Category: Editorial

  • Return to owner

    Return to owner

    •The repossession of Benin bronzes is a good start and must be built upon

    One of the more negative consequences of colonial conquest was the theft of the cultural artefacts of conquered people by those who had invaded them. The 1897 invasion, sacking and looting of the Benin Kingdom by British forces ranks among the most traumatic instances of this painful reality. It is all the more gratifying that a small, but significant step was taken to achieve healing and restitution.

    The occasion was the formal return of two bronze artefacts by a great-grandson of one of the invading British soldiers, Dr. Adrian Mark Walker, to the Oba of Benin, Uku Akpolokpolo Erediauwa I. Dr. Walker’s explanation of his unusual action was as simple as it was right: he felt that the acquisition of the artefacts was an injustice which he had to correct.

    It takes a great amount of courage to publicly admit that one’s ancestors were wrong; it takes even greater bravery to seek to make restitution for such errors. Walker’s gesture is a welcome manifestation of the culture of reconciliation that has become vital to the resolution of long-standing resentments and simmering hatreds that continue to make the lasting resolution of many conflicts so difficult. He made no excuses for the behaviour of his great-grandfather or the nation that sent him; he did not demand compensation for an ostensible “loss;” he did not question the right of the Benin Kingdom to its own artefacts. He just went ahead and did the right thing: he returned the artefacts to their rightful owners.

    By his actions, Walker has unwittingly given the world a useful template with which to resolve the vexed issue of returning stolen cultural treasures to their places of origin. Over the years, the countries in which these treasures are held have persistently refused to hand them back, and have disingenuously relied on several untenable justifications.

    They argue that the artefacts are legitimate spoils of war; that they alone can maintain and display them appropriately; that those from whom the artefacts were stolen are no longer around to demand their return. When Nigeria was put in the humiliating position of having to request that Britain loan it the magnificent Queen Idia mask for use in FESTAC ’77, it was turned down.  Walker has shown that none of these excuses is justifiable or reasonable. If the provenance of an artefact can be precisely determined, and if the descendants of the original owners can be located, then it is incumbent upon those who currently possess them to return them. It is as simple as that.

    It is significant that Dr. Walker’s courage was matched by Benin magnanimity. The Oba of Benin, as well as the Governor of Edo State, Mr. Adams Oshiomhole, warmly congratulated Walker for what he had done, and encouraged others in similar situations to imitate his sterling behaviour. Such generosity of spirit on both sides of the issue is vital to ensuring that it does not degenerate into a blame-game that will do neither party any good.

    Nigeria must do more to ensure that more of its treasures that have been spirited beyond its shores in dubious circumstances are brought back to the country. It must strengthen its capacity to accommodate and maintain artefacts, enhance its ability to monitor them locally and internationally, and improve co-operative relationships with foreign governments and institutions.

    In this regard, it is truly distressing that artefacts continue to be stolen from palaces and museums, only to show up in museums and collections abroad. Nigeria’s claims to its illegally appropriated cultural heritage will be hollow if it does nothing to protect those that are still within its borders.

  • Umaru Dikko (1936 – 2014)

    Umaru Dikko (1936 – 2014)

    •A spectacular conservative politician departs

    Without doubt, the most spectacularly dramatic event in the life of Umaru Dikko, who served as Minister of Transport in President Shehu Shagari’s cabinet between 1979 and 1983, must be his attempted abduction in London, apparently by agents of the military regime that terminated Nigeria’s Second Republic.

    Dikko, a highly visible and influential member of the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN), had fled into exile following the military coup of December 31, 1983, that toppled the Shagari civilian administration; but he was fiercely hunted by the new rulers who accused him of colossal official corruption and involvement in the looting of millions of dollars from the country’s oil earnings.

    It is a reflection of his perceived political weight at the time that, about six months later, he was sensationally seized in front of his home, sedated and put  in a crate headed for Lagos, which was then the country’s capital. But for the alertness of officials at Stansted Airport, he would have been flown to Nigeria as “Diplomatic Baggage.”  This severely shocking incident, aptly called the ‘Dikko Affair’, happened in July 1984.

    Remarkably, Dikko’s death at the age of 78 in a London hospital on July 1 coincided with the 30th anniversary of the failed kidnap. He had returned to politics and was, until his death, Chairman of the Disciplinary Committee of the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), which was an eloquent testimony to his conservative political tendency.

    Unapologetically northern, even to the point of promoting northern hegemony, Dikko was combatively outspoken and played politics with striking passion.  His earliest governmental role was as a commissioner in the then North Central State of Nigeria (now Kaduna State) in the 1960s; and he was also given the politically significant assignment of uniting the northerners as secretary of a committee set up by the military government in the aftermath of a coup in 1966.  He was later appointed as Shagari’s strategist for the NPN’s successful presidential campaign, and combined his subsequent ministerial role with his function as head of the presidential task force on rice.

    Interestingly, posthumous tributes, particularly from high-profile quarters, defined Dikko’s legacy and helped in evaluating him as a public figure.  President Goodluck Jonathan, in a statement by his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Dr. Reuben Abati, noted Dikko’s “significant contributions, especially his life-long advocacy for stronger political parties, greater discipline within political parties and the supremacy of political parties.” Really, in the context of the country’s current experience which reflects increasing centrifugal stress within political parties, there may be valuable lessons to be learnt from Dikko’s perspective.

    Further characterisation of the late politician, provided by Gen. Yakubu Gowon, a former military head of state, was instructive for its apparent revisionism, which may have been understandably informed by the general notion that it is indecent to speak ill of the dead.  Gowon said: “It was not his character to be what newspapers made him to be.” He added, “His death is a great loss to the country no matter what anyone will say.”  However, the point must be made that it smacks of insincerity to suggest that the media’s reportage of the man was fabricated.

    Indeed, against the background of the publicised lavish orientation of leading members of the NPN, he could be said to be blemished, even if only by association. Furthermore, Dikko’s reemergence in the PDP, with its similarly conservative hue and perhaps even greater profligacy, was sufficient in comprehending not only his political philosophy but also his understanding of good governance.

    Colourful but controversial, it is enlightening that his political career was not such that could be described as people-oriented, given the seemingly elitist platforms he promoted. The parties he appeared to love were those with low progressive content; and he remained faithful to his choice till the end.

  • Keep medicine out of the dark ages

    Keep medicine out of the dark ages

    – Global action is needed to avoid an antibiotic apocalypse

    David Cameron has added his voice to increasingly urgent warnings by the world’s public health leaders about the growth of antibiotic resistance. Besides talking about a return to “the dark ages of medicine” if we lose our power to kill microbes, the prime minister announced an internationally focused commission to come up with solutions to the crisis.

    Although several medical and scientific bodies around the world have recently looked at ways to tackle drug-resistant infections, the Cameron initiative stands out because economists and policy experts will lead its deliberations with Jim O’Neill, formerly of Goldman Sachs, in the chair. This is the right priority: while there are formidable scientific obstacles to discovering safe new antibiotics, the necessary research will take place only if governments can provide sufficient incentives for the pharmaceutical and biotechnology industries to do the work.

    The principal reason for the dearth of drugs – no new class of antibiotic has reached the market since 1987 – is the industry’s withdrawal from research in favour of more lucrative pharmaceutical fields. Like much of the medical world, companies were lulled into a false sense of security at the end of the 20th century, regarding antibiotics as yesterday’s challenge; they could not see much potential profit in new drugs to tackle bacterial infections.

    Now that antibiotic resistance has emerged as an impending apocalypse for the 21st century, the industry must be drawn quickly back into the field. To some extent companies do respond to crises in a way that goes beyond their direct responsibility to maximise shareholders’ returns, as demonstrated by the huge sums spent on developing Aids treatments in the 1980s and 1990s, but we cannot rely solely on their sense of corporate social responsibility. More incentives are needed.

    Direct public support for research and development is one route. Public-private partnerships are already beginning to stimulate antibiotic R&D, with the EU Innovative Medicines Initiative leading the way. These should be extended.

    Another contribution should come from measures to ease the path to regulatory approval for new antibiotics, with better collaboration between authorities around the world, so that companies have to carry out no more animal testing and clinical trials than the minimum needed to demonstrate safety and efficacy. Carefully targeted patent extensions for innovative drugs might provide an incentive, too.

    But the most difficult task of the O’Neill commission will be to design a market incentive to reward companies for developing medicines that would be used as little as possible, so as to prevent their microbial targets developing resistance. They would be held back for short-term administration in patients whose infections resist all existing antibiotics. Unlike other drug categories, where companies try to sell as much as possible, antibiotics need a system that decouples payment from prescriptions. An advance purchase scheme or market commitment, in which governments and health providers undertake to buy and distribute new antibiotics that meet agreed criteria, could provide the necessary financial incentive.

    Some see a role for prizes. Britain’s £10m Longitude prize is on offer for the development of a cheap, simple and accurate diagnostic test for bacterial infections, which could be an invaluable tool for better targeting of antibiotics. But any prize for drug development would have to be huge to provide a serious incentive.

    Whatever the O’Neill commission recommends, action is urgent. Next year should mark the start of a concerted global campaign to prevent medicine returning to the dark ages.

    – Financial Times

     

  • Hope from IPMAN

    Hope from IPMAN

    •Private concerns, rather than the Federal Government, seem to take the initiative on refineries

    Will we soon be seeing a ray of light and hope at the end of the dark tunnel of Nigeria’s grossly inefficient oil and gas sector characterised by import dependency and massive corruption? If the proposed plan by the Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) to build two ultra-modern refineries in Bayelsa and Kogi states comes to fruition, this may well be so and there is the strong possibility of our getting out of the woods in this beleaguered sector that has become a burden on the economy.

    According to Elder Chinedu Okoronkwo, IPMAN’s National President, the proposed project is a venture with foreign investors who will inject $3 billion into the economy to achieve the objective. Of course, the benefits of increased domestic refining capacity through functional local refineries are obvious. These include availability of petroleum products to IPMAN members, reduced scarcity of petroleum products, enhanced job creation, reduction in capital flight and the attendant growth in the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

    This is graphically portrayed by Elder Okoronkwo when he said that “Where Nigerians are spending $60 million in exporting crude oil and bringing in refined products, the proposed refinery will reduce the cost and stress of exporting crude to bring in the refined products”.

    It is regrettable that despite the billions of Naira spent on the Turn Around Maintenance (TAM) of the country’s three existing refineries, they continue to operate abysmally below installed capacity. The consequence is that the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) receives 445,000 barrels of crude oil per day but refines only a fraction locally. Thus, the NNPC engages in a swap deal which involves its selling unrefined crude and importing refined petroleum products. This has provided an avenue for massive corruption to the detriment of the economy through the purported fuel subsidy attendant on importation of petroleum products.

    A probe by the House of Representatives into purported fuel subsidy payments between 2010 and 2012 revealed that the country had been defrauded to the tune of $6 billion. Fifteen fuel importers were discovered to have collected more than $300 million within the period without importing any fuel. Others dubiously collected double payments on several occasions. Similarly, about N700 million is allegedly being spent daily on illegal kerosene subsidies while kerosene is generally sold at N150 per litre across the country.

    Regrettably, the government has made no move to either issue a white paper on or implement the recommendations of the Dr Kalu Idika Kalu National Refineries Special Task Force Committee, which was set up following the 2012 fuel subsidy removal crisis. The committee had proposed an offshore refining scheme as an interim measure to bridge the gap between the current production level of NNPC and the balance refined abroad. It also recommended changes in the current ownership structure and business model of the existing refineries in order to turn them around, with the aim of privatising them within 18 months and ultimately achieving full deregulation of the oil and gas sector after necessary palliatives had been put in place.

    For some inexplicable reason, the three Green field refineries planned by the NNPC Greenfield Projects Division Group since 2005 remain unrealised while no progress has been made as regards the 18 licences issued by government for private refineries since 2002. That is why it is in the national interest that the initiatives by IPMAN and the $9 billion refinery and petrochemical complex being planned by the Dangote Group should be given every encouragement to succeed. It is also of utmost importance that the long and unjustifiably delayed Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) be urgently passed into law to sanitise the oil and gas sector and encourage the much needed private investment to maximise its potentials.

  • Uninsured vehicles

    Uninsured vehicles

    • It is alarming that about 80 percent of motorists are culprits

    We are startled by the revelation that out of the more than 12.5 million registered vehicles in Nigeria, a paltry 2.5 million of them have genuine insurance cover. The information on the record of insured vehicles is reportedly sourced from the Nigerian Insurance Industry Database’s (NIID) data bank, and released to the public by Remi Olowude, Chairman, Nigerian Insurers Association (NIA) during its annual general meeting in Lagos. The NIID, an arm of NIA, is saddled with the duty of providing information on the details of vehicles available on Nigerian roads, as well as helping to identify fake insurance certificates.

    Olowude over-simplified the issue at stake when he held the trend responsible for why the reportedly registered 60 insurance companies operating in the country could not attain their collective target of N1trillion premium income since 2012.

    We consider the revelation as scandalous as it portrays Nigerian motorists as lawless in view of the explicit provision of the Insurance Act 2003. The Act, in section 68, unambiguously provides: “No person shall use or cause or permit any other person to use a motor vehicle on the road unless a liability, which he may thereby incur in respect of damage to the property of third parties, is insured with an insurer registered under this Act.”

    We ask: Why would 80 percent of vehicles driven on the nation’s roads not be insured in flagrant violation of the above provision of extant insurance law? Could the NIA revelation be a clear case of inaccurate data capturing of total vehicle insurance holders by NIID?  Does it mean that most vehicle owners in the country are lawless and are contemptuous of the law? Or, more importantly, could this unacceptably doubtful trend be a reflection of the passing of a vote-of-no-confidence in insurance companies generally by vehicle owners?

    We seem to attune to this last point as we have always known that there is widespread popular cynicism/scepticism about insurance companies’ sincerity when it comes to payment of compensation in the event of any accident. There have been several reported and mostly unreported cases of procedural hiccups used by most insurance companies as a ploy to escape payment of compensations to the insured. Because of this general public perception  of the insurance companies over time, most Nigerians, not only car owners, have lost confidence in seeking insurance policy. Sadly, most motorists plying the nation’s roads have criminally embraced fake and cheap vehicle insurance policy that is antithetical to the whole essence of having such global motor insurance policy in place.

    We call on motorists to henceforth ensure that they endeavour to get at least the minimum mandatory genuine third party motor insurance certificates before ever venturing to put their vehicles on the road, as the habit of procuring fake insurance policy is a detrimental practice. More importantly, there is the need for the police, as a law enforcement institution, to intensify efforts capable of boosting compliance with genuine vehicle insurance policy. This should be complemented by a vigorous enlightenment campaign geared towards sensitising vehicle owners to their insurance rights, the available cause of legal action in case of insurance abridgments, and the compelling need to always obtain genuine insurance policy before putting vehicles on the road.

    We also call on insurance companies in the country to do more than their current efforts to try and win public confidence in the discharge of their responsibilities. The waning confidence of the public in their services might be injurious to their growth revenue wise, but it has more hurtful impact on safety of commuters and motorists. To the insurance firms, we say, in unequivocal terms: do everything possible to restore the people’s trust.

  • Facebook’s lab rats, a.k.a. users

    Facebook’s lab rats, a.k.a. users

    Facebook is an extraordinary tool, but its pitfalls have become increasingly apparent. Users’ personal information, interests and habits are all fair game for the company, which has little compunction about analyzing the data and selling them to advertisers. Now Facebook has gone beyond capitalism and into creepy. For a week in 2012, it seems, the company manipulated users’ news feeds as part of a psychology experiment to see whether happier or sadder content led users to write happier or sadder posts. The result? Facebook appears to have altered people’s emotional states without their awareness.

    It was inappropriate and unethical for Facebook to conduct a psychological experiment without users’ informed consent.

    This was wrong on multiple levels. It was unethical for Facebook to conduct a psychological experiment without users’ informed consent. And it was especially wrong to do so in a way that played with the emotions of its users. That’s dangerous territory.

    Facebook, which employs a secret algorithm to determine what users see on their news feeds, conducted its research by altering the feeds of some 700,000 users, increasing or decreasing the number of “positive” and “negative” messages they saw to study the “emotional contagion” of social networking. The company, together with two academic researchers, published the results this month in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. In the study, Facebook asserted that users had given informed consent, which is standard protocol in psychological research, when they agreed to the company’s terms of service, which caution that users’ data can be mined for analysis and research. But that’s disingenuous. It’s hard to believe that users who took the time to read Facebook’s 13,000-word service agreements would have understood they were signing on to be lab rats.

    In response to the outrage, the Facebook researcher who designed the study apologized for “any anxiety it caused.” He added that the company will seek to improve its internal review practices for future research. Certainly Facebook needs to revisit its policies to ensure that its users are not unwilling participants in psychological research. If this research is so valuable, the company should seek true informed consent.

    But Facebook also needs to address its cavalier attitude toward its users. The company has come under fire repeatedly for pushing the boundaries of privacy expectations only to be surprised by ferocious blowback. This latest controversy sends a troubling message to users that their personal information, their online activities and now even their feelings are all data points to be analyzed and manipulated according to the whims of a giant corporate machine.

     

    Los Angeles Times

     

  • Review the automobile policy now

    Review the automobile policy now

    •The new tariffs on used and new imported vehicles without fixing infrastructure will hurt the economy

    Finally, the Federal Government has given effect to the new automotive policy announced last year, purportedly to encourage local production of motor vehicles of all types. By the policy, the import duties slammed on imported new vehicles have jumped to 35 per cent, with a matching punitive import levy of 35 per cent. Experts had warned that the move could hurt the local economy, while giving reasons why the fledgling automobile industry may derive a mere salutary benefit.

    Yet, the government started its enforcement yesterday. Following trenchant criticism of the move last year, the government had put it on hold, apparently to attend to the recurring decimal in the criticisms- poor power supply. At the time, the Jonathan administration said the planned privatisation of the power sector would fix the problem within six months.

    It is obvious that the problem persists. Power supply from the distribution companies is still epileptic and industries are complaining. The local automotive companies are almost non-existent as new and used vehicles dominate the market. The roads, too, remain in poor condition and would take more than lip service to fix.

    In any case, it is a road we had travelled before when we had the likes of Volkswagen of Nigeria and Leyland locally assembling their products in Nigeria. Poor infrastructure frustrated the efforts. Although, there is no indication that another attempt could lead to the same result if all the loopholes had been plugged, the fact is that the gaping holes are even wider now.

    The Nigeria Customs Service has continually cried out that it lacked the capacity to man all the entry points to the country. Even the ones manned still give enough room to smugglers to perpetrate their deeds, thus hurting the economy. It has been suggested by economists that Benin Republic is usually the beneficiary of such policies. Demand would always spur efforts by desperate importers to force in their goods. The jump in price by about 70 per cent would be far above the cost of smuggling.

    As we argued in an earlier editorial when the idea was first mooted last year, Nigeria is not ripe for such a policy and it should be deferred until the infrastructure deficit had been fixed and the people mobilised behind the policy.

    The Nigerian people deserve the best. The experience with the experiment with ban on importation of rice should serve as adequate warning as to the fate that would befall the new policy. The minister for agriculture, Mr. Akinwumi Adesina, had eloquently argued for the ban ostensibly to save the nation foreign exchange. He got the Federal Executive Council to approve it and it came into force. However, the local production lines had not been sufficiently activated and grown, in quantity and quality. The result is that there is enough imported rice to satisfy the demands and yearnings of Nigerians.

    We call on the Federal Government to halt this move. Nigerians must be mobilised to approve the move and the needed support lines must be put in place before attempting to impose undue hardship on already sapped people in a country where poverty continues to ravage the land and unemployment rages like fire in the desert in the harmattan.

    We see the take-off of the policy more as a way to earn revenue for the government than for its capacity to enhance the local vehicle assembly plants.

  • Adieu, Brazil 2014

    Adieu, Brazil 2014

    •After five attempts at the Mundial, Nigeria’s best is equalling its debut record of hitting the round of 16, achieved at USA ‘94

    For the Super Eagles, the Nigerian national football team, the World Cup in Brazil, the land of Samba and football, is over. But not for millions of football-loving Nigerians, who want to enjoy good football. How well have the Eagles fared?

    Not so well, both from Nigeria’s cumulative history of participating at the World Cup and from the team’s achievements in Brazil 2014.

    In 1994 at the USA, Nigeria took the football world by storm. Qualifying back then as African champions, Nigeria played such fast and furious attacking football that it was rated the second most entertaining side, next only to Brazil; and ranked fifth in then newly established FIFA ranking.

    This year, it has repeated Round of 16 feat, though with far less global acclaim as it did in 1994.  So, after five World Cups (USA 94, France 98, Korea-Japan 2002, South Africa 2010 and Brazil 2014), Nigeria has hit the second round thrice (1994, 1998 and 2014).

    It was ousted after the first round of matches in 2002 and 2010; and has never hit the quarter-finals, that acclaim belonging to Senegal, at their very debut in 2002 and Ghana in 2010.  Indeed, but for a penalty miss, Ghana was seconds away from being the first African side to reach the semi-final of the FIFA World Cup.

    So, in comparison to Senegal (with a sole appearance) and Ghana (with three), but with more appearances, Nigeria has logged less record of performance.  Is our football improving at all?

    The answer is not that straight-forward, but it would appear Nigerian football has not improved much more than the 1994 set, though individual players would appear to have had much more exposure on the global stage via club football.  Even then, even as reigning African champions, the current Eagles would still appear a work-in-progress, with no noticeable superstars, the bulk of the team being average players.

    Now, if we sport average players, what was all the talk of winning the World Cup or even reaching the semi-final? With all due respect to the perennial optimists, it was all part of the Nigerian penchant to both dream without work and live in denial. With all the talk about being football world beaters, Nigeria is only an average football playing nation. The realisation of this would go a long way for right attitude, mentality and preparation for future competitions.

    Will all our players’ technical capacity in raw talents, Nigeria needs to transform those capacities to precise and efficient capabilities. Watching sides like Germany and most European sides play, it is clear that they rely less on impulse and much on precise deliberation, with limits to human imperfection, of course. It is the opposite for Nigerian teams, and that explains the loose balls, aimless passes, unreasonable shots at goals and near-total incompetence at converting set pieces.

    That calls for more coaching efficiency. Coach Stephen Keshi has tried to build a strong team out of average players. But that team can be formidable only if it  becomes more technically efficient and more tactically disciplined.

    At Brazil, Nigeria tried its best though the team, beyond raising its game to suit the big occasion, seldom sparkled. But it is a young team that may yet grow into a formidable side. So, though Nigeria has crashed out of the competition, there are a lot of positives to be taken from the decent performance.

    At Brazil, the team was competitive, losing to two former World Champions, Argentina and France. But it also gained from a favourable draw at the group stages, facing Iran, Bosnia, aside from Argentina at the group stages. That was a luxury Ghana did not have, though it also proved itself in a near-disastrous campaign.

    For Nigeria to reach global standards, where it can easily beat world beaters — and be beaten — without being on the back foot, it needs to improve its football administration. The Maigari-led Nigerian Football Federation (NFF) has been clearly the best in recent times. Still, it was a shame that players still boycotted training as threat to get their due before the crucial France match.

    Such ugly and costly distractions must be done away with, if Nigeria will ever secure the bragging right it so clearly covets, over the football-playing world.

  • Systemic failure

    Systemic failure

    •Too many corruption cases pending and it does not show a serious fight from the anti-graft agencies

    On the surface, the news that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC) are currently probing 150 private companies as well as Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) for the violation of various parts of the Public Procurement Act (2007) gives the impression of a vigorous drive by government against corruption in Nigeria.

    This was revealed by the Director- General, Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), Mr Emeka Emeze, at the opening of a recent Procurement Cadre Conversion Training Programme in Abuja. We are unimpressed by the disclosure that about 200 persons are under investigation for sundry violations of the Act, including collusion in contract bidding, use of false documents, false claims by contracting firms and suppliers, and manipulation of the procurement process.

    The large number of individuals and organisations allegedly involved in these infractions of the Procurement Act only reinforces the abysmal and pervasive degree of corruption in the country. Perversion of the procurement process is one of the major avenues of criminal enrichment through frivolous and fraudulent contract awards. Speaking on the occasion, the Lead Procurement Specialist of the World Bank, Chief BayoAwosemusi, noted that 30 per cent savings would be achieved if the country’s procurement procedures meet international standards and reflect the principles and objectives of economy, efficiency, value for money and timeliness. This shows to what extent the country is being bled through procurement violations in both the public and private sectors.

    The reported scale of violations of the Public Procurement Act is suggestive of an alarming systemic failure and the impotence of existing checks and balances to help minimise corruption, particularly in the public sector. A certain category of contracts, for instance, must go through the Ministerial Tenders Board, the Due Process Office and the executive council at the federal level. Also, contracts above a certain magnitude must pass the scrutiny of the State Tenders Board and the Executive Council at the state level. In addition to this, there are audit departments in the various MDAs as well as private sector organisations, which are expected to ensure adherence to due process. The offices of the state and federal Auditor- Generals are required to routinely report violations of the financial process to the Public Accounts Committees of the legislature for necessary action. How could there be such a high degree of violation of the Act if the systemic checks and balances are functional?

    There is every reason to believe that neither the EFCC nor the ICPC has the capacity to deal with the scale of these infractions of the Procurement Act. The EFCC, for instance, has claimed that one of its limitations is paucity of finance. How then can it cope with this additional burden, especially when scores of cases it has been prosecuting, some of them for over a decade, remain unresolved? There is, therefore, no alternative to ensuring that systemic checks and balances work so that fraud is prevented in the first place and scarce public resources are not expended on investigating and prosecuting indicted fraudsters.

    The Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Anyim Pius Anyim, was certainly unconvincing when he charged those involved in the procurement process to conduct themselves with the highest sense of responsibility, ethics and integrity, warning that those found culpable would be punished. These words sound hollow because the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan does not itself adhere to the lofty standards espoused by Mr Anyim. Not only does it pardon persons found guilty of corruption, it has turned a blind eye to scandalous allegations of corruption by some of its top officials. In such a climate of pervasive corruption, large-scale violations of the Procurement Act is no surprise.

     

  • An alarming trend

    An alarming trend

    •The Federal Government must rise up to contain the refugee crisis looming in Nigeria as a result of the Boko Haram conflict

    Latest facts emanating from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) on the refugee situation across the world, and especially in Nigeria, are frightening. The leap between 2012 and last year indicates that the world is getting more unsafe and the insurgency in the North Eastern part of Nigeria has enlisted the country as a major contributor to the new trend. The UNHCR Global Trend Reports just released show that while there are 57,000 refugees from Nigeria flocking into neighbouring Niger, Chad and Cameroon, the number of internally displaced persons might have reached five million or 10 per cent of the internally displaced persons in the world.

    Chairman of the House of Representatives Committee on Appropriation, John Enoh, who spoke at a lecture at the University of Ibadan, Ibadan, endorsed the figures as he expressed worries that, with the relentless strikes by the terrorists in different parts of the country, the situation could actually get out of hand. He called attention to the attendant social challenges, including starvation, shelter needs and possible pressure on the lean resources available for development. We support his call on the National Assembly to be proactive in responding to the security challenge in the country and welfare of the displaced.

    A breakdown of the figures released by the UNHCR indicates that there were 16 per cent more internally displaced in the world in 2013 than there were the previous year, and that 63 per cent of the displaced persons live in Syria, Colombia, Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan. Contrary to previous claims by the developed countries, the world body disclosed that 80 per cent of refugees flock to developing countries. The implications are serious. It is terrifying to contemplate what would happen if the insurgents in the North who strike at will across the North East, and make forays to parts of the North West, were to remain invincible in the next two years. Given the population of Nigeria and her importance to the economy of the West African sub-region, it is obvious that many countries in the area would easily be overrun by fleeing Nigerians. Other parts of the country that may be adjudged relatively safe would possibly cave in under the pressure of those moving southwards from the theatre of war.

    In recent times, poverty has remained a cause for worry; preventable communicable and non-communicable diseases are on the increase in all parts of the country, even as basic infrastructure such as roads, basic healthcare centres, functional schools and decent transportation are still unavailable. A refugee/displaced persons crisis would only compound the problem and further raise the bar in unemployment and the crime situation in the country.

    We call on the armed forces to come up with fresh tactics to arrest the trend. The military must do more by way of showing positive results, for example in rescuing the abducted Chibok girls. Most Nigerians in all parts of the country feel insecure. The recent arrest in Abia State of 33 buses loaded with people from the North is a cause for alarm. The Chief of Defence Staff should be seen more than heard.

    Nigerians want to see the outcome of the disproportionate allocation of scarce resources to security. We are convinced that the only way to convince Nigerians to stay in their homestead, especially in areas ravaged by the insurgency, is by showing that the state is winning the war and is capable of arresting the trend. This is not the situation at the moment. Already, the picture in the federal capital territory is that the residents are almost as unsafe as the people in the North east. The consequence of this is better imagined.

    At a time in the country’s history, the need to fight a civil war arose; history has returned a verdict on those in government then. Similarly, this government would one day have to render account on its actions and inactions in containing the Boko Haram menace.