The Nation Newspaper

Category: Editorial

  • Slap on democracy

    Slap on democracy

    •PDP’s sole adoption of President Goodluck Jonathan is a slap on the democratic process

    There is no doubt: every political party has a right to decide its mode of nomination for elected offices — and consensus is not necessarily undemocratic, since it presupposes the freewill of everyone involved to play it that way.

    But consensus is one thing.  Wilful blockage of others’ democratic access is another.  It is in this class of blockage of democratic access that the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP’s adoption of President Goodluck Jonathan, as sole candidate in the 2015 presidential election, falls.  That is why it is a slap on democracy.

    PDP party bosses, starting with the body of governors, then the Board of Trustees (BOT) and finally the National Executive Committee (NEC) on September 18, declared the president the PDP sole candidate, even if it has scheduled its presidential primary (now more of presidential candidate coronation) for December 6.  Not to be outdone too, David Mark, the Senate president, also announced the PDP national legislative caucus’s adoption of the president, pleading “continuity”.

    The main breach here is the doctrine of internal democracy.  If others were not allowed to test their popularity within the party, but were literally shouted down by a pleb of party bosses baying for the commander-in-chief, simply because he is president, what is the democracy in all of that?

    Yes, it could be argued that even advanced democracies, like the United States, often offer incumbent presidents a right of first denial, it is also fair to state that the circumstances are markedly different in Nigeria.

    To start with, the United States is a democracy of over 200 years, and its practices have evolved over the years.  Indeed, as late as the 1968 elections, incumbent President Lyndon Johnson faced such a fierce contest that he decided to opt out of the race, yielding the nomination to Vice President Hubert Humphrey, who eventually lost to Republican candidate, Richard Nixon.

    In contrast, Nigeria is a new democracy, only in the 15th year of its fourth attempt at democracy.  Given that its earlier attempts crashed, Nigeria needs every reason to imbibe best global practices to deepen its delicate democracy.  Browbeating presidential aspirants, out of their legitimate rights, is certainly not one of those.

    Even more grievous and condemnable is the sheer impunity of it all.  As at the time of the adoption, PDP had not really started the presidential nomination process, aside from the charade of the Jonathan Trojan horse, named the Transformation Ambassadors of Nigeria (TAN).  Electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), had not also given the green light for the primaries to start.  In essence then, what the PDP did was shut the door on legitimate democratic aspirations, even before the contest formally begins.  That is clear bad faith, executed in a most cavalier manner.  Nigerian democracy can only be the worse for it.

    But beyond the shameful conduct of a ruling party, which appears proudly and blissfully ignorant of the imperative to set good examples, there is something worrisome about the patent impunity in the Nigerian political psyche.  Lack of internal democracy is no PDP sole problem, though PDP has, more than any other party, tried a pretence at democratic practices, while really executing its penchant for imposition.  At Jonathan’s turn, unfortunately, the pretence is off.  Still, that does not make the opposition parties better, in their own claim to internal democracy.  But for Nigerian democracy to survive, all the players, ruling party and opposition, must swear themselves to good democratic conduct.

    Even then, it is imperative that opposition parties make the latest PDP gaffe as a departure point — from democratic turpitude to democratic rectitude.  Indeed, it is an ace these parties should latch on to, to make the PDP pay for its brazen anti-democratic conduct, if not outright outlawry, of staging illegal rallies and abusing the paraphernalia of state, just to arrive at a pre-determined partisan answer.

     

  • Dip in foreign investments

    Dip in foreign investments

    •To reverse the trend, govt must tackle insecurity and check political violence

    Nigeria’s economy may have remained among the top three investment destinations in Africa despite its numerous socio-political challenges. There are, however, increasing signs of political uncertainties and the spate of insecurity not only taking their toll but also impacting on the general economic outlook. Indeed, if the latest figures from the Nigeria Stock Exchange (NSE) are anything to go by, foreign investors may have begun to leave our shores even before the countdown to the 2015 elections.

    From the figures obtained from the NSE, between June and July, the portfolio of foreign investments actually declined by 52 percent. To be more specific, whereas the value of foreign investments as at the end of June stood at N118 billion, it dipped to N56.42 billion as at the end of July – a whopping N61.58 billion difference.

    By way of contrast, the volume pumped in by domestic investors actually jumped appreciably from N107.51 billion in June to N167.77 billion in the month of July.

    No doubt, countless explanations have been rendered, all of them, admittedly, making eminent sense. Topmost of them is the nsecurity in the country, particularly the inability of the Federal Government to rein in the activities of the murderous terrorist group – the Boko Haram. Not least in this regard are the heightened political risks as the 2015 general elections draw near. Taken together with other factors beyond the nation’s borders, there certainly would be some good reasons to see the development as inevitable.

    It is sad that  elections remain a source of apprehension in the country despite the years of democratic experiments we have had. In many other places,  people perform this civic responsibility without any disruptions to their daily activities. If the conduct of elections is costing the nation this dearly in direct economic terms alone, it follows that the government must do something about our electoral process. We should be able to conduct credible and transparent elections without huge costs to our economy.

    The immediate lesson in all of these must be that insecurity, uncertainties and investments do not mix – the reason serious countries work at creating stable environment for businesses of all shades. The reality is that the nation still has a long way to go in terms of making its business environment truly competitive.

    Today, the question of how much worse things would get before they get better appears to have been answered by the World Bank in its latest placement of Nigeria on 147th position out of 189 nations in its 2014 edition of Doing Business Report.

    There is however a greater lesson which the nation ought to learn. This lesson stems from the bitter tales of 2008 when the so-called foreign investors exited at the onset of the global credit crisis, leaving their local counterparts to rue their losses. What this tells us is that entry is no guarantee of permanent stay; and that when all is said and done, only truly indigenous businesses would stay when uncertainties come.

    Moreover, given their legendary staying power, it goes without saying that the local business investor would do far better, given a fraction of the incentives available to his foreign counterpart. Rather than the current obsession with foreign investment, the Federal Government would do well to concentrate on improving the business environment, bearing in mind that the nation’s economic salvation does not lie in the hands of any foreigner, but in the hands of the local investor.

  • Tainted medals

    Tainted medals

    •With our kind of National Honours, no self-respecting persons would want to be honoured anymore

    As the recipients of this year’s National Honours bow before President Goodluck Jonathan to receive their medals today at the International Conference Centre, Abuja, men of conscience in their midst would whisper to themselves that what hangs around their necks are tainted medals not worth the strap with which they are held. Seated in the expansive and lavishly decorated hall, they would notice all around them, ex-convicts, suspected murderers, treasury looters, serial bank debt defaulters, economic saboteurs and even petty thieves. Surely, there would be also a few good men in the gathering: Yes indeed but very few good men.

    It may well be that there are few good men left among us, which may explain why the president is hamstrung in finding worthier honourees, but as we have said here many times before, this annual ritual need not be a mass affair. The current number of 305 is undoubtedly too large and unwieldy; making a circus show what ought to be an instrument of moral rebirth and national renewal.

    As we have noted each year, instead of honouring a few men and women of character, integrity and conscientiousness, Nigeria’s National Honour has been debased, much like all national affairs as if it were the sharing of the so-called national cake. In the first place, the method of selection is flawed. Why are governors required to shortlist candidates in the same flawed manner of the sharing of political appointments? Why do we have a selection committee that is highly susceptible to being compromised?

    We are yet to come to terms with the rationale and criteria for these awards. Why for instance do we hand out honours to service chiefs each time, considering the rot and corruption reported in the military? For over five years, the military has been unable to dislodge a small band of insurgent group from a small portion of the country. In fact, the terrorists have worsted and demystified our men so much that Nigerians are disillusioned about their famed prowess. Yet at every turn, we reward them with high national honours.

    Why is the list suffused with men and women who are still in service? Why are we rewarding National Assembly members, civil servants, judges, party stalwarts, political appointees, traditional rulers and governors? Just a few days ago, the Chief Justice of the Federation, Maryam Aloma Mukhtar lamented the blistering corruption in the judicial system. She has had course to criticise the conduct of judges and lawyers, pointing out how they have let down the judicial and legal systems. Yet we are quick to reward them with awards.

    The National Assembly members have been the butt of sharp censure over their fiscal recklessness and lack of transparency and accountability in the management of their annual budgets and in the matter of their remuneration. Not long ago, the international media was awash with the outlandish salaries and emoluments they allot themselves, making them the highest paid parliamentarians in the world in a poverty-ravaged country. Yet every year, the president, it seems, rewards members of the legislature for this conduct that is inimical to the very survival of the Nigerian state.

    Members of the Federal Executive Council are not left out of the bazaar. About a dozen of them are handed the medal for no other reason than that they are privileged to be appointed ministers of the federal republic. It does not matter that the ministries and sectors they represent have been in retreat over the years. Has Nigeria’s highest national honour become some kind of booty?

    We are particularly worried that in the last three years, we, as well as well-meaning Nigerians have pointed out this flawed process, yet the presidency simply ignored what is obviously wise counsel. We surmise that this obduracy, this tendency to insist on ignoble ways of conducting our national affairs is doing harm to the sanctity of the nation; far-reaching harm.

  • Lagos 2015: Igbos should vote APC

    Lagos 2015: Igbos should vote APC

    Prior to the victory of Alliance for Democracy (AD) in 1999 governorship election in Lagos state which produced Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, many progressive Igbo people in Lagos had forged a common alliance under National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) with like minds of Yorubas and other Nigerians from the North and Southern parts of Nigeria to push for the return to democracy from military rule. Under the able leadership of Abraham Adesanya, the late Lawyer and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), some of these Igbos which includes Rear Admiral Ndubuisi Kanu (Rtd) and Engr. Joe Igbokwe, to mention but a few, suffered deprivations in their quest to ensure that the military returned to their barracks.

    With the metamorphosis of AD into Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and now All Progressive Congress (APC) the political ruling class in Lagos continued carrying Igbos along together with their political and economic interests. It is instructive to note that before his inauguration in 1999, some prominent Igbo sons were part of the Think Tank set up by Tinubu to formulate policies for the Lagos State government. These include Professor Pat Okedinachi Utomi and Olisa Agbakoba, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN).

    Under the leadership of Tinubu, an Igbo man Ben Akabueze a technocrat was appointed a Commissioner in Lagos State and has continued to serve till date. Another illustrious Igbo son Engr. Igbokwe was also appointed a General Manager of one of the government agencies. In honour of Rear Admiral Kanu, a Park in Alausa, the seat of government was named after him just like it was done for Gani Fawehinmi (SAN) in Ojota and Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti in Anthony. Several Igbo sons and daughters have continued to prosper in their businesses courtesy of the enabling environment created by the Lagos State government in the last 16 years.

    It may also be pointed out that leading Igbo groups in Lagos such as Aka Ikenga, the Pan Igbo Think Thank, Ndigbo Lagos, a Socio-Cultural organization and also the leading Igbo Socio-Cultural group Ohaneze Ndigbo have held strategic meetings with Tinubu and later Fashola over the years. These groups in recognition of the contributions of these governors to the protection and development of Igbo interests in Lagos have also honoured them on several occasions in the past.

    As the 2015 governorship elections approaches in Lagos State, one of the rival political parties to APC has gone into its bag of tricks and has come up with a plot to deceive Igbos into voting for it. It is tinkering with the idea of making an Igbo man a deputy governorship candidate of its party together with a few slots in commissionership and the state House of Assembly. This promise would have been good if not that it is only a gimmick to win elections in Lagos State and not borne out of a sincere love for Igbos. Why is it that in 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011 governorship elections in Lagos State, the party did not nominate an Igbo man as its deputy governorship candidate? Having lost its deposit in the last four general elections, this party is desperate to win at all cost.

    Further, Igbos should remember that the mere fact that a person is chosen as a candidate does not mean that his kinsmen would vote for him. In 1999, the ruling political mafia in Nigeria chose General Olusegun Obasanjo (Rtd) as the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). His kinsmen, the Yorubas instead voted for Chief Olu Falae, the presidential candidate of AD. Obasanjo was roundly defeated in the six Yoruba states including his home state of Ogun.

    Since Igbos have made appreciable in road into APC, it is better for them to remain there and negotiate their interest inside that party. The transformation of Lagos which started with Tinubu in 1999 and has continued with Fashola since 2007 has benefited all Lagosians without discrimination.

    Infact, I dare say that as a people given to mercantile pursuits, these two administrations which has boosted the economy of Lagos State by logical deduction has favoured the Igbos more than any other ethnic group doing business in Lagos. Therefore, it is in the enlightened self interest of the Igbos to vote for APC in 2015 governorship election in Lagos State.

     

    • Aham Njoku,

    Lagos.

  • Bad omens from Ekiti

    Bad omens from Ekiti

    Attacks on the judiciary in the state must be investigated and culprits brought to book

    The orchestrated attack on the judiciary in Ekiti State is a manifestation of a deep malaise in our polity, which must stop. We mean here the double whammy of corruption of the polity and gross intolerance. Regardless of who may eventually be found culpable for that cowardly attack on the defenceless judicial officials and the desecration of the temple of justice on Monday and Thursday, last week in Ado-Ekiti, the temerity of the hoodlums and the indifference or connivance of the state security agencies should worry any law-abiding citizen of our country. For those who sponsored the mayhem, they should hide their heads in shame, more so if they lay any claim to being democrats.

    According to press reports, the gangsters first sacked the High Court in Ado-Ekiti, presided over by Justice Isaac Ogunyemi, on Monday, following the ruling of the court that it has jurisdiction to hear the case against Mr. Ayodele Fayose, the Governor-elect of Ekiti State, who was the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the last gubernatorial election. The suit before Justice Ogunyemi was brought by the Citizens Popular Party and one Adeniyi Ajakaye and others, challenging the eligibility of Mr. Fayose to contest the election. In the ruling which allegedly triggered the anger of the hoodlums suspected to be supporters of the governor-elect, the court dismissed the preliminary objection filed by Mr. Fayose, and assumed jurisdiction to determine the substantive case.

    The tragedies turned a choreography when again last Thursday, a new wave of mayhem descended on the High Court, which is also hosting the election petition tribunal, hearing the petition of the All Progressives Congress (APC) against the declaration of Mr. Fayose as the elected governor of the state, in the election. As reported in the press, the office of the Chief Judge of the state was invaded, while record books were shredded and proceedings in the court disrupted. In the commotion, Justices Akintayo and J. O. Adeyeye were assaulted and the suit of the latter torn to shreds. Also, the car belonging to the chairman of the tribunal, Justice Muhammed Siraj, was smashed.

    Interestingly, Mr. Fayose, despite the manifest partisanship exhibited by the vagabonds in favour of his interests while attacking the courts, has denied the hoodlums or having any knowledge that any of the judges was molested. He questioned rhetorically: “How can I order the people to beat up a judge that has nothing to do with me? At what point was the judge beaten? Was he a member of the tribunal, because I went to the tribunal and not the regular court”.  The governor-elect went ahead to boast, “The strategy of APC will not work. Nobody, no matter how highly placed, will remove me cheaply”. If the reports are correct, then Mr. Fayose does not need to go far to appreciate why Justice Adeyeye was attacked.

    As we earlier stated, whoever orchestrated this ignoble attacks on the High Court of Ado-Ekiti and the judiciary, which without equivocation is the very foundation of democracy, has shown overwhelmingly that he or she is a mere pretender to the democratic cause. Also distressing is the claim that policemen and other security agencies thinned down as the hoodlums increased and eventually vapourised, such that the hooligans had a field day molesting and assaulting judges, lawyers, court officials, litigants and the general public within the precincts of the state High Court. Whether the police were overwhelmed or merely acquiesced or connived to desecrate the temple of justice an enquiry should unravel.

    To show how grievous the situation in Ekiti State is, the chief judge, Justice A. S. Daramola has ordered the closure of all courts in the state for security reasons. Of course those most affected by the closure are the ordinary litigants and their lawyers who ordinarily would want their matters to go on expeditiously. As for those who wanted their cases prolonged, the fall-out will be of immense joy to them, as the closure has achieved the objective of stopping the speedy trial of the very germane issues concerning the recent election in Ekiti State. The state government’s declaration of dusk-to-dawn curfew on Friday should also be seen in the context of the violence that had been recurring since the sad incident of Monday.

    On our part, we demand that the federal authorities order the police and other security agencies to live up to their constitutional responsibility by providing adequate security for the judiciary in the state. We also urge the national Bar and the Bench to rise up and defend their primary constituency.

  • Despicable politics

    •It is monumental that the House of Reps is torn along partisan lines on the $9.3 million gun-running scandal

    The tragedy of contemporary Nigeria, especially under the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency, with its unfazed one-second, one-scandal image, is that nothing shocks anybody anymore; and Nigeria becomes progressively even more soulless.

    That aptly describes the shame of the aborted plenary debate, in the House of Representatives, over the shocking $9.3 million gun-running scandal. South Africa has seized the money, which Nigeria claims belongs to it. But three private individuals – two Nigerians and an Israeli-  were caught, fingers in cookie jar, trying to smuggle, into South Africa, this huge but undeclared sum.

    Aside from the shame of Nigeria breaching its own policy of a cashless economy, not to mention brazenly undermining international protocols on how to legitimately move money to buy arms, the scandal also involves Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) president, and an ally of President Jonathan.

    In a high season of unreason and crass sentimentality, CAN has gone ahead to defend the indefensible of its president’s involvement, instead of distancing CAN from the sordid affair. Clearly, the high shrine of Nigerian Christendom appears quite happy and willing to stake and squander its essence on this crass politicking! Still CAN, even as a religious body, is entitled to run its affairs its own way, even if it must brace itself for the negative fallout of its action — Nigeria, after all, is a secular state.

    But this is one luxury the Nigerian parliament does not enjoy — and that is what brings its aborted plenary debate out in bold relief.  The Nigerian parliament ought to be ultra-sensitive to any attack on the national psyche and honour. This gun-running scandal qualifies for such, if there is any.

    Yet, the best the House of Representatives could manage was a disgraceful partisan response. The opposition pushed for a plenary debate.  The government side, led by Deputy Speaker, Emeka Ihedioha, presiding on the day, stone-walled the plenary, insisting on relegating the discourse to a committee.  It is clear that, in the build-up to 2015, politics trumps everything: no ethics, no common national ethos, no code of conduct — just brazen manoeuvre to corner power!

    Yet, pressing questions remain unanswered, as rightly asked by the opposition legislators, who walked out of the aborted session, and promptly addressed a press conference: Which one is faster — wire transfer or ferrying cash? Why was the South African government not alerted  if it was a legitimate security transaction?  Why didn’t the adventurers declare the amount on them, knowing every traveller must declare any amount in excess of $2, 500?

    Why was the huge government money moved by a private jet, when no less than six presidential jets lay fallow? Why were officials from the office of the National Security Adviser (NSA) and Department of State Security (DSS) operatives not on the trip? Why did the Jonathan government break its own cashless policy?  Why was the Nigerian High Commission in South Africa not in the know? Why was the legitimate government of Nigeria involved in the illegitimate attempt to smuggle $9.3 million into another country? And lastly: is it just happenstance that one of the aircraft involved belongs to a clergy who is Jonathan’s personal friend, and an unrepentant pusher of the president’s cause?

    It is a monumental national shame that even these questions could not galvanise a bi-partisan outrage to attack and defeat a clear national morass.  But the opposition in the House of Representatives has done well by putting these questions on the national front burner.  They, and every right-thinking Nigerian, must continue to push for answers, even as the government bench tries hard to stonewall.

    If Nigeria must be saved from a wilful descent into the abyss, this is no time to sit on the fence. Anything short of that is despicable politics. It can only push Nigeria into the unenviable rank of banana republics, where just about anything goes, no matter how absurd.

  • Beyond Shekau

    Notwithstanding the claims and counter-claims about his death, the most important thing is restoring peace

    In a reflection of the haziness that has reigned since his death was first announced in August last year,  the recent news of the killing of a terrorist by that name heightened the confusion. Although the inevitable question whether Abubakar Shekau, the fiery face of the Islamist and terroristic guerilla force Boko Haram, is actually dead was answered in the affirmative by the Defence Headquarters (DHQ) spokesman, Major-Gen Chris Olukolade, his official response did not fully settle the issue.

    According to his statement, “The troops captured some of the terrorists and their equipment. In the course of those encounters, one Mohammed Bashir, who has been acting or posing on videos as the deceased Abubakar Shekau, the eccentric character known as leader of the group, died.”

    Interestingly, it would seem that things may not be so clear.  It is curious that a similar claim by the Cameroonian Army, supported by images, gave the credit to that country’s soldiers who reportedly carried out a cross-border raid inside Nigeria where they killed Shekau in an aerial bombardment of his hideout.  

    Either way, ignoring the circumstances, the death of the Boko Haram commander-in chief should reassure the troubled public that the country’s military may be winning the terror war after all, despite mounting criticisms of its alleged operational minuses. However, the matter may not be that simple.

    It is noteworthy that Olukolade said “the name Shekau has become a brand name for the terrorists’ leader”, adding, “On restoring normalcy after the encounter, inhabitants of the community who were victims of terrorists’ activities corroborated the information on the identity of Bashir Mohammed, alias Abubakar Shekau, alias Abacha Abdulahi, alias Damasack, etc.”

    The logical implication of the alleged use of the name for branding purposes is that another so-called “fake Shekau” may emerge from the ashes of the previous ones, with the scary suggestion of continuity. Of course, it would be unreasonably optimistic and a grave error for the military to interpret the claimed death of this particular Shekau as a definitive victory over Boko Haram. The anti-terror campaign just cannot afford complacency, even if it is true that the terrorists have lost their chief.

    It is hoped that what should be a setback for the insurgents would be exploited maximally by the military, which means that the force must seriously address every possible hindrance, especially issues related to the effective equipping of the fighters and their welfare. In this connection, the point should be emphasised that the intervention of Cameroonian troops, to the extent that their involvement possibly affected the believability of  the reported killing of  the Shekau in question, leaves a great deal to be desired. 

    The country must emphatically reclaim its capacity to defend its territory, and this certainly cannot be achieved through spin doctors who continue to paint a bright picture of a systematic weakening of the enemies without convincing evidence. It is worth mentioning that news of the killing of the rebel leader was accompanied by a claim that 135 Boko Haram terrorists were either captured or surrendered in Yobe and Adamawa states. Figures of captives or those who have surrendered will have to translate into a clear progressive crushing of the terrorists for any meaningful result.

    As things stand, with Boko Haram yet to respond formally to the development, it remains to be seen what turn the terrorism will take and the consequences. The military must be prepared. Without doubt, the battle is beyond the Shekau brand, and not to recognise this reality would amount to a trivialisation of the confrontation with evil. Indeed, whether Shekau is dead or alive is not as important as restoring peace.  

  • Endorsement of mediocrity

    SIR: Against all sound reasoning, permutations and calculations that the leadership of PDP will rise above mediocrity, and impunity in choosing its flag bearer in 2015 presidential elections, the party hierarchs gathered last week to endorse President Goodluck Jonathan as candidate of the party. To make matters worse, the leadership of PDP said there will be no Presidential primaries since the incumbent is their sole candidate and so cannot be challenged. I consider this an act of desperation, a celebration of impunity. It supports Senator George Akume’s assertion that ”the chain of ethical liability is unbroken” in Nigeria.

    In 1999 Nigeria generated about 4000mw of electricity. Nearly after 16years we are still under 4000mw. Now, are we making progress that we need to sustain this continuity? Security of lives and property was 90% efficient in 1999 and today that great progress has been eroded and undermined. We have lost more lives to carelessness in the last 16years than under military from 1985 to 1999. As I write this our nearly 300 Girls are still in captivity. Boko Haram has killed more than 3000 innocent Nigerians. Now, are we making progress in the areas of security to warrant this continuity mess?

    Recently, the Nigeria Immigration Service, NIS announced a job vacancy for 3000 people and nearly six million Nigerians applied. NIS tried to do an open aptitude test in public spaces and the bizarre arrangement backfired. Nearly 30 Nigerians died as result of stampede that greeted the awkward and primitive arrangement. Again in the face this mounting unemployment situation can Nigerians believe this continuity brigandage?

    From the Presidency to the National Assembly dominated by the PDP, from the Petroleum Industry to the Aviation Industry, from the Ministry of Works to the Civil Service as a whole, from the Defence to the External Affairs etc, its corruption and impunity all the way. A quantum of Nigeria’s budgetary allocations every year end into the private pockets. Recently they took a private jet belonging to Pastor Oritsejafor and loaded it with $9.3million for onward delivery to South Africa for an unknown transaction.. Even as I write this there has not been any serious explanation on how we got to this sorry pass that we have to traffic and abuse the United States dollars.

    How can we be talking about continuity in the face of abysmal performance in the midst of plenty? Why must PDP continue to talk about continuity when all our infrastructures across the country have broken down with no hope to fix them in sight? How can we still be talking about retaining a non performer in a nation of nearly 160 million people?

    How can the leaders of a very important country in Africa continue to travel abroad for mere medical check up when we have the capacity to build at least six world class hospitals in six zones of the country? How can we continue to lose students to quack universities in Ghana when we can build world class universities in Nigeria and invite other Africans to come here to study? How can we continue to take the insult that none of our universities can be rated high in Africa talk less of the world?

    I cannot continue to be led to believe that President Jonathan is the best we can throw up. He has tried his best and he has to be voted out for the Nigerians to breathe fresh air.

    Through actions and deeds, President Jonathan has divided Nigeria along religious and ethnic lines, he has pitched his Ijaw people against other Nigerians through patronage and lack of political will to call his people to order. He has not shown love to other Nigerians to prove that he is the president of all. President Jonathan has not been able to prosecute one high profile corrupt person since 2009. We have not been lucky in the department of leadership since PDP came to power in 1999. The world mocks us that we assume that somebody is in charge of Nigeria when nobody is really in charge.

    I submit that the endorsement of President Jonathan to continue to rule Nigeria beyond 2015 is an endorsement of mediocrity.

     

    • Joe Igbokwe,

    Lagos

  • Synagogue disaster

    Synagogue disaster

    •There should be no cover up; Nigeria has been embarrassed by it

    Although it seemed self-serving and opportunistic, President Goodluck Jonathan’s visit to The Synagogue, Church of All Nations (SCOAN), in Ikotun, Lagos, ostensibly to offer his condolences following a tragic September 12 building collapse, further highlighted the multiple dimensions of the disastrous incident.  It is uncertain whether Jonathan, who flew into Lagos for the Southwest unity rally of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), would have made such a move outside his political schedule.

    However, his appearance underlined the magnitude of the tragedy which, according to the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), consumed 90 lives, including 84 South Africans. The crisis agency said there were 131 survivors. Shockingly, but perhaps unsurprisingly given the circumstances of the calamity, the death toll remains inconclusive and the South African government said 115 people may have died.

    The collapsed guest house on the church grounds was reportedly occupied largely by visiting South Africans who numbered 349 at the time of the disaster. Significantly, South African President Jacob Zuma captured the distressing scale of his country’s loss in a statement: “Not in the recent history of our country have we had this large number of our people die in one incident outside the country.”

    It is laudable that the collapse is being investigated by the Federal Government, prompting the Lagos State government to suspend its own probe. Especially creditable however is the role played by the state governor, Babatunde Fashola, whose presence at the scene helped to establish a proper emergency response by excluding obstructive members of the church. It is regrettable that official emergency responders were initially handicapped by church members who unreasonably viewed the happening as an internal affair.

    In this connection, Nigeria must learn from South Africa’s demonstration of overseas crisis readiness. A South African team of experts in forensic science and disaster management promptly arrived in the country to focus on specific areas: “body recovery and repatriation, victims listing and confirmation, post-mortems as well as assessing of injured persons to determine the medical condition and the required levels of care”. In furtherance of this timely intervention, 25 injured South Africans were flown back to their country to continue treatment.

    Curiously, the church leader, Prophet Temitope Joshua, came up with stories that sounded far-fetched in his effort to clarify what happened. He released security camera footage which showed a “strange aircraft” flying over the church a number of times before the building collapsed. He also presented an email suggesting an earlier failed plot to bomb the church by the Islamist guerilla force Boko Haram, which is promoting terroristic activities in the country, mainly in the northern region.

    This apparent appeal to pity and the discernible objective of painting a picture of victimhood, apart from being unsupported by persuasive proof, critically failed to address the more fundamental and  evidential issues surrounding the crumbling of the building. The church will not only need to show that it obtained official approval for the modification of the collapsed guest house; it will also have to provide evidence of compliance with best practices. Reports said the affected building was originally a three-storey structure which was being raised to accommodate three additional floors.

    Without being judgmental ahead of the final results of the ongoing investigations, it is noteworthy that the General Manager, Lagos State Building Control Agency, Mrs. Abimbola Animashaun, was quoted as saying, “We have investigated and found that they had no approval for the additional structures. Even the main church, which they have added about three floors on, was sealed two days ago, but it is now open.”  In this context, it is unclear why the agency allowed the opening of the main church.

    Besides the importance of individual responsibility and accountability in the erection of buildings, the overriding value of institutional regulatory roles should not be trivialised, which is the central lesson to be learnt from this possibly avoidable tragedy. The investigations should not be one-sided; and individual negligence as well as institutional dereliction of duty must be effectively punished.

  • Welcome, NASAL

    Welcome, NASAL

    •Now that state legislators have resolved to fight for financial autonomy, we say hurray!

    It appears legislators in the state houses of assembly have finally come to terms with the fact that they need financial autonomy. The lawmakers have therefore formed an association known as National Association of State Assembly Legislators (NASAL), to pursue that objective. It is envisaged that the body would also assist in their bid to check growing executive recklessness. The association, which comprises present and past members of the houses of assembly, has Dr Valentine Ayika as its interim national president.

    It is interesting that the state legislators are now struggling to have something which they need to function effectively but which they carelessly threw away during a 2009/2010 constitutional amendment that would have settled the matter once and for all. Well, since it is better late than never, the fact that the legislators have recovered from their stupor is still welcome. As Dr Ayika noted, “Our salaries are paid by the executive and he who pays the piper, dictates the tune. What we are seeking is financial autonomy. You cannot be independent if you are not financially autonomous’.

    We can only hope, however, that the state legislators’ quest for financial autonomy is propelled by genuine need to make them more effective rather than for personal aggrandisement like the National Assembly members.

    We agree with Dr Ayika that the Doctrine of Separation of Powers must be respected, especially in a democratic setting, and that legislators at the state level have suffered undue harassment and intimidation from many governors. Indeed, democracy would amount to nothing in a situation where one arm of the tripod – Executive, Legislature and Judiciary – can lord it over another. As the saying goes, ‘“power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely”. It is in the bid to prevent the latter scenario that checks and balances are ingrained in the democratic process.

    Unfortunately, the Legislature, across board, has become more of an extension of the Executive, ever ready to toe the latter’s line after being induced with money or other freebies, after which the legislators can then be made to do anything, from the ignoble to the ridiculous. Perhaps the latest in the abuse that the Legislature could be co-opted to by the Executive was the impeachment of the deputy governor of Enugu State, Sunday Onyebuchi, for running commercial poultry at his official residence, and disobedience to the governor, his principal. Not only have the state legislators been used against others, they had often been used against themselves through frequent changes of their leadership, often at the behest of the governors.

    We welcome NASAL and wish it success. However, we hasten to add that the state legislators should not pin all their hope on NASAL, good as the dream is. It is one thing to dream and another to actualise it. The impression is being erroneously created that the first attempt at getting autonomy for the state assemblies failed because, as Dr Ayika noted, “part of the problem we have is individually, the state assembly can be dealt with, but with an organisation such as this, we can also surmount some of the executive recklessness and harassment on the state assemblies”.

    Inasmuch as we agree that much more progress can be made in togetherness, the main problem with the state legislators is attitudinal – greed. If this does not change, the governors would continue to have the legislators in their pockets.

    So, beyond the formation of an association to pursue their collective interest, the state legislators must resolve to be independent indeed and assert that independence. The people are better off when the assemblies are liberated from strong personalities; we must, instead, build strong institutions. If the state lawmakers pursue their case at the National Assembly with this resolve, they will be able to get their financial independence and other things will be added unto them.