Category: Editorial

  • Pressing issue that Buhari must tackle

    Pressing issue that Buhari must tackle

    SIR: Let me use the opportunity to congratulate the president-elect on his recent victory at the poll. His tenacity and perseverance has indeed paid off; his victory it is hoped, will indeed offer Nigerians the opportunity to enjoy his robust programmes, which he has over the years sought to implement if given the opportunity to govern the country. That opportunity has finally presented itself.

    Power, plays a fundamental role in the life of every nation. Due to its importance, countries of the world invest heavily in the sector. According to a 2012 report, countries like Uruguay, Mauritius, Costa Rica and South Africa, were the largest investors in renewable energy. South Africa generates close to 40,000 MW, 98% of which is from coal.  In Mauritius, a workable plan between the government have seen the Island enjoying stable electricity. In 2013, 2,575 MW was generated, representing an increase of 3.2% when compared with the year 2012. The country’s electricity consumption for that period was less than 1000 MW. Eighty percent of the electricity in Mauritius is generated from thermal plants, while the remaining 20% is from hydro-power. The government has a 15-year plan, which hopes to see power generation increase steadily. In Uruguay, power generation has increased from 2500 MW to 2900 MW, between 2009 and 2013. Sixty-three percent of the generated electricity is

    derived from hydro-power. These are countries that have invested greatly in the power sector, and they have been reaping the benefits that come with stable electricity.

    In Nigeria however, the opposite is the case. Electricity generation is at a disappointing level. Despite the huge investment in the sector, darkness remains prevalent in the country. Corruption has destroyed the power sector; the high level of corruption in the power sector, makes a ridicule of the huge investments in the sector.  For instance, according to a 2013 report, the government of Nigeria has invested $31.45 billion, from 1999 to 2013, and all that was generated within that 14-year period is just 2500 MW; thus taking the total electricity generation in Nigeria to around 4500 MW. This is a far cry when compared with the output by other countries within the same 14 year period. Brazil invested $58 billion in its power sector between 1994 and 2008, while its power generation is about 100,000 MW! With the amount invested in the sector thus far, Nigeria and Nigerians deserve more in terms of power generation.

    The incoming government therefore, has a job to do; and it must start with the power sector. That it must provide stable electricity for Nigerians is non-negotiable.  It must show us that it is different and must get things right. One expects a complete overhaul of the entire sector, and putting mechanisms in place in order to get the desired results. A situation where billions of naira is invested with little result to show for it must stop. The privatization of the sector has yielded little or no result. Nigerians are paying more for electricity they hardly use or consume. This must change!

    There should also be a diversification of the means of power generation. The countries mentioned above do not have oil. Yet, they have been able to provide a steady power for their people. It is therefore shameful that despite the huge deposit of resources in Nigeria, the country is still lagging behind in terms of electricity generation.

    • Frank Ijege

      frankijege@yahoo.com

  • Pot calling the kettle black

    Pot calling the kettle black

    •Ondo deputy governor’s impeachment is a conclave of defectors ganging up to remove another, in wilful contempt of the Constitution

    The impeachment of the Ondo Deputy Governor, Alhaji Alli Olanusi, from office by the state House of Assembly, is another indication that impunity and disregard for the due process still reign in different parts of the country. It is unfortunate that those elected to make laws for order and good governance could be so contemptuous of the spirit and letters of the constitution they swore to uphold at all times.

    Section 188 clearly spells out the procedure to be adopted in impeaching and removing a President, Vice President, Governor or Deputy Governor from office. It is deliberately made stiff to ensure that pettiness does not override the general interest.

    Our concern here is not as much about Alhaji Olanusi, his defection to the All Progressives Congress (APC), which seems to have motivated his removal and the power play in the state. We are rather at a loss over the haste with which the process was handled and the violence done to the underlying principles behind the impeachment procedure outlined in the supreme law of the country. Indeed, we are particularly concerned about whether the law makers who impeached Alhaji Olanusi themselves have the locus standi to do so, given the Supreme Court judgment that said a law maker can only defect if the political party that he belongs to is in crisis at the national level. 

    What are the facts? Alhaji Olanusi was a member of the PDP, indeed the state chairman of the party, during the reign of the late Dr. Olusegun Agagu. When Dr. Olusegun Mimiko who had defected from the Ade Adefarati administration that he served as health commissioner in 2003, it was Olanusi, who received him into the PDP. Mimiko thereafter served as Secretary to the State Government under Dr. Agagu, before moving to the centre to join the Obasanjo administration.

    Again, he chose to quit the PDP just before the 2007 election when, as was the case in the AD, he could not secure the governorship ticket. He joined the Labour Party with a horde of PDP leaders who were equally disaffected with Governor Agagu. Alhaji Olanusi was one of those who shifted base with Mimiko. He was Dr. Mimiko’s running mate in that election and they won. The governor did not find fulfilment in the Labour Party and, again, decided to relocate to the PDP. Olanusi joined him.

    But, the music changed on March 26 when the deputy governor felt he had had enough of the PDP and switched camp to the APC. And that was the beginning of trouble for the removed deputy governor. No sooner did the governor consolidate his hold on the House of Assembly after the state elections of April 11 than he chose to effect a change of his deputy.

    It is bad enough that pettiness is the cause of impeachments in the country, but it is worse that we have seen state after state how systems, processes and mechanisms are subverted for cheap personal gains at the expense of the governed. The impeachment notice was moved and passed, allegedly served; motion to set up panel moved and passed, the Chief Judge mandated to constitute the seven-member panel to investigate the seven grounds of impeachment, report submitted and removal effected — all within two weeks.

    In the undue haste, the fundamental principle of fair hearing was disregarded as Alhaji Olanusi had to travel for medical check-up. Until he left the country, he denied being duly served the impeachment notice. The panel had up to three months to investigate the grounds of impeachment but chose to do so in days even without hearing for the accused. It submitted its report to the Speaker on Monday and the motion for removal was passed same day, a new deputy governor nominated, screened and sworn in same day.

    It is interesting that this drama was playing out in Ondo State where a House of Representatives member had just lost his seat by the decision of the Supreme Court over defection without compliance with the constitution. Dr. Mimiko who masterminded the impeachment is a serial defector, the majority of the PDP members who acted the play joined Labour Party only last year and Labour was absolutely in no crisis then.  It was rather Mimiko’s sole decision to shift political allegiance – a case of an individual collapsing a party into another!  Where then is the moral right for the indignation at Olanusi’s act?

    It is also worrisome that an Akure High Court ruling last week that the status quo ante be maintained, until the disposal of a case filed to forestall the removal, was disregarded by those who should be protecting the sanctity of state institutions.

    Alhaji Olanusi should approach the courts for nullification of the apparently vexatious act of the lawmakers. All lovers of democracy have a duty to insist that the due process be followed always. And that officials of state act in good faith.

    ‘Mimiko who master-minded the impeachment is a serial defector, the majority of the PDP members who acted the play joined Labour Party only last year and Labour was absolutely in no crisis then’

     

  • Expensive polls

    Expensive polls

    •The spigot of insane spending marred, rather than made, Election 2015

    We are appalled by the stupendous amount of money that was spent on the 2015 general elections which has made many people say it was the costliest in Nigeria’s political history. Perhaps Professor Wole Soyinka, the nation’s foremost literary icon and Nobel laureate, in his expression of utmost disgust aptly captures the election campaign spending to wit: “Most expensive, most prodigal, wasteful, senseless, I mean really insensitive in terms of what people live on in this country. This was the real naira-dollar extravaganza, spent on just subverting, shall we say, the natural choices of people. Just money instead of argument, instead of position statements.”

     A graphic picture of the grisly election campaign spending shows, through a recent report, that President Goodluck Jonathan disbursed for the presidential election alone N2trillion. This awesome amount, he reportedly shared out to his campaign coordinators, ministers, special advisers, close aides, friends, support groups and traditional rulers for onward transmission to voters. At this critical point of financial crunch in the land, some powerful ministers and special advisers purportedly got scandalous amounts each to prosecute the campaign in their states. The men of God were not spared of this spending jamboree as some of them were reportedly bribed to canvass for votes for the president. Although President Jonathan has debunked the claim that he spent N2trn on the elections, he did not tell us how much specifically went into the project.

    Of course, the abhorrent campaign spending could not be limited to the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP); other political parties must have spent quite a lot of money on the elections. It is just that the scandalous spending was more rampant and daring in the PDP; perhaps because it had the largest stakes in the polls. The president and his friends launched an odious campaign funds event where N21.27billion was raised contrary to provision of the constitution. The 1999 Constitution in Section 221 provides: “No association, other than a political party, shall canvass for votes for any candidate at any election or contribute to the funds of any political party or to the election expenses of any candidate at an election.”

     What could be gleaned from the way and manner money was spent during the last election is lack of respect by the political parties for the rule of law. For example, the amended Electoral Act, 2010 under Section 91 provides for maximum election expenses to be incurred by a candidate in a presidential election which must not exceed N1 billion. For governorship election, the ceiling is N200 million; Senate and the House of Representatives’ polls expenses are pegged at N40 million and N20 million, respectively. No individual donation, according to the law, should exceed N1 million.

    The need for adherence to the law on campaign funds limit could only be meaningful if only the political parties embrace a less mercantilist approach towards elections. The current trend shows that from the stage of expression of interest to final nomination, till the last day of election, a lot of money is involved. This has to stop; otherwise, candidates would continue to see electioneering as a business venture, which is detrimental to transparency and good governance. The truth; costly electioneering would not do the nation any good and this must be addressed in future elections!

    And, it is not as if there are no sanctions for campaign fund breaches, the problem, sadly, is that they are never enforced. For a presidential campaign limit breach, the law stipulates 12-month jail term or N1billion in fines, or both. For governorship campaign breaches – N800 million or nine months in jail, or both. Yet, candidates of political parties still spend campaign money exceeding these limits. To worsen the situation, the system has not held anyone accountable for such glaring legal infractions. This, indeed, is the crux of the matter.

    ‘Wole Soyinka: Most expensive, most prodigal, wasteful, senseless, I mean really insensitive in terms of what people live on in this country’

  • Money to waste

    Money to waste

    •Nigeria is spending far too much on overseas scholarships

    The allegation that the Federal Government is spending some N100 billion a year on foreign scholarships must compel a comprehensive reformulation of the ways in which Nigeria finances its education system. The accusation was made by Mr. Ahmed Adamu, chairperson of the Commonwealth Youth Council (CYC), as part of his appeal to the President-elect, Major-General Muhammadu Buhari (rtd), to scrap it.

    There can be little doubt that Nigeria spends a huge amount of money on the education of its students in overseas universities. About N27 billion has been spent on foreign scholarship awards by the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND). In 2011, N8.4 billion was spent on the school fees of the offspring of Nigerian diplomats. An estimated N160 billion is spent on the education of Nigerians in Ghana annually. Exam Ethics International, a non-governmental organisation, puts the total spending on the education of Nigerians abroad at a staggering N1.5 trillion. Given the fact that the country plans to spend N400 billion on education in the 2015 budget, it is obvious that the funds spent outside the nation’s shores are grossly disproportionate to local capacity.

    Overseas scholarships can be beneficial when they are properly used. During Nigeria’s early years as an independent nation, hundreds of students were sent abroad as part of an ultimately successful effort to expand and develop the fledgling country’s human resources. The rational then was that there were only a few local tertiary institutions available for students to utilise within the country.

    Currently, however, Nigeria is endowed with over one hundred universities and about as many polytechnics and other tertiary institutions. The excuse of inadequate local capacity is therefore less defensible. The fact that the country is spending such a huge amount on overseas education is an obvious indication that there is a viable market for educational services if only determined attempts are made to fully tap into it.

    Instead of committing billions to overseas education, it is time to develop strategies whereby more of that money is spent at home. Government itself must take the lead in this respect by ensuring that a greater proportion of the huge sums it spends on foreign scholarships are transferred to indigenous tertiary institutions. This can be done using a variety of means: by insisting that more of its scholarships be tenable in Nigeria, rather than abroad; by awarding grants aimed at enabling local universities to expand their postgraduate education; by working with international donor agencies to develop scholarship programmes with overt Nigerian content.

    However, it must also be understood that such strategies will not work if local tertiary institutions continue to perform below international standards; indeed, this is the reason why so much money goes overseas in the first place. Tertiary education operates within a global context, and it cannot be arbitrarily adjusted to local whims and caprices. Inadequate infrastructure, ill-paid and poorly-motivated staff, incessant strikes and other disruptions to the educational calendar will only continue to degrade and diminish the tertiary education system, thereby driving ambitious students and their parents abroad, at great cost to themselves and to the nation.

    If Nigeria’s tertiary institutions want to start attracting more of the educational funds that go abroad, they will have to undertake a comprehensive change in attitude. Many foreign universities aggressively market themselves in Nigeria. Why is it that so few of their local counterparts think it necessary to do the same? Nor do local tertiary institutions feel the need to attract and retain the best university teachers and administrators, as is habitually done in countries like the United States. When local schools begin to see themselves as potential players on the global education stage, they will be able to start taking advantage of the educational bonanza at their doorstep. 

    ‘Instead of committing billions to overseas education, it is time to develop strategies whereby more of that money is spent at home. Government itself must take the lead in this respect by ensuring that a greater proportion of the huge sums it spends on foreign scholarships are transferred to indigenous tertiary institutions’

     

  • The Ondo epidemic

    The Ondo epidemic

    •Citizen caution is advised while scientists probe the root

    The report of unknown epidemic which hit Ondo and killed 12 people has attracted as much of public attention as it has created fears in the minds of inhabitants of Ode-Irele, a serene community in Irele Local Government Area of Ondo State. Curiously enough, the state commissioner for health, Dr. Dayo Adeyanju, who reported the epidemic to journalists, did not know the cause, neither could he say when nor how the disease was first noticed in the community. But he knew that four persons with fresh symptoms of the disease had been isolated at the General Hospital, Ode-Irele.

    All that is known about this disease are its symptoms. According to Adeyanju, preliminary reports showed that all the victims who died of the disease “complained of headaches and later lost their sight before dying”. The commissioner explained that the symptoms of the epidemic were unlike those of Ebola Virus Disease which are diarrhoea, vomiting and haemorrhage. It is all well and good that the commissioner has assured that everything possible would be done to prevent the disease from spreading and that the state government had already sought the aid of the World Health Organisation (WHO) and other partners, including the Federal Ministry of Health.

    On his part, however, the Chief Executive Officer of Ebola Alert, Professor Bakare Lawal, said that examples obtained from the victims were being analysed “to enable experts to determine whether the disease was bacterial or viral infections”. But an online search vide the healthline.com revealed that the symptoms of this “unknown” disease “mimic those of temporal arteritis”. The portal has advised that, “although the exact cause of the condition is unknown, there may be a link with the body’s auto-immune response. In addition, “excessive dose of antibiotics and certain severe infections have been linked to temporal arteries which supply blood to the head and brain, become inflated or damaged. It is also known as cranial arteritis or giant cell arteritis”. The portal advises that although the exact cause condition is unknown, there may be a link with the body’s auto-immune response.

    All these notwithstanding, the speculation tracing the epidemic to consumption of illicit gin brewed locally in the community has been widely spread. We therefore support the warning to people not to patronise the illicit gin, also known as ogogoro, suspected to be the culprit, at least for now, although this seems a remote possibility given that the local gin has been consumed for ages without such epidemic. Whilst not necessarily supporting the consumption of the local gin, we must look beyond it for the cause of the epidemic.

    It is a pity, even if it is not surprising, that the epidemic had killed 12 people, as we live in a country where all kinds of drinks like the one called sobo and its like pass for soft drinks, and are readily consumed without verification from authentic quarters, like the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control (NAFDAC), as to their safety for human consumption. What this tells us is that people should be mindful of what they drink.

    The Ondo State Government should investigate the matter to find out the source or sources of the production of illicit gins and also see to it that other things sold as drinkables, like ‘pure water’, should be made to pass NAFDAC test. Should handling of the epidemic be beyond the scope of the state government, it should follow up its calls on the relevant Federal Government and WHO to jointly look into the matter with a view to finding a lasting solution to it. The Federal Government particularly should show interest in the Ondo epidemic before it spreads to other states of the federation. A stitch in time saves nine.  

    ‘Should handling of the epidemic be beyond the scope of the state government, it should follow up its calls on the relevant Federal Government and WHO to jointly look into the matter with a view to finding a lasting solution to it’

     

  • Lagos IGR

    Lagos IGR

    •Other state governments have a lot to learn from the state paradigm 

    WITH most states in the federation struggling to meet their recurrent bills courtesy of the shrunk federal distributive pool, the story of how Lagos State managed to turn the tide of its Internally Generated Revenue (IGR), aside re-affirming the historic primacy of taxation in the development matrix, has merely driven further home the point about its place as foundation pillar of public finance. It  deserves the attention of any serious government.

    Only last week, Tunde Fowler, chairman, Lagos State Internal Revenue Service (LIRS), announced that the state’s average monthly IGR increased from N20 billion in 2013 to N23 billion last year. While disclosing that the number of voluntary taxpayers also increased from 3.8million in 2013 to 4.5million last year, his insights are particularly instructive: “In 2013, we had approximately N236 billion while in 2014 it was N276 billion…we went from an average of N20 billion in 2013 to an average of N23 billion. And that was one of the things that have kept the state working.”

    Obviously, the Lagos example has gone beyond merely being a model of how tax revenue should drive development; in a more specific sense, the development is a stinging rebuke to the warped fiscalism under which states converge monthly in Abuja for their share of oil revenue – a reminder of how far the states are from weaning themselves off dependency on the federal pie.

    At this time, it seems easy to forget that prior to 1999, the entire machinery of tax collection in the state could barely rake in N600 million a month. Perhaps, fewer would even recall that the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration took off with this lowly figure to a whopping N10 billion – a feat at the time.  To celebrate the quantum leap from that N10 billion to the current average of N23 billion – all within a space of eight years – is merely to acknowledge the efforts of the successive administrations in this regard.

    Agreed, a lot could be said about how the state has been helped in part by its huge population, the number of industries and finance and commercial houses all of which represent a huge tax base. But then, the same tax base more or less existed pre-1999. The main difference was that the state was blessed with a leadership that not only saw the need to re-engineer the state’s finances, but actually took concrete steps to harness its tax revenue as part of an overall strategy to wean itself off reliance on the federation account.

    Beyond investing in technology and human capital, we saw successive administrations in Lagos go the extra mile to educate the citizens on their tax obligations, with emphasis on voluntary compliance, while imposing stiff penalties whenever it became necessary. Those initial but critical steps are what have since translated into the results that we see today – and which we commend to other states.

    We are sad to note that with perhaps few exceptions, most states in the federation have done little else than whine about the dip in their finances attendant to the slump in global oil prices. If there was ever a time the state authorities needed to put on their thinking caps, the time would be now. While it is admitted that tax bases would differ across state boundaries, it is also a known fact that a number of the states,  perhaps hung on the forlorn hope that oil prices would somehow rebound, have not even started on the idea of looking at the possibilities.

    Such attitudes, which are at the heart of the current crisis, must give way to one in which citizens see themselves as active partners in the development process through the performance of their tax obligations.

  • Defections

    Defections

    Supreme Court’s decision on legislator is laudable, but …

    AT last, the highest court in the land has spoken on the spate of shameless defections by elected officials in the country. It has become a feature of politicking in the land that, any official, elected or appointed, who fails to have his way on the platform of one party swiftly moves to another without consideration for the ideological or manifesto differences between the parties. Thus far, it has applied to both legislators and executive office holders.

    The Supreme Court, in a unanimous judgment, held that a lawmaker, Ifedayo Abegunde, representing Akure South/North Federal Constituency of Ondo State acted illegally by abandoning the party that sponsored his election. It said there was no division in his political party Labour Party (LP) as at the time Abegunde defected to the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). The court stressed that the “division” or “factionalisation” of LP, which was cited by Abegunde as his excuse for abandoning the party, was only at the state level and that only a division that made it “impossible or impracticable” for the party to function by virtue of the proviso in section 68(1)(g) of the constitution, “justifies a person’s defection to another party”.

    According to the court, “The principles enunciated by this court in the two cases – FEDECOý v Goni supra and Attorney General of the Federation v Abubakar supra – is to the effect that only such factionalisation, fragmentation, splintering or ‘division’ that makes it impossible or impracticable for a particular party to function as such will, by virtue of the proviso to section 68(1)(g), justify a person’s defection to another party and the retention of his seat for the unexpired term in the house in spite of the defection. Otherwise, as rightly held by the courts below, the defector automatically loses his seat.”

    The court’s verdict would henceforth act as a check on politicians and their quest to win at all times. Abegunde had been elected in 2011 on the platform of LP, but chose to follow his governor and leader to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) when Governor Olusegun Mimiko got tired of the fringe party and sought to work on his political future.

    The apex court has, by that judgment, however, introduced contradiction and double standard in the interpretation of the law. Of particular note is the judgment on the suit filed by former Vice-President  Atiku Abubakar who fought a move to automatically forfeit his post when he moved from the PDP to the Action Congress (AC) where he eventually became the presidential flag bearer in 2007.

    This apparent contradiction has to be resolved and the gap bridged. It is not enough to say a legislator should automatically lose his seat when he leaves the sponsoring party, while a governor who controls the resources of a state could continue in office.

    If the contradiction stems from the constitution, we call on the in-coming administration and National Assembly to effect the necessary changes with a view to deepening democracy in the land. All the legal booby traps inherited from the military should be expunged and mandates must be treated as sacrosanct as they represent the sovereign will of the people. Other laws and legislative rules on the performance rate of lawmakers, etc. must be regulated and standardised towards ensuring that the people are not short-changed.

    Fifty-five years after independence and 16 into the Fourth Republic, we ought to have settled some of the minor issues that have constituted clogs in the wheel of progress. Nigerians should see the change of regime from one party to the other as a call to service and seek the country’s good. From the spate of defections even after the last general elections, it was evident the lessons have not been sufficiently learnt.

  • Jigawa: The humbling of a ‘Field Marshal’

    Jigawa: The humbling of a ‘Field Marshal’

    SIR: At the height of the rebellion waged by the G-7 Governors under the aegis of the nPDP, Governor Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso in his characteristic, witty political oratory described Jigawa State Governor Sule Lamido as the equivalent of a political Field Marshal. Kwankwaso contended that with ‘Field Marshal Sule Lamido and other political Generals’ in the nPDP, the days of the mainstream PDP were numbered. And, so it prophetically come to pass on March 28 and April 11. But it did so without or rather in spite of the venerable Field Marshal, Gov Sule Lamido!

    The Field Marshal, It could be recalled, along with a ‘General’ called Babangida Aliyu made a volte face by retracing his steps back to the main PDP. And, he fought the war on that side firing deadly salvos at his old comrades in the nPDP and especially personally targeting their ‘chief commandant’ General Muhammadu Buhari. But, all along, the Field Marshal appeared to be solely propelled by and confident in winning the war on the basis of his side’s ‘superior weapons’ or ‘war chest’ as it has usually been the case, ignoring all other endogenous and exogenous variables determining victory on the electoral battlefield.

    As ‘warring’ parties went to the first round of the war led by commandants of both camps on March 28, ‘Field Marshal’ Sule Lamido literally lost his two legs and an arm in the battle. All three PDP senators he handpicked in Jigawa fell flat on their faces before the painstaking forces of APC led by Gen Buhari. The General carried the day in Jigawa by inflicting a death toll of 885,988 people against 142,904 fatalities on his side.

    On April 11, when the ‘war’ entered its second stage, the Field Marshal still managed to coordinate and command the war but again to no avail and with disastrous outcome! He lost his remaining lone arm and suffered heavy fatalities inflicted by the rampaging APC forces who sacked all that they came across with the exception of only four House of Assembly members. The Field Marshal and his platoon got the walloping of their lives on that day! How the Field Marshal and his forces have fallen with such a bang, my God!?

    The Field Marshal might have reasoned that having performed excellently in Jigawa for the last eight years, he could safely run with the hare and hunt with the hound. In this case, he must have completely ruled out any negative boomeranging effect his gamble with the unpopular PDP presidential candidate will have on his grip on Jigawa politics; after all, he might have been totally sure or assured that the least grateful the people of Jigawa could be was to pay him back by at least voting his anointed gubernatorial candidate. Thus, heads or tails, Field Marshal must have concluded that he is ultimately going to be a winner since the least he could be left with is the power to anoint his successor which he took for granted! Bus alas, the Field Marshal mis-calculated by under-estimating the people’s fury with the government’s incompetent at taming a murderous group waging the most heartless and barbaric terror campaign! He must have underrated people’s natural human instincts and propensity to value, to cling onto and to prefer the law/prospect of self-preservation first to any other material considerations such as development projects like an airport, roads and culverts or a university. People need first to be alive to ply the roads, board planes and go to the universities to study! Isn’t it as simple as that?

     

    • Ibrahim Muhammed Sani Hadejia,

    NOUN Gusau Study Centre, Zamfara State

     

  • Law supports impunity

    Law supports impunity

    That is the long and short of the INEC stand on the Rivers governorship and state legislature polls, despite observers’ verdict that both were charades  

    Legality aids travesty to trump electoral sanity. That is a fair summary of the April 11 electoral debacle in Rivers State.

    Yet, in spite of all we know, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), cites the law to say the elections were sane; or, in any case, it is legally taboo to pronounce them otherwise, without a court’s say-so.

    On Rivers, Prof. Attahiru Jega, the INEC chair, declared: “There is no evidence the elections in Rivers were flawed. Although allegations have been made, there is no evidence to prove those allegations.”

    Kayode Idowu, chief press secretary to the INEC chairman, also weighed in: “The law does not allow us to cancel any result, after it has been announced. Everyone knows this. It is only the election petition tribunals that can order that or even cancel the elections. We would advise anyone who is aggrieved to go to court.”

    And if the courts somewhat rubber-stamp an electoral heist? Too bad for the victims!

    Or more correctly: too bad for the democratic system — for the more electoral crimes that escape sanction, the more weakened the system is, the less potent Nigeria’s democracy becomes.

    The logical result of that would be underdevelopment and poverty. Now, if the best democracy could produce is structured underdevelopment, then there is fire in the roof!

    Still, our grouse is less the legalistic position the Jega INEC has taken. As far as the extant law goes, they are fully covered. In any case, it is trite to tell aggrieved parties to seek redress at the tribunals.

    It is rather, the crass institutional insensitivity that comes from the INEC stand. It suggests that no matter how bad electoral brigandage was, the moment it is beatified by the resident electoral commissioner (REC), it becomes as immaculate as snow! That is the legalistic folly, with all due respect to the immaculate INEC chair, in the Jega declaration on the Rivers polls.

    Almost to the last group, all the electoral monitors, foreign and local, returned damning reports on Rivers, with Akwa Ibom. An integral part of these unenviable reports was the alleged compromise of the RECs in these two states. To think the reports of these same RECs would be final in the INEC court of artificial legality, just underscores the ludicrousness of the present Electoral Law; and calls for its fast re-tinkering.

    The European Union Election Observer Mission (EOM), Independent Election Monitoring Group (IEMG), the Stakeholder Democratic Network (SDN), among others, were near-unanimous that the governorship and state assembly polls in Rivers (and even the presidential and National Assembly polls there on March 28) were grim travesties, that not only nailed, to the cross, the electoral system but also claimed innocent lives, aside from wanton arson.

    For starters, in INEC’s own preliminary report on the April 11 elections, it listed 66 reported cases of alleged violence and other electoral crimes, Rivers was top on the list, viz: Rivers (16 cases), Ondo (8), Akwa Ibom (5), Bayelsa (4), Lagos and Kaduna (3 each), Jigawa, Enugu, Ekiti and Osun (2 each), Katsina, Plateau, Kogi, Abia, Imo, Kano and Ogun (1 each).

    In its preliminary statement, released on April 13, EU EOM gave this verdict: “EU EOM did not find any evidence of systematic manipulation of results. However, the available presidential results from Rivers State include highly implausible data, such as zero rejected (invalid) ballots out of 25, 174 ballots cast in Omuma local government area (LGA), no difference between the number of accredited registrants and the number who actually voted in Emohua and Ogu/Bolo LGAs, and a 98% turnout in Emohua LGA. Such questionable data warrants further investigation, however following INEC’s dispatch of three National Commissioners to Rivers for some hours, the results were accepted by INEC and announced.”  This is suggestive of an INEC rushing to decision without carrying out a thorough investigation.

    If the EU EOM report appears restrained, even if still statistically damning, the IEMG interim report gave vent to the sheer horror that the elections were. Said a part of the report: “The mini-war situation in Rivers State, in the name of electoral process, is most troubling and must not be allowed to continue. This denied voters the expression of their will. What was observed in the state cannot be said in any reasonable manner to be a near-triumph to democracy, or an improvement on what this INEC has set out to do with the electoral process in Nigeria. It is rather a coup d’etat against the will of the voting public in the state.”

    The IEMG report also proceeded to name individuals who allegedly had subverted the electoral process. “Contrary to the guideline by the Inspector-General of Police that police officials should stay away from their political masters during the election, Dr. Tamuno Danagogo, Minister of Sports, was seen in his Abonnema, Akuku Toru LGA, in company with security agents, as he moved around the town.”

    And specific infractions and where: “INEC electoral materials in Akuku Toru Wards 15, 16 and 17 were hijacked at gun point. The attackers were led by two notorious cultists who were identified as Hope Dan Opusungi and kenneth Dan Opusungi. Having seized the materials, the armed men barred polling agents of other political parties from escorting the materials to the distribution centre.”

    Another report, by SDN, crawled with instances demonstrating the Rivers election as the “most extensively disrupted”, and showcasing the illicit and overbearing control of polling units, with electoral officials and even security agents in dread of alleged PDP armed thugs, ballot boxes and election materials snatched at gun point, the relative lack of confidence in the electoral system by the hard pressed All Progressives Congress (APC), manufactured votes for parties not on the ballot paper after reckless thumb-printing, the wilful shunning of card readers to aid election rigging, and a specific case in Obio Akpor LGA in Port Harcourt, “which did not see materials released from the ward centre till close to 2 pm yet still reported a 96% voter turnout”!  The caveat here though is that the delay was caused by protesting APC partisans over the non-availability of result sheets, who insisted no election would hold without that document.

    These then are damning allegations. Should a mere REC report blot out all these alleged crimes? That is the ludicrousness of the present INEC stand. Though it is constrained by law not to interfere, the law should adopt a more prevention-is-better-than-cure principle if only to prevent the needless waste of lives, by the perverse collusion of RECs and rogue security agencies, as it was the case with Rivers.

    It is unfair to push to the judiciary electoral cases that should have been averted, by everyone sticking to the law. The election institutions at every level must be immune to human manipulation, so that resort to judiciary is almost unnecessary. That is the direction the Electoral Law should go. For now however, the judiciary must rise to the challenge; and ensure every proven case of electoral criminality earns a harsh sanction. It is absolutely unacceptable that crass legalism should aid electoral travesty.

  • Abba’s unceremonious exit

    Abba’s unceremonious exit

    • His successor and others have lessons to learn from his experience

    For the immediate past Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Mr. Suleiman Abba, the concept ‘lame duck’ would continue to resonate for a long time to come. President Goodluck Jonathan proved to the IGP that it is not over until it is over by relieving him of his appointment on April 21, barely five weeks to the end of the Jonathan presidency on May 29. The statement announcing Abba’s retirement after more than 30 years in the police force was signed by Dr Reuben Abati, the president’s special adviser on media and publicity.

    It is unfortunate that Mr Abba’s service in the police force came to such an unceremonious end about four years to his retirement on March 22, 2019. But his abrupt exit from the police force should serve as admonition to his successor/s that the noblest way to serve the country is by being diligent and professional in their assignments. Mr Abba sure deserves what he got if only for the involvement of the police under him in partisan politics. Indeed, many people had expected he should be preparing to exit with President Jonathan as a result of this.

    At least three examples of his partisan policing will do. First, the Osun State governorship election of last year, in which the police and some other security forces illegally arrested about 700 members of the All Progressives Congress (APC), including some electoral officers suspected to be sympathetic to the party’s cause, as a way to intimidate them and take them out of circulation for the duration of the polls. Then the activities of the controversial Mr. Joseph Mbu, the Assistant Inspector-General of Police then in charge of Zone 7, who banned the #bringbackourgirls campaigners’ rallies. Mr Abba’s sin here was his inability to call Mr Mbu to order.

    Again, the role of Mr Abba himself in the persecution of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Aminu Tambuwal, following his defection from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the APC, last year. Abba said by the defection the speaker had lost his membership of the House since he was elected on the platform of the PDP. He withdrew Tambuwal’s security detail which was only restored after it became obvious that the APC looked set to win the presidential election.

    Having made himself available for biased causes for President Jonathan and the PDP so far, the president and his party would have expected that Mr Abba would not depart from that path till the end. But what did we have? As soon as it was becoming clear that Gen. Buhari was likely to win the presidential election, Mr Abba’s police force became ‘born again’ and began to relax his anti-APC posture, a thing he should have done ab initio as a professional police boss.  Although no reasons were given for Mr Abba’s sack, many people had speculated that it could not have been unconnected with this newfound favour towards the opposition.

    Mr. Abba, 56, had served the police in several capacities. He was an Assistant Inspector-General of Police in charge of Zone 7 since May 25, 2012, before he was promoted Acting IGP on August 1, 2014. He also served as aide de camp (ADC) to Mrs Maryam Abacha, wife of former military Head of State, General Sani Abacha. He was confirmed substantive IGP on November 4, 2014.

    All said however, whatever sections of our laws that allow the president to single-handedly sack people in certain positions, including the IGP, have to be revisited. Otherwise, we would continue to have a vicious cycle of premature retirements because even if President Jonathan had not sacked Mr Abba, the incoming government is not likely to retain him because of the unprofessional manner he did his job.

    Moreover, such officers over whom the president had the power of life and death would continue to see themselves as personal employees of the president.  And, as they say, “he who pays the piper dictates the tune”. Those laws are not in the country’s interest; they must be reviewed to make others, like the National Assembly, have input into such crucial decisions.