Category: Editorial

  • Good year but…

    Good year but…

    • The report card for security is impressive, but peace dividends still a long way away

    Since the era of banditry began, including the scourge of Boko Haram, 2024 must go on record as the most successful year in dealing with insecurity in the country.

    Kudos must go to the Bola Tinubu administration and its combined military strategy and sense of mission. We must also give thanks to the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, and the service chiefs. It is because of their dedication that the combined work of the military, police and other security forces killed 8,034 terrorists, arrested 11,623 suspected terrorists and rescued 7,967 kidnap victims in 2024.

    Zakari Mijinyawa, Director, Legal Service and Coordinator, Strategic Communications Interagency Policy Committee (SCIPC), Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), made this disclosure. It was not just a harvest of human folly. Mijinyawa said the security forces recovered 10,200 weapons and 224,709 ammunition from terrorists and other non-state actors. In addition, a total of 30,313 suspected criminals were apprehended, while 1,438 stolen vehicles were recovered from criminals.

    It was also a foray into oil theft, a nerve centre of any prosperity plan in this country. Mijinyawa said they prevented oil theft valued at N57bn, leading to raised crude oil production to 1.8 million barrels per day. President Tinubu had given the military marching orders, especially after providing them with the gear to operate. They include the deployment of advanced naval assets like high-powered personnel, helicopters, and UAVs, surveillance missions and interdiction across the Niger Delta region.

     He reeled out the timeline of their successes: “Key successes from January to date include the seizure of illegal refinery sites, the recovery of stolen crude oil, and the disruption of oil bunkering activities.

    “In August, the Nigerian Navy seized nine illegal refinery sites and recovered large quantities of stolen oil.

    “September saw the arrest of eight suspects and the seizure of 19 illegal refinery sites, while October saw 23 illegal refinery sites dismantled.

    “November’s efforts led to the dismantling of 27 refinery sites, the seizure of 75 wooden boats, and the arrest of 17 suspects.

    “The Navy also rescued eight victims of human trafficking and apprehended eight stowaways.

    “These actions have contributed to a rise in crude oil production, reaching 1.8 million barrels per day, aligning with the President’s mandate to eradicate crude oil theft.”

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    The security forces extended their work from the underbelly of crime to the custodial areas. For instance, they rehabilitated over 80,000 inmates and supervised 50,000 offenders on non-custodial measures like community service and probation. The provided vocational training for 30,000 inmates, education for 2,000 WASSCE candidates, and facilitated the graduation of 1,000 inmates with diploma and degree programmes from the National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN). This is the human side of law.

    They rehabilitated and reintegrated 2,000 juvenile delinquents into society. They did not, however, spare escapees. They recaptured them; kudos to support from security agencies.

    The National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) entered the narrative. They recorded a valiant fight against the comings and goings of illicit drugs in the course of the year.

    “The agency arrested 14,480 individuals, including 15 drug barons, secured 2,867 convictions, and seized 2.37 million kilogrammes of illicit drugs, with cannabis, tramadol, and codeine-based cough syrup being the most trafficked.

    “A historic 51.90 kilograms of heroin was intercepted at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport.

    “Under its War Against Drug Abuse (WADA) initiative, the NDLEA sensitised over 1.3 million people through 3,064 activities and provided counselling, treatment, and rehabilitation for 6,655 individuals,’’ Mijinyawa said.

    Nor was the Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) out of the picture with stalwart inroads in revenue generation, trade facilitation, and enforcement. It exceeded its revenue target, collecting N 5.49tr, an 8.1 per cent surplus. Getting more revenue in this area correlates with diminishing crime.

    It recorded a 70.1 per cent increase in monthly revenue and 122.3 per cent growth in the first quarter.

    This report by no way reflects a return to peace, but a diminution of violence. So, a lot of work beckons in the coming year.

  • Windfall

    Windfall

    •Greater funds should translate into improved performance by subnational governments

    It is hard to talk about Nigeria without its myriad of paradoxes.  A country where the more funds are made available for development, the less the ordinary people feel their impact; where public palliatives meant to assuage hunger end up in private warehouses while their intended beneficiaries are condemned to starvation; where more money to states means less and less impact on development; where states continue to look up to the Federal Government even with more money flowing into their coffers.

    As if to further extend the string of paradoxes – and thereby put a lie to the claim in some quarters about the government lacking the means to intervene decisively to tame the fallouts of the current economic crisis – Mohammed Bello Shehu, chairman, Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), disclosed that the Federation Account under President Bola Tinubu had recorded a whopping 45 percent increase in revenue, resulting in significantly  improved revenue for subnational governments. 

    Interestingly, the RMAFC boss was careful to note that the quantum leaps in revenue did not happen by accident. They were, according to him, by-products of the policies and reforms introduced by the Tinubu administration, many of which he also acknowledged had resulted in the difficulties many Nigerians are currently facing.

    “We know there are challenges in the country, hardships, and other things, but at the end of it, this reform aims to position Nigeria among seriously developing countries. In the long run, the GDP is going to rise significantly,” he stated.

    The Federation Account was reported to have grossed N3.143tr, the highest in recent years. However, while the issue of how much the state governments are getting would seem finally settled, the real question, which is far less so, is why the state governments, despite the quantum accruals into their kitty, are not doing enough in the delivery of development.

    In May, when the leadership of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) visited President Tinubu at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, he told them: “We are running a constitutional democracy. I will appeal to you to summon the governors. I am doing my very best to enhance the revenue base of the country. They must equally be sympathetic and they must urgently consider the needs of the local people.

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     “People reside in the local communities. That is where they work, farm, and live. If the local governments are not effective in delivering services; as leaders, we must not hang on to the numbers. We have 774 local government areas, but are they truly effective? Do they solve problems for Nigerians? Do they coordinate development programming with the state and federal governments?”

    Nigeria’s dire situation couldn’t have been better framed. Surely, we agree that governments across all levels may not have all the resources they need to address all of their developmental challenges. Secondly, there are no disputes as to whether or not the reforms have necessitated some rather painful adjustment on the part of the citizenry; they have. However, it is also beyond dispute that since President Tinubu took over  the country has witnessed a dramatic surge in the revenues available to the different tiers of government, including the local governments.

    It isn’t just that issues such as crude oil theft and oil pipelines vandalisation, which had hobbled all attempts to shore up oil revenues, are finally being tackled with the latest results showing marked improvements in oil revenues; other factors such as the surge in Common External Tariffs (CET), which apply to imports within the ECOWAS member countries, are evident signs of improved trade compliance and increased customs enforcement.

    Unfortunately, we cannot say that of developments in most of the states and local government areas.  If Nigerians expected that the pains of adjustment which came with the reforms ought to have been substantially mitigated by the subnational governments through wise and prudent spending of their accruals at a most difficult time, the results, with only a few exceptions, have been generally disappointing.

    Now that the RMAFC has spoken, the governors will be hard pressed to justify why a quantum leap in revenue by as much as 45 percent has failed to make a difference. This is a paradox that is not only inexplicable but unacceptable.

    Surely, Nigerians aren’t asking for too much. They want value for every kobo that accrues to their treasuries. They expect their government to provide and maintain those basic essential services that define modernity. They demand the right of their children to attend functional schools, access by their families to basic health facilities, agricultural extension services for those in agriculture and security for their lives and property.

    Such expectations obviously stretch beyond the routine stuff of payment of salaries, which a number of the governors are only too proud to advertise. The truth is that many of the governors are either too detached from the ordinary day-to-day realities of their people, or tragically still, lack the elementary understanding of what needs to be done to improve the lot of the people they govern.  The same applies to the state lawmakers; most of them actually see their roles in the legislature as no more than to echo the bidding of the governors in their chambers.

    With the RMAFC’s striking statement on revenue growth, the least the citizens expect from those governing them is improved governance. 

  • Cash scarcity

    Cash scarcity

    • This issue must be resolved as quickly as possible

    The adage that it is not good to live beside a river but wash one’s hands with spittle approximates the experience of many Nigerians who have money in the banks but cannot access their cash. The worst off are those who have little money in the bank but even the little they have is taken from them under the guise of one charge or another. And even to access what remains, they have to pay substantial portions to the Point of Sale (POS) operators.

    The naira scarcity has become a huge challenge to many Nigerians, though the situation is not yet as messy as it was in the days of the disgraced former Central Bank Governor, Godwin Emefiele, in 2022/2023.

     Sadly, the current scarcity is turning to brisk business for POS operators as well as corrupt bank officials who prefer to sell crisp notes to those who sell to Nigerians at parties and social ceremonies. Vice President Kashim Shettima raised this concern in a speech delivered at the 2024 Annual Bankers’ Committee Retreat in Abuja on December 6. 

    Represented by the Special Adviser to the President on Economic matters, Dr Tope Fasua, Shettima said: “Nigerians complain bitterly that they are unable to access even minimal cash when most needed.” He continued: “There seems to have been some moral hazard and adverse selection problem with the involvement of street-side POS merchants.” He added: “Nigerians complain about high and arbitrary charges and exploitation by rogue agents which we are sure you will be able to tackle, with concerted efforts.” We agree with the Vice President that the august committee can solve the problem, and they should do so without delay.

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    For many Nigerians, it amounts to a double whammy to “buy” their own money in an economy buffeted by runaway inflation affecting food and other essential services. The POS operators may not be the only cause of this unwarranted additional economic hardship, if their claim that the banks have stopped allocating cash to them is true. The banks need to explain what they are doing with the cash the Central Bank allocates to them. However, the banks point an accusing finger at the apex bank. So, who is actually to blame for the cash scarcity?

    The cash scarcity has elicited the interest of the House of Representatives, which mandated its committee on banking regulations to probe the matter.  Emmanuel Uguru, representing Abakaliki/Izzi Federal Constituency, Ebonyi State, who moved the motion, said the House “is disturbed” that the cash crisis in commercial banks in the country had made economic activities difficult, “as entrepreneurs are subjected to long queues and sometimes spend a whole day or two in the bank.”

    We agree that it amounts to a waste of valuable time for Nigerians to stand in queues, only to get a paltry N10,000.  The lawmaker rightly observed that this “causes untold hardship,” especially to the “uninformed populace most of whom are rural dwellers.” The Vice President’s appeal to the Bankers Committee “to urgently clear up thorny issues in the sector, some of which are impeding the efforts at financial and economic inclusion,” applies to all stakeholders in the sector.

    The stakeholders should realise that Nigerians are entering a festive season. Whatever needs to be done to stem the tide of naira scarcity should be done urgently, by the CBN, the banks and the POS operators. With the stability in the foreign exchange sector, Nigerians should heave a sigh of relief, and not have to contend with an avoidable economic hardship resulting from naira scarcity. 

  • CNG progress

    CNG progress

    • Implementation of the game-changing policy should be sustained 

    From just seven last year, the number of centres for the conversion of vehicles from use of petrol and diesel to Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) in Nigeria has increased to 158 in 2024. This update on the progress of the CNG policy came from the Programme Director and Chief Executive of the Presidential Committee on Compressed Natural Gas Initiative (Pi-CNG), Michael Oluwagbemi, at the 13th Practical Nigerian Content Forum in Bayelsa State.

    The over 2000 percent surge in the number of these centres indicates diligent pursuit of the Federal Government’s policy of promoting the use of considerably cheaper CNG to power vehicles following the phenomenal increase in the price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS) as a result of the removal last year of the unsustainable fuel subsidy by the President Bola Tinubu administration. However, only a minuscule number of vehicles has so far been covered by this initiative and there is still a long way to go to actualise its immense potential.

    The Pi-CNG deserves commendation for its well-articulated plans to comprehensively expand the substitution of gas with petrol and diesel to fuel vehicles in the country. Towards this end, for instance, it aims to increase the number of conversion centres to 1,000 to meet envisaged growing demand.

    Also, it was reported to have secured ten hectares of land to establish a CNG manufacturing hub in Ajaokuta, Kogi State. This is to facilitate the local manufacture of key components of the CNG kit such as flexible pipes, filters, valves and the Electrical Control Unit which is to be developed through reverse engineering. A further goal is the establishment of assembly plants to produce fully CNG-powered vehicles in the country.

    Apart from providing a cheaper alternative for vehicular transportation, the CNG project thus has tremendous potential to create jobs. It is expected to create employment opportunities for mechanics and other skilled artisans to undertake the conversion of vehicles from use of petrol and diesel to gas and their maintenance. The local CNG vehicles assembly plants will also stimulate job creation. This will also entail technology transfer in this field that will boost local expertise while also enhancing domestic economic productivity.

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    However, a major obstacle to be scaled in fully actualising the potential of the CNG project in Nigeria is the high costs associated with different aspects of the initiative. According to Oluwagbemi, “The conversion cost, including costs and services, is approximately N1 million per vehicle. With a target of converting five million vehicles, this represents a N5 trillion market opportunity.”

    In addition to conversion of private vehicles, the Pi-CNG plans to convert 500,000 commercial vehicles from petrol and diesel to gas. Given the cost implications and the current economic hardship, the conversion of both private and commercial vehicles will require well- designed loan schemes with affordable repayment rates to assist potential beneficiaries.

    To mitigate the cost of setting up a CNG refuelling station, which is estimated at about $600,000, the Pi-CNG is introducing composite refuelling units patterned after technologies in India which not only offer faster refuelling capabilities but pair refuelling units with compression facilities to reduce costs.

    The ongoing collaboration of the Pi-CNG with diverse bodies such as the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB), Nigerian Institute of Transport Technology (NITT), Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) and the Bank of Industry (BOI) to actualise its objectives is essential and must be sustained.

    The example of India, which has one of the largest CNG networks in the world with thousands of CNG filling stations and millions of functional CNG vehicles, shows that it is an attainable goal.

    With considerable proven gas reserves of c.200.53 trillion cubic feet, Nigeria can achieve an alternative to petrol and diesel that will not only guarantee cheaper energy  but also mitigate the damaging effects of climate change, global warming and extreme weather events.

  • Local content, local concern

    Local content, local concern

    •Our labourers are worthy of our oil

    The question of local content has continued to dog the Nigerian employment market, especially the oil and gas sector. It is no surprise because it is often regarded as the meat and bone of the Nigerian economy.

    Many who want to rise in career and fortune tend to gravitate towards the industry. Because of the high stakes, contentions stew up rhetoric and agitations. This does not mean the issue of expatriates upending locals in jobs is restricted to that sector. It is, however, the most organised for protests and scrutiny.

    Recently, President of the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) Festus Osifo warned that oil and gas firms have stepped up the practice of hiring expatriates at the expense of Nigerians.

    This is a serious matter, and he said this because such moves by such companies will frustrate the industry goal to attain 70 percent local content by 2027. At present, it is believed to be less than 30 percent. This makes the pursuit to the deadline a huge task.

    Rather than inch up, the industry seems to be pedalling backwards. The PENGASSAN president said he has been naming names and that has not done much to restrain such firms. He explained that they are not just hiring top-level talent but also low-level skills like mechanics and vulcanisers. This shows that a cynical attitude and even defiance have crept into the practice.

    Buoyed by a presidential directive to ensure that all local firms adhered to this imperative, some firms have tried to disclose that they have been faithful.

    Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO) of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited Mele Kyari referenced the presidential directive as part of its strategy for 2024 going forward. He noted that one of its strategies is to enhance the capabilities of local firms, and this will function within the rubric of restructuring the NNPC Exploration and Production Limited (NEPL) and positioning NNPC Engineering and Technical Company (NETCO) as full-scale engineering concerns.

    There are areas of exploration for the oil and gas firms, and they have to attain high marks in them before the conversation on local content can make sense. They include skills acquisition training, contract and procurement opportunity, asset acquisition, technical support, and collaboration on research and development for community contractors.

    These seem like easy goals but they will contend with pitfalls. If, for instance, as Osifo has asserted, some firms hire low-skill jobs like vulcanisers from abroad, how much confidence can we have in them when such firms need the delicacies and refinements of software engineering and other high-end requirements? It shows that skill acquisition activities have to be in top gear in those firms.

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    Another headache may be the opportunities for training in our universities and higher technical institutions. Do we have an inventory of such skill hands churned out of our schools? Do we monitor them? Again, how much skill do our graduates and other cadres have? Do they match up to international standards? If not, what are we doing to address these? It is not enough to call for local content. We want to know if the content is not mediocre.

    In a recent workshop, the General Manager, Midstream Monitoring, Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB), Tassalla Tersugh, told Nigerians to “Build your capacity, make yourself available for these opportunities, go into collaborations, take advantage of these opportunities, make yourself ready for these opportunities.”

    She urged Nigerians to remain persistent and take advantage of opportunities, explore, register their business on the joint qualification system, build capacity, look for the areas where there are capacity gaps and key into those areas, as they look to navigate and overcome the challenges that come with creating local content.

    Yet, merely making that call must take cognizance of how a society of perennially low skill and low capital base can compete with foreigners who come with huge capital outlay and skills made for plunder.

    How do they engage in research and development if they do not have the wherewithal to do so? Many cannot get grants or loans from banks to undertake their contracts. What is believed to happen is that they act as fronts for foreigners and take the crumbs offered them with glee and even pride. 

    Osifo called on the NCDMB and the Ministry of Interior to stop granting employment licences to every foreigner who comes into the country seeking employment. He pointed accusing fingers at the government for either negligence or connivance: “We are also holding to account a government institution called Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board and the Ministry of Interior. These are the people that give permits for these expatriates to come. If you go to some of these companies, vulcanisers and conductors are Indians.”

    He cited the example of another African country as a model: “The people that fight for the workers in Angola are not even trade unions. They are government institutions. If you work in Angola for a while, you must go back to your country and reapply again.

    And they ensure that the jobs that they give you in Angola are those technical jobs. So, our government must sit up. Our institutions must sit up.”

    Osifo asserted that the real culprits are Indians. This is probably because the Indians are more willing to circumvent the rules. Two, they are cheaper than their counterparts from Western Europe and North America, especially the United States.

    In a sort of self-exculpation, one of the major companies, Chevron has this to say: “Chevron’s Nigerian Content policy is driven by the vision to be recognised as the petroleum company that works best to foster competence and competitiveness among Nigerian indigenous contractors and suppliers by adopting the participatory-partnership model.” Chairman and Managing Director of Chevron Nigeria and Mid-Africa Business Unit Jim Swartz made this remark.

    The idea of local content is not just that our people should get jobs; it is that they should have a higher command of their own resources on their own soil. It is a matter of economic sovereignty. But more crucially, it reaffirms national pride. So, it is a matter of nationalism.

    The Presidential Directive on Local Content Compliance Requirements, 2024 (EO 41), which sought to ensure that only local service companies that have domiciled proven capacities and capabilities could participate in oil and gas tenders, stresses the people. It is not a nativist project. It is best practice around the world. We cannot be left out. Our labourers are worthy of their pay, and our oil and gas.

  • The fall of al-Assad

    The fall of al-Assad

    • Lessons in leadership as dictator bites the dust

    After 24 years of dictatorial hold on power in Syria, Bashar al-Assad was kicked out on December 8. His ouster terminated more than 50 years of Assad dynastic rule in the Middle East country, Bashar having in 2000 succeeded his father, Hafez al-Assad, who in 1970 seized power in a coup to become Syria’s ruler till his death.

    Until his fall, Bashar al-Assad had withstood insurgency by Syrian opposition fighters who took up arms in 2011 on the heels of the eruption of the Arab Spring that saw no fewer than four Arab rulers flushed out of power by mass uprisings in their respective countries. The protests rocked many other Mid-east countries, but with varying outcomes. The mass actions resulted in conflicts in Tunisia, Algeria, Jordan, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Bahrain, Libya, Kuwait and Morocco, among others.  But the rulers deposed in the waves of violence were Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia in 2011, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya in 2011, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt in 2011, and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen in 2012. Assad’s survival in Syria largely contributed to the term ‘Arab Spring’ being rephrased in the media into ‘Arab Winter,’ referring to the deterioration of many of the conflicts into drawn-out cases of sectarian strife and armed violence.

    What had dragged on for long, however, took less than two weeks for Syrian rebel fighters to accomplish when they eventually sacked Assad from power. The stunning collapse came nearly 14 years after Syrians rose in peaceful protests against Assad’s government that met them with violent repression – an encounter that spiralled into a bloody civil war.

     For their final push, a coalition of opposition fighters launched a major offensive against pro-government forces on November 27 at the front line between opposition-held Idlib and neighbouring governorate of Aleppo, Syria’s second-largest city, which they soon seized. From there, they captured other strategic towns previously held by Assad’s government and marched on the capital city of Damascus, which they took on December 8 with little resistance from soldiers loyal to Assad, forcing the erstwhile despot to flee into exile in Russia.

    Syrian insurgents reached the precincts of Damascus last weekend as part of a rapidly moving offensive that had seen them take over some of Syria’s largest cities. It was reportedly the first time that opposition forces had reached Damascus since 2018, when Syrian troops recaptured areas on the outskirts of the capital city following a year-long siege. The fighters were led by the most notable insurgent group in Syria, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, or HTS, along with an umbrella group of Turkish-backed rebel militias called the Syrian National Army.

    Analysts ascribed the lightning speed of Assad’s fall to both internal and external factors, but more to external ones. On the internal front, there was Syria’s struggle with its economy that had tanked and leaned heavily on illicit trade in psychoactive substances for a breather. Assad had become hugely unpopular as Syrians found it tougher to survive, including his soldiers, the majority of whom no longer wanted to fight for him. Soldiers and police officers were reportedly abandoning their posts, handing over their weapons, and fleeing ahead of the opposition advance.

     Reports said when Assad was fleeing Syria via Damascus international airport on December 8, the facility was manned by soldiers who abandoned it immediately after for easy take-over by approaching rebel fighters.

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    On the external front, the Assad regime had been weak militarily for some years and had relied heavily on Russia and Iran as props. Lebanon-based Iranian proxy group, Hezbollah, was also a mainstay of the Syrian regime. But Russia is presently bogged down in its invasion of Ukraine while Iran and its Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah, have been degraded by Israeli attacks over the Gaza war and could not readily come to the rescue of the faltering Syrian army. In the final days of their push towards Damascus, the Russian military rustled up intense airstrikes against the rebels in support of Assad’s army, but it was apparently too little too late to halt the dictator’s fall. The strikes followed what was the boldest rebel assault for years in a civil war where the front lines had largely been frozen since 2020.

    Even though Assad was a close ally of Moscow, the United States has some troops in eastern Syria intended to keep Islamic State (ISIS) fighters at bay. On the heels of the dictator’s ouster, US officials confirmed that Iranian forces who had been defending him had “pretty much” evacuated from Syria. They further explained that his chief international backer, Russia, is busy with its war in Ukraine, and Lebanon’s powerful Hezbollah, which at some point sent thousands of fighters to shore up Assad’s forces, has been weakened by the year-long conflict with Israel. Meanwhile, Iran has seen its other proxies across the region degraded by regular Israeli airstrikes.

    The new power in Syria, HTS, once known as the Nusra Front, is itself designated a terrorist group by the US, Russia, Turkey and other states. But with Assad out of the equation, Israel has one headache less to deal with in the boiling geopolitical cauldron, especially now that its hand may be further strengthened by US President-elect Donald Trump when he takes office from January, next year. In other words, there could be some relative peace in the troubled Middle East, but it would only be the peace of the strongman.

    There are a few universal lessons to draw from Assad’s fall. He had ruled with an iron hand and compelled – apparently – grudging obedience from his troops. But grudging obedience has its limits and those troops were not there for him on the day of his ouster. Willing acceptance by the general populace is the best security for any leader, not force of arms controlled by troops who themselves harbour doubtful loyalty.

    In any event, weapons of repression have their day and cannot be guaranteed to come in handy under every circumstance. In August 2013, Assad unleashed sarin gas attack on a suburb near Damascus to repel rebel advance. That attack, which was in defiance of a ‘red line’ warning by then US President Barack Obama, killed more than 1,400 civilians, including hundreds of children. There were fears of Assad resorting to a similar attack in desperation during the latest rebel push against Damascus, but events unfolded perhaps too rapidly to allow him space even for that option.

    The most obvious lesson of all is that your ‘friends’ are available to prop you up against your own people only at their convenience. When the chips are down, it’s  every man for himself.

  • Witch-hunt of widows

    Witch-hunt of widows

    • Mass enlightenment is required to stop this practice driven by superstition

    There are some Nigerian communities, notably rural ones, where women come under accusation of witchcraft following the death of their husbands. Some of these women get ostracised, others banished, or – worse – lynched over bereavements that already constitute untold grief, and for which they are further subjected to abuse by way of imposed liability for losses that are in themselves crushing and destabilising to them. It is what in legal parlance is called double jeopardy.

    This is way into the 21st century and it might sound strange that such things happen. But they do, especially in rural communities where culture holds tyrannical sway. An instance was the case of a 54-year-old mother of two who was early this year restored to the Umunankwo community in Ogbaru council area of Anambra State after she had been banished for almost a year over allegations of being a witch. Nneka Uzor, a widow, was accused of witchcraft by three brothers-in-law and was shown in a viral video clip sometime in April 2023 being led out of Umunankwo by community members who hurled abuses at her while two masqueraders flogged her.

    In the said clip, the townsfolk could be heard accusing Uzor of poisoning the community’s food stock and refusing to go for appeasement with community gods, as they led her to a road junction where they pronounced her banished from the community. At that point, the widow collapsed on the road, apparently from exhaustion. The three brothers-in-law who were her principal accusers were later arrested and arraigned before the Children, Sexual and Gender-Based Violence Court in Awka at the instance of State Commissioner for Women and Social Welfare, Ify Obinabo, who promised to get the woman reunited with the community.

    It was in January, this year, that Uzor got her reprieve following a reconciliation meeting that took place at the palace of the traditional ruler of Umunankwo. A spokesperson for the women and social welfare commissioner issued a statement saying the commissioner, community leaders and Uzor’s accusers, among others, were present at the reconciliation parley. The statement indicated that upon a directive by the community ruler, the townsfolk gathered at the same location where Uzor had been pronounced banished to receive her back. Masqueraders were as well on hand to accompany her on her return to the community. The statement noted that after the widow was brought back, traditional rites were performed to purify her and make her fit to participate in community activities, with her principal accusers apologising for their actions.

    For the Umunankwo widow, all’s well that ends well as the saying goes. Few widows, however, get as lucky with being restored as she was. Some widows pay the supreme price. There was the reported instance of an elderly widow named Martina Itagbo who, in mid-2023, was mob-lynched in the rustic community of Akampa, Cross River State. Her plaintive plea for her life was ignored by youths who kicked and hit her repeatedly with cudgels as they pronounced her “Witch!!, Witch!!, Witch!!,” before dousing her with gasoline and setting her frail body ablaze. Her agonised cry echoed into the distance as she succumbed to a fiery death. Reports said older community members who were on hand simply stayed aloof and watched the mob of youths execute the gory justice of the jungle on hapless Itagbo.

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    Witch-hunt of widows is a function of the patriarchal structure of Nigerian society. Men lose their wives too, but nobody ever accuses them of wizardry in apportioning blame for those wives’ death. It is not so with widows, however. When they lose their husbands, even to evident extraneous causes like medical ailments or natural accidents, women typically come under societal indictment as if they were some presumed super-custodians who failed in their duty and must thus account to society for that egregious failure. Worse is that some widows get suspected by communities of orchestrating their husbands’ death; and in the absence of empirical evidence, society arraigns them in the metaphysical dock of superstition with accusations of witchcraft.

    In other societies, widowhood could be positively transformational for the woman in socio-economic terms through inheritance of the late husband’s vast estate. In our clime, though, widowhood is perceived a curse because rather than receiving the support they need during their time of grief and be allowed unhindered right to the husbands’ possessions, many widows get blamed for their husbands’ death, accused of witchcraft and stigmatised or tortured outright, and blocked from inheritance of their husbands’ estates. In effect, society that should have provided them a support structure in their grief becomes their arch tormentor.

    There are ample indications that the syndrome is a form of class oppression. Widows tend to get accused of witchcraft more when the family isn’t too well off, or when there are only a few children. In other words, the poorer in means and population the family was when the man died, the likelier the widow would be accused of being a witch. She might even be suspected of being responsible for the man’s modest means and low fertility while alive. On the other hand, women from large and affluent families rarely get accused of being witches; but that is without prejudice to the chances of being blocked from inheritance rights on the husbands’ estates.

    Meanwhile, the damage that witch-hunting does to widows goes beyond social stigmatisation; it also grievously hazards their mental health. Following psychological trauma and grief suffered from losing a loved one and pillar of support, a widow tends to lapse into mental destabilisation, which compounded by societal animus could tip her into depression. Medical experts say the absence of a strong mental health support system in our clime often leaves affected women emotionally scarred and with behavioural changes that a hostile society could interpret as inadvertent confirmation of the suspicion of witchcraft.

    It might be a form of catharsis – though a self-damning one – or sheer coping mechanism that some women who were accused by their communities of witchcraft eventually go public to own up to that label. This tendency echoed the infamous Salem Witch Trials of the 1690s in colonial Massachusetts, United States, where community hysteria led to rash accusations against many people of being witches – based on flimsy suspicions, superstitious motivations or, indeed, petty personal squabbles. More than 200 people were accused of witchcraft at the Salem trials, with 19 found guilty and executed. But many of those who escaped the noose did that only by falsely ‘confessing’ their involvement in witchcraft as an indication of repentance and penance. That might be what reported confessions to witchcraft by some widows in Nigerian rural communities is all about.

    Witch-hunt of widows is driven by superstition, which is a form of ignorance and symptomises lack of enlightenment. We argue that an effective antidote would be for the government to step up its mass literacy efforts and ensure better enlightenment of the Nigerian citizenry, especially those in rural communities. The more enlightened a society gets, the less the tendency to superstition.

    There is also the need to more vigorously promote scientific culture, which inculcates rational mindset in people. True, human beings aren’t always rational; but the scientific culture has helped some advanced societies to do away with irrational superstition and mainstream empirical thinking as a way of life. And this has helped in the developmental strides of those societies. Superstition is a sign of a sick group mentality and it is high time Nigerian communities were weaned from that malaise. 

  • Borno’s rail network project

    Borno’s rail network project

    •A laudable initiative but the state government must prioritise security

    Given the passion, commitment, energy, focus and sense of purpose he brings to his job as Governor of Borno State, Prof. Babagana Zulum easily ranks among the best performing state governors in the country.

    Undaunted by the flashes of terrorism that still constitute a security challenge in the North -East zone despite Boko Haram being considerably degraded in recent months as well as his state’s vulnerability to destructive floods, intermittent droughts and pervasive desertification, Zulum never flags at the forefront of efforts to provide succour for his people and soothe their pains.

    It is thus not surprising that the Zulum administration, even in the midst of current challenges, is exhibiting visionary and audacious thinking and planning towards a more prosperous future for Borno State.

    The governor announced ongoing plans to construct an intra-city railway network to connect the state capital, Maiduguri, to the surrounding areas. It has been described as the North’s first rail network.  The capital plays a central role in the state’s economic, commercial and bureaucratic life indicating that this proposed infrastructure project will be a catalytic factor in stimulating growth and promoting prosperity.

    According to the state Commissioner for Transport and Energy, Aliyu Mohammed Bamanga, who spoke during a tour of the proposed rail terminals and routes, feasibility studies, environmental impact and risk assessment consultations are ongoing towards the actualisation of the project.

    The commissioner indicated that the project would be planned in such a way that its scope would be easily extended to other local government areas outside the state capital as the need arises in future. However, the first phase of the railway scheme will feature 12 designed terminals within Maiduguri which will strategically link major markets, schools, public spaces and economically vital areas.

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    It is projected that the rail line scheme will enhance transportation of passengers and goods while fostering economic growth and development. Faster and more efficient movement of people and goods, for instance, will help to reduce wastage of man hours with positive effect on productivity.

    The job creation potential of a properly functioning rail system like this must not be underemphasised. For instance, people will be employed to man and maintain the coaches, contractors engaged to print the tickets and others hired to provide security. We advise that the routes should be carefully calibrated in such a way that they can link areas of food production in rural communities to urban market centres.

    The state government should also consider the possibility of the North-East and North-West Development Commissions pooling resources to work on a rail line for the region jointly to expand the scope covered and take advantage of the resultant economies of scale.

    It is noteworthy that this project is in addition to other no less laudable initiatives being taken by the Zulum administration to transform the transportation landscape of Borno State. The commissioner said “it complements ongoing transport infrastructure projects, including the 113-kilometre Maiduguri East, West, and South ring road expansions connecting Auno, Molai, Polo, and Shagari low-cost communities.”

    Governor Zulum’s administration also previously introduced electric and gas-powered taxis and buses at subsidised rates to alleviate transportation costs and mitigate the impact of the fuel subsidy removal.

    However, it is of utmost importance that Zulum ensures that there are enough men, properly armed and motivated, to provide security for the facility both during and after construction.  Criminal non-state actors may see such a transformational project as a prime target for attack.

     Apart from working closely with the security agencies to ensure that the facility and those working on it are well protected, the state government should consider the possibility of procuring highly sophisticated, modern security surveillance equipment to enhance the general level of security across the state.

  • Crooked parent

    Crooked parent

    •It is condemnable that a father attempted to help his daughter cheat in an examination

    As the registration and related processes for the next admission exercise into Nigerian universities is expected to gain momentum by January 2025, the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (JAMB) must be guided now, more than ever, by the principle that “Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.” Liberty – that is, freedom from the compromise of the board’s processes through various forms of examination and admission malpractices. JAMB has been commended for the various effective measures it has employed to ensure public confidence in the board’s examinations.

    But JAMB cannot afford to rest on its oars. This is due to the unrelenting efforts of perpetrators of examination fraud to outwit the board, as recent events show. One concerning example is that of a parent, ‘Professor’ Jide Josiah Jisos, who was sentenced to six months in prison for impersonation during the 2019 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME).

    Punch reported the story as follows: “Jisos was apprehended by officials of the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board while monitoring the UTME at Brix Academy in Abuja. A statement from JAMB’s Public Communication Advisor, Dr Fabian Benjamin, indicated that Jisos falsely presented himself as a representative of a non- governmental organisation to oversee the examination.”

    The paper, quoting Benjamin, further reports: “Unable to substantiate his claims, Jisos was arrested and handed over to security personnel for further investigation. During interrogation, he confessed that he was not affiliated with any NGO and was actually in the examination hall to assist his daughter in taking the 2019 UTME. The Chief Magistrate, Justice Folashade Oyekan, found Jisos guilty of a one-count charge of impersonation and sentenced him to six months in prison, with an option of a N100,000 fine.”

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    It is commendable that, in keeping with the reputation it has built over the years, JAMB apprehended the suspect. It is also praiseworthy that the judge sentenced him to 6 months in prison. However, the culprit was given an option of fine, because the police prosecuted him for impersonation rather than examination malpractice, which would have attracted seven years imprisonment without an option of fine.

    He has been reported to have gladly paid the fine and walked away freely after. The law is truly an ass, and it would be necessary to review the laws relating to examination fraud to ensure that criminals do not continue to exploit the system and get away with light punishments.

    In the meantime, JAMB should continue to seek proactive ways of preventing the opportunities for such crimes to be committed to save the board the trouble, the time (in the case of Jisos, about 3 years of prosecution) and the huge costs that are often associated with prosecuting such cases.

     JAMB should also continue, as it has done in this case, to push some of this kind of stories to the public, as they become available, to let people know that it’s not business as usual as far as examination malpractice is concerned. This would dissuade others who may have been contemplating embarking on a similar course of action.

    Having said all of this, the more disturbing aspect of this case is the fact that a parent would be socialising their impressionable child to see fraud as an acceptable way of getting ahead in society. If the child internalises the negative values that the parent is trying to instill in them, they would grow up as morally, psychologically and emotionally crooked personalities. The social costs of this kind of warped socialisation to society is unquantifiable. This calls for greater vigilance.

  • Successful Eurobond auction

    Successful Eurobond auction

    •It is a positive signal but the proceeds should be well managed to deliver value

    Going by the outcome of its latest Eurobond auction, the Federal Government, nay the Debt Management Office (DMO), has good reasons to be excited about the growing confidence in the economy. Announcing the outcome of its latest Eurobond offer, the DMO stated that it had raised $2.2bn with its first Eurobond sale since February 2022. Talk of the icing on the cake: its oversubscription at $9.1bn.

    “Nigeria is pleased to have attracted a wide range of investors from multiple jurisdictions, including the United Kingdom, North America, Europe, Asia, Middle East and participation from Nigerian investors, which it views as an expression of continued investor confidence in the country’s sound macro-economic policy framework and prudent fiscal and monetary management,” the debt office said in a statement.  The proceeds from this Eurobond issuance, it also stated, will be used to finance the 2024 fiscal deficit and support the government’s budgetary needs.

    Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy Olawale Edun observed that the development signposts increasing confidence in ongoing efforts of the President Bola Tinubu administration to stabilise the economy. He noted that “The broad range of investor appetite to invest in our Eurobonds is encouraging as we continue to diversify our funding sources and deepen our engagement with the international capital markets.”

    Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Olayemi Cardoso said that the outcome “underscores the growing confidence of investors and the resilience of the Nigeria credit, and evidence of our improved liquidity position and continued access to international markets to support the financing needs of the government.”

    Considering that the economy is undergoing a reset of sorts, the success of the Eurobond offer is a positive signal. More than a mere sign that the global investment community is actually paying attention to what is happening in the Nigerian economy, the nation’s foreign reserves, which have undergone a dramatic turnaround in recent months, will certainly be impacted directly. And this is not forgetting the overall goal, which is to enable the government to fast-track the process of bringing those infrastructural deliverables sorely needed to catalyse the economy to fruition. The point about governments needing to borrow to pay for infrastructure to address growth and poverty goals in the long term cannot be overstated.

    However, despite the positive signals, the situation, to put it mildly, is fraught with inherent risks. One of them is the cost of the issue itself. For instance, some have raised issues with the price of the 6.5-year issue at 9.625 percent, and the 10-year variant priced at 10.375 percent.

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     Second is ensuring proper utilisation of the proceeds, given that the performances of some African countries have not been stellar in this regard. A frequently cited example is the Kenyan government, which in June 2014 raised US $2.21bn to fund different infrastructural projects only for $750m of the proceeds to be used to pay civil servants and also run day- to-day activities of various ministries, while another $600m was used to pay a syndicated loan. Another story is Zambia whose government used money raised from a Eurobond on a range of activities that could not generate income and help in repaying the loans. And then Ghana, the first country in Sub-Saharan Africa to issue a Eurobond; it used the money to increase salaries for its civil servants in the hope that it would raise enough revenue from cocoa, gold and oil exports to repay the debt.

    At this time when Nigeria’s rising debt stock has attracted greater scrutiny, the Nigerian government owes the citizens the duty of ensuring that the proceeds of the bonds not only deliver real value to the economy but that its management is as transparent as can be.