”

    In the same vein, sighting Abia State Governor Alex Otti at the Enugu event, President Tinubu said: “I don’t care which party you come from; you are my friend. Alex Otti of Abia State is also doing very well. It is not about the differences in languages and place of birth.

    “None of us has control of the mother tongue. God created us, and you can find yourself in Enugu, Onitsha or Lagos. We are all members of one huge family called Nigeria, but we live in different rooms in the same house. We must build this house to satisfy our immediate and future needs.”

    Speaking before the inauguration of his projects, Governor Mbah had described President Tinubu as a true federalist committed to Nigeria’s development.

    “Your Excellency, your credential as a true federalist stands out brightly, and the legacies thereof will long earn you resounding accolades.

    “In signing the Electricity Act (Amendment) Bill, you liberalised electricity generation, transmission, and distribution. That singular act will consistently rank as an enduring legacy,” he said, adding: “It is noteworthy that Enugu State was the first sub-national to which the NERC ceded regulatory oversight of the local electricity market. That reflects how swiftly we are pursuing our goals.”

    On the Southeast Development Commission, the governor said the commission would address infrastructure and ecological challenges in the region while complementing the many development strides unfolding across the state.

    Development and governance may have been the overarching themes of the visit. Still, analysts reckon that given all that transpired during the visit, a new chapter in the relationship between President Tinubu and the Southeast geopolitical zone may have been unwittingly opened. This rapprochement, they observe, may signpost other important things to come for President Tinubu from the zone, particularly going into the next election in 2027.

    • Rahman is a Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media Matters.