The Nation Newspaper

Category: Editorial

  • Lawlessness in Ekiti

    Lawlessness in Ekiti

    •Illegalities in the house of assembly are a frightening development that should not stand

    Once again, impunity, subversion of the democratic order and brazen illegality have become the order of the day in Ekiti State since the Ayodele Fayose administration was inaugurated. It seems the “one-trouble one-day” syndrome that prevailed during the governor’s first tenure is back again.

    The show of shame exhibited by a minority of the lawmakers on Monday is an indication that the way forward in the state may be paved with thorns. A few members of the House of Assembly were said to have met in cloudy circumstances to consider requests from the state executive. In order to ensure that the majority was locked out of the deliberation, scores of heavily armed riot policemen, complete with armoured vehicles were said to have been mobilised to get the job done.

    How many lawmakers sat? The opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) that controls majority of the seats put it at seven. This was corroborated by the Speaker, Adewale Omirin. The men who perpetrated the act said they were 10, while spokesman for the state governor, Mr. Idowu Adelusi, said they were nine.

    In all the accounts, the notorious fact is that a minority chose to impose its will on the majority and the state at large. Citing Order 27 of the House Rules, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lawmakers said they were empowered to elect a Speaker pro-tempore to preside over affairs in the absence of the Speaker. They also pointed out that a third forms the quorum to do legislative business. As such, they claim that the decisions taken were valid, legal and binding.

    But, Mr. Omirin said they chose to give the wrong interpretation to the constitution and the House Rules. One, it has been pointed out that while nine could, in extra-ordinary circumstances form a quorum, it needed the approval of the Speaker to sit. Two, if only seven sat as alleged, then they did not even form a quorum and it would make all decisions taken null and void. Three, the request to reconstitute the caretaker committees for the 16 local councils had earlier been rejected by the House sitting full-strength on the ground that it was sub-judice, a fact that has not been controverted by the recalcitrant lawmakers.

    It is not strange to democracy that different political parties control different arms of government. At the moment, the Republicans have taken control of the United States’ Congress. When former Governor Kayode Fayemi was installed in 2010, the assembly was controlled by the PDP, yet, the two arms found a way to work harmoniously. The buck stops at the desk of the Chief Executive who is also the Chief Security Officer to ensure that the business of government is transacted smoothly at all times.

    We call on Governor Fayose to retrace his steps and ensure that democracy is made to thrive in the state. A glimpse of what could be the hallmark of the administration emerged before its inauguration. A sitting court was sacked and the judge beaten by hoodlums supposedly with the then governor-elect around. The circumstances are now being investigated by the police and the National Judicial Council (NJC).

    So, the judiciary operates in an atmosphere of pervading fear, and now, the legislature has been subverted. The beneficiary, even if it is Pyrrhic victory, is the executive arm of government.

    On Monday, the minority PDP legislators approved three commissioners, the appointment of 12 special advisers and the reconstituted transition bodies for the local councils. The commissioners who were screened and approved within one hour have since been sworn-in and assigned portfolios. They are the attorney-general and commissioner for justice, as well as commissioners for finance and works.

    We are bothered about the possible clash of the two factions of the legislature, the untoward and partisan use to which the police is being put and the poor quality of governance this could foist on the state.

    We therefore call on Mr. Fayose and the PDP to rein in the importunate legislators in the interest of peace and good order.

  • Wrong charge

    Wrong charge

    •US’ explanation on arms sale to Nigeria makes sense

    In what appears a misdirected aggression, Nigeria’s Ambassador to the United States, Adebowale Adefuye, has accused the American government of refusing to sell to Nigeria the needed weapons to deal the death knell on Boko Haram. Adefuye told members of the Council on Foreign Relations last week Monday that: “The Nigerian leadership … are not satisfied with the scope, nature and content of the United States’ support for us in our struggle against terrorists.”

    He added: “We find it difficult to understand how and why in spite of the US presence in Nigeria with their sophisticated military technology, Boko Haram should be expanding and becoming more deadly.” An apparently disgruntled Adefuye even went philosophical: “A friend in need is a friend indeed. The true test of friendship is in the times of adversity”.

    Much as we can understand Adefuye’s frustrations over the Boko Haram insurgency, it is myopic to blame the American government for what is clearly a failure of the Nigerian government and its security agencies. Terrorism may be a matter for global concern, but it is the primary responsibility of the Nigerian government to ensure security of lives and property within its jurisdiction. Outsiders might only give a helping hand, a thing the U.S. government claimed it had been doing since the insurgents became more daring, abducting school girls and bombing schools at will. Ambassador Adefuye could wax as philosophical as he chooses to. But, he should not be talking as if the United States owes Nigeria an obligation to quell Boko Haram.

    Indeed, that the U.S. government has denied his allegation further lends credence to the fact that the Nigerian government was only shopping for excuses for its incompetence in fighting Boko Haram. According to the State Department spokesperson, Jen Psaki, the U.S. had in the past six months provided and approved sales of military equipment to Nigeria’s armed forces. She added that America had also shared intelligence with Nigeria, started training a new army battalion and had held numerous high-level discussions with the Federal Government on additional measures to best address the Boko Haram threat.

    According to her, the only area where the U.S. had refused to cooperate with Nigeria was in the transfer of Cobra helicopters to Nigeria. And this is due to “…concerns about Nigeria’s ability to use and maintain this type of helicopter in its effort against Boko Haram and ongoing concerns about the Nigerian military’s protection of civilians when conducting military operations.”

    As a matter of fact, this was an issue Ambassador Adefuye was economical with the truth on. Apparently, the ambassador has forgotten that the world is now a global village, hence his denial that there are human rights abuses in the country; a thing he dismissed off-handedly as “rumours, hear-says and exaggerated accounts” spread by Jonathan’s rivals and human rights groups with an agenda.

    Anyway, as the U.S. rightly observed, if Nigeria felt bad that it was not ready to sell to us the weapons that would give Boko Haram the “killer punch” that Adefuye talked about, what stops it from exploring other sources for its arms needs? Why the fixation with the U.S.?  Or, is America the sole producer of arms?

    What the Nigerian government forgets is that the mere fact that it is trampling on rule of law with impunity is enough to want to make people distrust it with too much sophisticated weapons. Which sane country would want to sell arms to a country where impunity reigns? America has a right to insist on selling arms to those who can manage it responsibly because of the wider implications of having such weapons in wrong hands. This is much more so in a country that deploys heavily armed soldiers and hooded security agents for elections. An online commentator sarcastically sums it up:  “Maybe they need the weapons to conduct a peaceful election”!

     

  • Military recruitment strategy

    Military recruitment strategy

    •We welcome the proposed idea but it is not enough to ensure efficiency 

    No nation can earn the respect of the civilised world with a rag-tag military that is incapable of protecting her territory against internal insurrection and external aggression. Nigeria is presently facing the dilemma of a weak military as depicted in the incompetence in the handling of the combat against the Boko Haram insurgents ravaging especially her north eastern part. The desire to win the respect of citizens and the global community has taken the government and the military topmost hierarchy to the drawing board.

    They came up with the reported decision to review strategy for recruitment into the Nigerian Armed Forces. According to reports, “The Federal Government is reviewing the strategy for recruitment into the three services of the Armed Forces. The situation where people are recruited into the services because they are jobless and their influential contacts want them to be given jobs would no longer work … There is a job to be done; this is about discipline, commitment and courage.”

    To us, the move is a welcome development even though it is belated. Any responsible action taken to remedy the glaring inadequacies among the personnel in the on-going fight against Boko Haram insurgents is acceptable. The situation is so bad that it would amount to an understatement to state that the military, in recent times, has caused serious humiliation to the land, especially on the global stage.

    The Nigerian military is in avoidable situation where notorious things are happening. We recollect such disreputable incidents as where disgruntled soldiers mutinied against their General Officer Commanding (GOC) in Maiduguri, Borno State. Also, soldiers and officers wantonly ‘stray’ into neighbouring countries on the battle field, causing the nation to lose important territories and battles to the Boko Haram terrorists. We cannot easily forget Boko Haram’s capturing of some towns, including Mubi, in Adamawa State (now recaptured by the military) and Chibok in Borno State, amongst other areas, which underscores the fact that the military needs urgent help from the establishment.

    The new official criteria of courage, fearlessness and discipline may be good but can they be enough to put the military back on the right track? Currently, the recruitment process into the military is highly politicised and genuine efforts must be made to change this. It is unfortunate that Nigerians join the military, not because of love for country or the institution but because of desperation to get an avenue to eke a living. The military has suddenly become the attraction for jobless Nigerians because of the debilitating unemployment situation in the country.

    In essence, the current crop of soldiers and military officers are largely driven, not by any patriotic fervour, but by compelling urge to get something to sustain their lives. Like other Nigerians, people go for jobs that are readily available since the ones they have affinity and competence for are not forthcoming. This challenge facing the military is further compounded by corruption which could constitute a serious problem to the proposed recruitment reforms. The military high command’s move for a probe of the numerous humiliating challenges facing the institution to compliment its new recruitment initiative is face-saving.

    We want the military to regain its lost glory by recruiting committed people into its fold and doing away with personnel that are not ready to fight wars. In addition, the soldiers must be provided the necessary sophisticated arms and ammunition to fight. The authorities should also look into their welfare to enhance their efficiency. Soldiers who are not committed to their duties cannot be entrusted with protecting the territorial sovereignty of the country. They constitute grave danger not only to themselves but the country at large.

  • Nigeria’s nightmare

    Nigeria’s nightmare

    •Human life has become the country’s cheapest commodity

    It is truly ironic that, at a time when Nigeria has been formally acknowledged as the most valuable economy in Africa, the worth of human life within it has become so cheap. Even the most patriotic of its citizens can recognise the growing indifference to increasing incidents of serious injury and mass loss of life.

    There are remote and immediate causes for this ongoing tragedy. Principal among them are the chaos and destruction of the civil war, the subsequent diffusion of small arms and the consequent rise in armed robbery and violent crime. There is also the problem of weak and ineffective institutions which make the resort to self-help more attractive. In addition, the rise of dictatorial military regimes and their authoritarian civilian counterparts have combined to ensure that Nigeria is a country in which the ends always justify the means, regardless of how violent those means may be.

    More recently, the cheapness of human life has been aggravated by the cruelty of the militant Islamic groups like Boko Haram whose putative campaign for an Islamic state has been characterised by cold-blooded acts of mass murder. Ever since its renewed campaign of terror began in May 2011, the country has witnessed assassinations, bombings, armed attacks and abductions on a regular basis. Places of worship, markets and bus stations have been bombed; civilians have been slaughtered; girls and young women have been abducted.

    Perhaps the most egregious demonstration of the reprehensible tactics of the insurgents is the deliberate targeting of male students as seen in Gujba, Mamudo, Buni-Yadi, and most recently, in Potiskum, where a suicide bomber detonated a backpack full of explosives at a school assembly. Fifty-two students died and 79 were injured. A despondent people and a terrified nation seem to passively await the next atrocity, only praying that it will not affect them directly.

    The situation is worsened by the lack of responsiveness of the Federal Government which seems to have restricted itself to the perfunctory issuance of statements of condemnation and sympathy. While those are necessary, it is obvious that they are inadequate, especially when government’s own actions blatantly contradict such pious sentiments.

    When over 200 girls were abducted in Chibok, Borno State, the Jonathan administration took two weeks to respond officially, even in the throes of global outrage. Government officials floated the kite that there had been no abductions at all. That was followed by the amazing request that all demands for the return of the girls be addressed to the terrorists who took them, rather than the administration. Then there was the First Lady’s infamous summoning and interrogation of officials in connection with the abductions. Till today, President Jonathan has refused to visit Chibok, and only had audience with the parents of the abducted girls at the behest of Malala Yousafzai, the Pakistani activist.

    In April, the president danced openly at a political rally in Kano, less than a day after nearly 100 Nigerians lost their lives in a car-bomb explosion in Nyanya on the outskirts of Abuja. Last week, he went ahead with his formal declaration to contest a second term just 24 hours after the devastation in Potiskum.

    As leader of the Nigerian state, President Jonathan must understand that he is more than a mere politician and should act accordingly. When a president engages in partisan politicking hours after terrorist attacks, when he continually gives excuses for failing to act, when he blames others for his own ineffectiveness, he conveys the message that his administration cannot care less about the most fundamental of its duties towards the citizenry – ensuring the security of their lives and property. Such attitudes only serve to ensure that human lives remain the country’s cheapest commodity.

  • Not well-thought-out

    •INEC’s suspension of action on additional polling units suggests defective structure

    As suddenly as it announced the decision to create additional polling units in all parts of the country, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has opted to suspend the decision. The commission, while not ruling out revisiting and giving effect to the matter, said the units would be warehoused until the next general elections would have been conducted.

    The very controversial creation of the units provoked national outcry. While some Nigerians were suspicious of the motive behind the decision, others kicked over alleged lopsidedness of the distribution of the units. The loudest protest came from the South East that got only about 1,167 units to the 1,200 allocated to the sparsely populated Federal Capital Territory (FCT). The North West was allocated almost 7,906 units while 8,414 were allotted to the three zones of the South.

    The North, including the FCT got 20,715 new polling units. The commission explained that it took the action to make units more manageable in the forthcoming elections; claiming also that apart from the number on roll, distance played a major factor in distributing the new units. But, disbelieving voters in the South have argued that the distribution was designed to favour a region and reinforced a supposedly false assumption that the North is more populous than the South, arguing that Nigeria is the only country where the savannah region is deemed more populous than the rain forest region.

    Beyond claiming that the creation of the units was purely based on scientific parameters, the electoral commission has failed to satisfactorily respond to the queries about the distribution. Officials responsible for interfacing with the public on INEC’s activities were sorry sights when put through grilling questions on that matter by journalists, thus suggesting that they were either as ignorant of the underlying rationale or as unconvinced as the general public.

    News filtering out of the commission and published by the media were not helpful either. There were reports that its internal decision-making mechanism had become defective, fractured along North-South lines. This is bad news for a country that has desperately looked forward to the conduct of credible general elections that meet up international standards.

    We call on the commission to quickly put its house in order if it is to engender the confidence of all Nigerians. The idea of announcing such a major decision and then reversing it based on public outcry is an indication that INEC lacked conviction and was not sufficiently rigorous in considering the pros and cons of the matter. The commission, headed by a professor of political science and comprising experienced public servants ought to have subjected the matter to extensive debate before the final decision was taken and announced.

    The commission and other sensitive public bodies also need to incorporate consultation with critical stakeholders into the processing of such national issues. Bowing to public pressure after running into a storm is the consequence of putting the cart before the horse. In a democracy, it is trite that the will of the people is supreme, and in electoral matters, the national interest should drown all others.

    How INEC would upturn the suspicion generated by the poorly handled exercise remains to be seen. The commission has a duty to assist in pulling down strongholds that have held down Nigeria over the years. It has a responsibility to help in dissolving age-long distrusts, rivalries and unhealthy competitions that have largely accounted for the disharmony in the country’s public life. In the run-up to the next general elections, the commission has a duty to allay fears that it has been ‘captured’ to pursue narrow rather than the general interest.

  • Mukhtar’s exit

    •She has tried her best; we can only hope her successor will continue from where she stopped

    Come November 20, Justice Aloma Mukhtar, the first female Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), would bow down, having meritoriously served for 28 months. She will be succeeded by Justice Mahmud Mohammed, whose name has been sent by the President to the Senate for confirmation. With just a few controversies, the departing CJN has had a distinguished career, particularly as the CJN. We recall particularly the zest with which she tackled the challenges of corruption in the judiciary, to the admiration of most Nigerians.

    Prior to her appointment, the image of the judiciary was very low, and it was made worse by some of her predecessors involved in corruption-related controversies. So, appearing before the Senate for her confirmation, the question of how to tackle corruption was uppermost in the minds of Nigerians. To their admiration, she said: “on the perception of the judiciary by the public, indeed as it is as at now, it is very bad and I am saddened by it. I will try as much as possible to ensure that the bad eggs that are there are flushed out”. Admirably, she did flush out many bad eggs, even though a few of the sacked judges are in court protesting their sack.

    During her reign, action was taken on 11 judges by the National Judicial Council (NJC), which she heads, either by outright sack or issuance of queries over their performance. The affected judges include Justice Charles Archibong of the Federal High Court and Justice Thomas Naron of the Plateau State High Court, who were recommended for compulsory retirement. Another was Justice Okechukwu Okeke of the Federal High Court, who was cautioned. On his part, Justice Mohammed Talba of the Federal Capital Territory High Court, Abuja, was suspended for 12 months for wrongly exercising his judicial discretion.

    Another judge of the Federal Capital Territory, Justice Lawan Hassan Gunmi, was found guilty of gross misconduct, even after he had resigned to avoid the hammer. The other judges also affected were Justices Gladys Olotu of the Federal High Court and Ufot Inyang of the Federal Capital Territory High Court, who were compulsorily retired for gross misconduct. The NJC also warned three other judges; they are Acting President Court of Appeal, Justice Dalhatu Adamu, Justice A. A. Adeleye of the Ekiti State High Court and Justice D. O Amaechina of the Anambra State High Court, for low productivity.

    Among the far-reaching disciplinary actions of the NJC against judges under the leadership of Justice Aloma Mukhtar, the most controversial appears to be the suspension of the former President of the Rivers State Customary Court of Appeal, Justice Peter Agumagu. The NJC suspended Justice Agumagu, following his controversial appointment as the Chief Judge of Rivers State by the governor, Rotimi Amaechi, despite the objections of the NJC. Justices Agumagu, Gunmi and Olotu are all in court to challenge the decisions of the NJC against them.

    The learned CJN who also presides over the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC) equally dismissed five Supreme Court workers and a Court of Appeal, Abuja Division worker, for their involvement in the leakage of a judgment in the case of Senator Alphonsus Uba Ugbeke vs Lady Margery Okadigbo and three others.

    Considering the many disciplinary actions taken by the departing CJN, we can say without equivocation that she substantially delivered on her major agenda. We also note that she has championed the computerisation of the Supreme Court. While wishing Justice Mukhtar a well deserved rest, we urge the incoming CJN to also adopt the cleansing of the judiciary as his major agenda. This is important because the judiciary is the last hope of the common man. It therefore must not be found wanton, particularly in a democratic system, if the system is to  endure.

  • Bring back our parliamentary system

    Sir: Parliamentary system of government is one in which a Prime Minister is the head of government and the President is the Head of State, but is usually ceremonial. The Prime Minister is chosen by party not directly by the people. In Britain for example, the Queen/King is the Head of State, while the Prime Minister is chosen by the party that wins the majority of the votes or through coalition.

    Until the January 1966 coup, Nigeria was practising parliamentary system of government. Nnamdi Azikwe was the president, while Tafawa Balewa was the first and only Prime Minister Nigeria ever had. It was the coup de tat by renegade Nigerian Military officers that jettisoned the effectual system that led us from Parliamentary to Presidential System.

    Unlike presidential, parliamentary system of government is less costly as the Prime Minister and other ministers are part-time workers. The government is answerable to the congress unlike in presidential (in Nigeria), where resolution of the National Assembly is useless. The parliamentary system is more suitable for multi-cultured countries like Nigeria, where regions can back a party based on their tribal and regional inclinations.

    Nigeria is a country where tribal, regional and partisan sentiments surpass nationalism and patriotism. A tribal chauvinist is more honoured than a nationalist. How can people of Southeast continue to love Ojukwu, who intended to divide Nigeria more than Gen T. Y Danjuma, Gowon and Buhari who fought for Nigeria’s unity? If Nigeria’s inclination is through tribal sentiments, then the parliamentary system is better for Nigeria.

    If the Parliamentary system will not be allowed to return, then why can’t Nigeria adopt the Swiss style of government? In Swiss style, the parliament will chose many people from the major tribes (in the case of Nigeria) or from regions; each person will govern the country for a year and then will step down and become a minister till all the chosen candidates do their single year term before they are replaced with other people. In Swiss style, the ultimate power rests with the National Assembly.

    Nigeria needs a better system of government. This federal style is not working; it only favours the looters and undermines the will of the people.

    The National Assembly should, through a referendum, bring back our parliamentary system or adopt the Swiss style. Either of the two will go a long way in solving the crisis of regional, tribal and sectarian struggles for leadership in Nigeria.

     

    • Comrade Abdulbaqi Aliyu Jari

    Usmanu Danfodiyo University,

    Sokoto State

    1total.wordpress.com

  • Jonathan’s declaration

    Jonathan’s declaration

    It is security, stupid!

    President Goodluck Jonathan, at his second term declaration of November 11, rolled out fantastic claims of achievement — and even more fantastic pledges on security and corruption, two grounds on which the Jonathan presidency is most threadbare, if not entirely barren.

    Electricity: The presidential score sheet clocks the completion of a 700 MW Zungeru Hydropower plant, even as it claims the 3,050 MW Mambila Hydropower plant is about taking off.  Among other lollies: 37 dams completed, 10 rehabilitated, “several others” being constructed.

    Water: 5,000 rural and semi-urban water schemes completed, shooting access to potable water to 67 per cent now, from 58 per cent in 2010.  Sanitation, according to the president in his declaration speech, is up 41 per cent today from 32 per cent in 2010.

    Rail: Hitherto dead, the railways have come to life. The narrow gauge from Lagos to Kano is reportedly revived and operational; swank air-conditioned coaches now available; rehabilitation of the Port Harcourt-Maiduguri, Port Harcourt-Gombe narrow gauge is on and due for completion in December.

    Besides, the Abuja-Kaduna standard gauge is on, which, the president said, would make it possible for workers to commute from Kaduna to Abuja daily and back. Besides, there is a golden promise of costal rail, traversing 10 states, from Lagos all the way to Calabar, via South East and South-South.

    Internal waterways: The president spoke of an already dredged lower River Niger, from Baro in Niger State to Warri in Delta State, triggering a boost in water transportation: 6.7 million passengers and 1.6 million tonnes of cargo in less than three years.

    Roads and bridges:  According to the president, only 5,000 km of the 35,000 km federal road network were motorable in 2010; but now, 25,000 is; and work is ongoing on the remaining 10,000, aside from new road initiatives nationwide. Also, a new bridge across River Benue, connecting Loko in Nasarawa State to Oweto in Benue State “has reached an advanced stage”. Work has also “commenced on the Second Niger Bridge.”

    Housing: The president announced a “revolution” in housing production, with the establishment of the Nigerian Mortgage and Refinanced Company (NMRC), targeted at low-income housing ownership, with the World Bank putting down the seed money of US $300 million in interest-free credit and the Federal Government matching the grant with a counterpart funding of N100 billion.

    Agriculture: The Jonathan Presidency has turned agriculture from a mere development activity to a thriving business, with private sector investment, across agricultural value chains worth US $5.6 billion; and 14 million farmers, of which two million are women, accessing fertiliser through their cell phones via e-wallet. That singular act, according to the president, had dealt corruption in agriculture, via fertiliser racketeering, a fatal blow.

    Impressive, isn’t it, for a government said to be clueless?

    Still, in which polity are all these goodies taking place? A territory that cannot guarantee its own integrity against Boko Haram? The more President Jonathan tried to play down the grave security question and the moral burden that crushed his shoulder even as he read his speech, the clearer it is that security is the issue.

    “It’s the economy, stupid!” US President Clinton quipped, on his way to unhorsing President George Bush, in Clinton’s successful run for first term.

    “It’s security, stupid!” — that should be the slogan, even as President Jonathan attempts a second term, after a clearly unimpressive first. Indeed, the rude breach of the integrity of the Nigerian territorial space is a clear and present danger that should sober everyone, beyond the zest and passion of partisan politics.

    In 2011, President Jonathan took over Nigeria whole, after the ceding of Bakassi to Cameroon.  Today however, with the Boko Haram insurrection, we risk losing chunks of Nigerian territorial space, and throwing law-abiding citizens into permanent anguish, particularly in the troubled North East states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe.

    The president stacked his cards by trying to underplay the grievous security situation, with his claims of achievements, against the general feeling that his presidency has been a harvest of failures.  On the president’s claims, the jury is out — the fidelity of the claimed success and the integrity of the pledges.

    But even the most uncritical of Jonathan’s friends is faced with the notorious fact that no previous president in Nigeria logs Jonathan’s parlous security records, not helped by the president’s serial and grave misjudgments, which give the unfortunate impression that the chief security officer of the Nigerian state often dances on the graves of innocent victims of his own presidential failures.

    In April, Boko Haram bombed and left burnt remains of minors at the Federal Government College, Buni-Yadi, in Yobe State. The next day, the president was dancing Azonto on the hustings in Kano, during a so-called Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) North West unity rally. Again, on the eve of his November 11 second term declaration, no less than 39 students of a Potiskum, Yobe school were slain by a suicide bomber, on their morning devotion assembly. But this heinous killing did not stop Nigeria’s compassionate president from, in Abuja, declaring for second term in fanfare.

    The closest to the president’s admission of the grave security situation was his passing mention of the Chibok girls kidnap — and the now hollow-ringing pledge to save the girls — and a minute silence for the memory of the Potiskum 39 (and still counting). Thereafter, people can bury their dead, so that politicking for 2015 can continue apace? How about that for presidential compassion!

    Yes, the president also talked of a Presidential Initiative for the North East (which mainly involves stimulating economic activities there and reducing poverty), a Victim Support Fund and a Safe School Initiative. All three may be worthwhile projects.

    But as usual, their birthing appears to have elicited no confidence from any quarters, outside the hustling and flattering crowd that staged the unfortunate Abuja event, even as the country is threatened with anomie, which precedes anarchy, which itself may precede disintegration.

    In saner climes, Jonathan’s parlous records across the board would earn him panic to cut his loss and flee. Rather, he is pressing his democratic right to re-contest — not a crime, to be sure. But run again to do what: replicate his harvest of failures, and cook fanciful statistics that make no sense to the supposed beneficiaries of the goodies, the people?

    If President Jonathan is really serious about his running again, he had better get a grip on the security situation. But, from all objective analyses, that appears beyond the capacity of the commander-in-chief. And if a president cannot execute the basic chores of statehood — guaranteeing security — why should anyone take his bid seriously?

    It is security, stupid!

  • Away from danger

    •Govt must fulfill its promises to the 2,400 students moved to Unity Schools from the north east

    As part of its response to the attacks on educational institutions in the north eastern part of the country, the Federal Government has moved 2,400 students from their various schools to Federal Unity Schools of their choice. The Students’ parents – 800 each from the three states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe that are currently under emergency rule as a result of the Boko Haram insurgency – have consented to the idea and had indeed signed that their wards be transferred to the Unity Schools in places they consider more secure.

    Unity Schools were established partly to bring Nigerians from all parts of the country together at tender ages and inculcate in them the importance of togetherness and unity. So, in a sense, the transfer of the students from the volatile region to these schools fulfills one of the criteria for the setting up of the schools. The snag however is that it was not a choice they willingly made; rather, it was imposed by circumstances beyond their control.

    At a glance therefore, the ‘forced’ transfer of the students signposts the failure of government in its core responsibility of guaranteeing the security of lives and property, which is the raison d’être of any government properly so-called.

    But it would appear the most pragmatic thing to do, given the realities on ground. Young boys and girls who crave western education, especially in a region where some misguided elements are now painting education as ‘sinful’ ought to be given the necessary encouragement and support that they need to realise their potential. Most of the foot soldiers of the Boko Haram insurgents were recruited largely from the army of illiterates that roam the streets of the region and other parts of the north. They have no hope of any better life today, even as their tomorrow appears forlorn. So, they are susceptible to being brainwashed and naturally get excited by any assignments that would fetch them some money, no matter how heinous such jobs may be.

    It is against this background that we commend the government for acceding to the requests of the parents who asked that their children be transferred to the Unity Schools, instead of keep assuring them, as usual, of their safety which it obviously cannot guarantee. We have lost too many of our innocent young ones to the senseless killings by Boko Haram and we need not gamble any longer with the lives of the country’s future leaders.

    However, having agreed to move the students to the Unity Schools, the government must honour its obligations to them and their parents as it promised. They should not be abandoned midway as is usual with many government initiatives.

    In this light, the government should realise that the Safe Schools Initiative, under which arrangement it has moved the students is funded not only locally, but also with assistance from outside the country. So, the ‘Nigerian factor’ should not come into play in its implementation. We cannot be doing things in a wrong way and expect others to come down to our own standards only to turn round to accuse them of not supporting us.  While we commend all those that are financing the initiative, we urge the Federal Government to implement it in a way that would make further assistance possible and not in a way to shut the door against such.

    It is equally important for the government to know that the remaining students who have opted to remain in their respective schools in the region deserve protection. We can begin to consider basic safety measures such as perimeter fencing, gates and electronic surveillance, starting with schools in the hottest trouble spots. If we fail to help the youths achieve their hearts’ desires today, they would be the ones to torment us tomorrow, exactly the same way Boko Haram insurgents are doing today.

  • HIV-challenged protesters

    •It is sad that we abandoned People Living With HIV/AIDS to their own devices

    It is bad enough that in Nigeria over 3.5 million individuals are reportedly members of the Network of People Living with HIV/AIDS (NEPWHAN). It is doubly terrible that in the country only 649,000 HIV-positive persons, out of 1.8 million who are in need of antiretroviral drugs, allegedly have access to the care.

    Against this disturbing backdrop, it was perhaps understandable, though equally worrying, that no fewer than 300 NEPWHAN protesters disrupted official activities at the Abuja headquarters of the National Agency for the Control of HIV/AIDS (NACA), in an expression of bitterness over alleged neglect of the group’s members. It is a sad reflection of the depth of the group’s grievances that its spokesman, Mr. Sumaila Garba, was quoted as saying that the protesters would ensure that the NACA office was not functional for 25 days.

    It is instructive to note that NEPWHAN National Secretary, Mr. Victor Omosahon, shed light on its confrontational approach. He said: “We are concerned about the miserable conditions of the people living with the virus in Nigeria, as well as the high number of people dying daily from AIDS-related complications due to the lack of access to antiretroviral drugs and the on-going withdrawal of funding support for HIV/AIDS to Nigeria by external funding partners.”

    Further unsettling is the group’s more specific accusation that NACA has failed in the implementation of the Presidential Comprehensive Response Plan (PCRP) introduced by President Goodluck Jonathan to tackle the treatment access problems, among others. This particular allegation is of scary significance, considering Jonathan’s intention announced at the launch of the initiative last year. He said: “This programme will help us bridge existing service gaps, address key financial, system and coordination challenges in current HIV/AIDS response systems.” It goes without saying that failure in this regard will have unimaginably negative consequences for the affected people, and those who are in charge must not allow a debacle.

    It should be said and stressed that, from the state of things, it would appear that the authorities are, consciously or not, creating an enabling environment for a disaster. Or how else should the insight, provided by the Director-General of NACA, Prof. John Idoko, be interpreted?   A defensive Idoko not only pointed out that the Federal Government’s programme “is starting now, after about 10 years of waiting”. He was quoted as saying: “But it is very far from where we should be. The fund for this today should be like N140bn, but only N8bn has been appropriated.”

    This represents a damning picture of the level of commitment of the powers that be when it comes to addressing public health issues, among which the HIV/AIDS burden ranks high. Nigeria has the second-largest number of people living with HIV, according to the 2012 CIA World Factbook, which is a gloomy piece of information indeed. Apart from this, approximately 170,000 people died from AIDS in 2007 alone, according to the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV and AIDS (UNAIDS).

    Almost three decades after HIV/AIDS was first reported in Nigeria, as the NEPWHAN demonstration has shown, the country is still a long way from overcoming what critical observers have identified as roadblocks, namely, “lack of sincerity, poor funds administration, unclear motives and lax attitude of government officials.” The ugly incident should be probed. Furthermore, it should be seen as an opportunity for the government to seriously review what President Jonathan himself described as “the framework for sustainable financing of health to meet the targeted objectives.”

    The reality of a large HIV-challenged population, which cannot be wished away, should reasonably galvanise the government into action. This constitutes a vulnerable ring and the importance of proper governmental attention to the welfare of those who are living with the virus must be considered non-negotiable.