Category: Editorial

  • As Emefiele assumes duty …

    As Emefiele assumes duty …

    •His proposals are largely commendable but execution is the issue 

    ON June 4, Godwin Emefiele formally assumed office as the 10th Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). His coming brings closure to the Sanusi Lamido Sanusi era at the apex bank. For a man who did so much to bring some sanity and stability to the domestic financial market,  an individual who could claim to have fought inflation to a standstill, it is unfortunate that Sanusi’s tenure is now defined by issues largely unrelated to his remit as the chief steward of the apex bank. The controversies, which would also spawn allegations of serial infractions aside culminating in his forced exit, have also eventuated in the re-opening of the old debate about the limits of the apex bank’s independence.

    Of course, Nigerians know better than to swallow the Federal Government’s yarn that the exit of Sanusi was for anything other than his trenchant criticisms of the government’s management of the oil receipts, particularly his allegation that a whopping $20 billion was not remitted into the federation account. It is perhaps just as well that the allegation came at a time of mounting concerns about Sanusi’s volubility – a vice ordinarily deemed incompatible with the demands of the traditionally conservative office. Even at that, we are aware that many have argued that Sanusi has done a patriotic duty of raising the alarm, at least to the extent that the issues raised by him are now the subject of a forensic audit. Pertinent here is whether the sin can constitute the ground for removing a CBN governor from office.

    We consider this background important if only to underscore the immediate challenge facing Emefiele as he settles down. This is because, no matter how lofty the goals set by his leadership are, the question of whether the number one banker could still claim to retain the ambience of operational independence and integrity to undertake any bold measures after the ‘Sanusi treatment’ is unlikely to go away anytime soon.

    This takes us to his vision for the apex bank. At the risk of appearing dismissive, we think that the problems of the financial services sector, like the overall economy in which it is a part, have been largely over-dissected. Under Charles Soludo, it was ‘consolidation’, which saw a total of 89 banks collapsed into 25. Sanusi would come later with his ‘sanitisation’, with its massive purge and further shrinking of the same sector. Unfortunately, none of these has brought the financial services sector anywhere near the larger goal of deepening access to financial services to any appreciable degree.

    Access to credit remains difficult just as costs have also remained prohibitively high. While the paradox of excessive liquidity side-by-side critical shortages in credit to the real sector has endured, a stuttering economy – with soar away unemployment – continues to record superlative growth said to be among the highest in the world.

    However, that is not where the paradox ends; no thanks to the industrial scale oil theft and the opaque accounting system of the oil sector, a nation which claims to sell its crude way above the annual benchmark price continues to suffer decline in fiscal buffers.

    Yes, we welcome Emefiele with his new vision to turn the tide around. If anything, he needs it to run with. Given his core banking background, he seems an unlikely individual to rock the boat – which by the way is neither a virtue nor a vice. We share in his goal of a gradual reduction in interest rates. His point about treasury bills rates creating “a perverse incentive for commercial banks to simply buy virtually risk-free government bonds rather than lend to the real sector” could not have been better made.

    So are his proposals to abolish charges on deposits, and his foreclosure on the devaluation of the naira, and of course, his desire to tighten bank supervision; all of these are well-intended. Same is the proposal on Secured Transaction and National Collateral Registry to improve access to information on borrowers and to assist lenders to make good credit decisions; it is long overdue.

    However, after nearly 10 years of financial reforms, the nation is wiser than to judge by grand statements of intentions. All said, his performance is what matters most.

  • Physician, heal thyself

    Physician, heal thyself

    •Pot calls the kettle black as Okonjo-Iweala accuses states of financial recklessness

    FINANCE minister and coordinating minister for the economy, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, left the log in the eye of the Federal Government that she is serving and instead, chose to see the speck in the eye of the state governments when she accused the latter of misusing the monthly allocation they get from the federation account. Speaking in a lecture with the theme: “Transforming Nigeria’s Economy: Opportunities and Challenges,” at the 12th convocation of Babcock University, Ilisan Remo, Ogun State, the minister told us what we already know.

    According to her, 10 states received the highest revenue monthly in 2013. The states and their allocations are Akwa Ibom, N260 billion; Rivers, N230 billion; Delta, N209 billion; Bayelsa, N173 billion; Lagos, N168 billion; Kano, N140 billion; Katsina, N103 billion; Oyo, N100 billion; Kaduna, N 97billion and Borno, N94 billion. She then wondered why Nigerians continue to blame President Goodluck Jonathan’s government for the poor state of basic public services like education, health and agriculture, all of which fall under the concurrent list, despite the humongous amounts the states receive.

    Okonjo-Iweala says countries like Liberia, The Gambia and the Republic of Benin are not as richly blessed as these states. “So you see that our top 10 states receive more money than these countries and, therefore, you should be asking what is this money being used for?”, she said.

    We are grateful to the finance minister for drawing our attention to this fact that we often forget. It is true many of us hardly remember the state governments, and particularly the local governments when talking about financial impropriety and transparency in governance. Yet there is as much stench in these tiers of government as there is at the federal level.

    But what Dr Okonjo-Iweala conveniently forgot to add is the fact that the state governments have only taken a cue from what is happening at the centre when it comes to reckless management of funds and lack of transparency and accountability in government.

    A few examples, starting with the minister, will suffice: Dr Okonjo-Iweala would remember that she once told Nigerians that she had granted import waivers to the tune of N171billion between 2011 and 2013 whereas the Customs Department said the total amount of same granted by the minister within the period was N1.4trillion. What we have between the two claims is not just a difference but a gulf, and the minister is yet to clear the air on it.

    What of the bullet-proof cars scandal that cost the former Minister of Aviation, Stella Oduah  her job?

    Also, the petroleum ministry is bleeding with all manner of allegations of financial recklessness. The president’s response is that the minister has been invited more than 200 times by the House of Representatives to shed light on some of these issues, suggesting that the minister is being victimised. Right now, a simple invitation to the minister by the House has become a subject of litigation. The examples are too numerous to mention.

    We congratulate the finance minister for the award of Doctor of Science in Global Economic Development (Honoris Causa) that the university bestowed on her, even as we have noted her admonition that we should demand improved standard of living from the state governments. However, we cannot swallow the addendum that we should stop accusing the Federal Government of insensitivity. And the reason is simple: it is the Federal Government that gets the lion’s share of the monthly allocation (52.68 percent) while the states get 26.72 percent and the 774 local governments share 20.6 percent.

    In essence, Dr Okonjo-Iweala’s allegation is akin to the pot calling the kettle black. If she wants to be honest with herself, she should first heal the centre government that she is serving of financial recklessness before attempting to heal the state governments. Indeed, the latter would take a cue when they see the former lead by example.

  • The Bergdahl blowback:  Did he deserve to be rescued?

    The Bergdahl blowback: Did he deserve to be rescued?

    – Was Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl ‘worthy’ of rescue? The chairman of the Joint Chiefs thinks so It’s possible to defend the deal that secured Bergdahl’s release without portraying him as a hero.

    The deal that won the release of Sgt. Bowe Bergdahl was immediately criticized on several grounds: that the five Taliban detainees who were swapped for Bergdahl were too dangerous to release, that the deal granted political legitimacy to the Taliban, and that the Obama administration violated a law requiring notice to Congress 30 days before a prisoner is transferred from Guantanamo. These criticisms were discussed (and mostly discounted) in a June 4 Times editorial posted online.

    The questions about this particular soldier’s conduct are separate from our effort to recover any U.S. service member in enemy captivity. – Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff

    But in recent days the criticism has shifted to a different argument: that the 28-year-old soldier, who left his post in Afghanistan in 2009 under circumstances that are still unclear, wasn’t worthy of being rescued.

    President Obama has ruled that question out of order. When he announced the agreement on Saturday, he insisted that “the United States of America does not ever leave our men and women in uniform behind.” On Thursday, he said he would “make absolutely no apologies for making sure that we get back a young man to his parents.” The president characterized criticism of the deal as an example of the “controversies that are whipped up in Washington.”

    It’s true that questions about Bergdahl’s conduct five years ago have been shamelessly exploited by Republicans, some of whom earlier had called on the administration to secure his release or initially had welcomed the news that he would be freed. But not all of the criticism has been political. Former comrades have come forth to accuse Bergdahl of desertion, and to complain bitterly that the search for him cost the lives of several of his fellow soldiers (a claim that hasn’t been conclusively established).

    We agree with Obama that men and women who serve their country in uniform and fall into the hands of the enemy are entitled to special consideration. We wouldn’t extend that presumption to a soldier who clearly has defected to the enemy and taken up arms against his own country. But that isn’t an accurate description of Bergdahl. (Nor, of course, is national security advisor Susan Rice’s gratuitous comment that Bergdahl “served the United States with honor and distinction.” It’s possible to defend the deal that secured Bergdahl’s release without portraying him as a hero.)

    The last word on whether Bergdahl was “worthy” of rescue should go to Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who wrote that “the questions about this particular soldier’s conduct are separate from our effort to recover any U.S. service member in enemy captivity. This was likely the last, best opportunity to free him. As for the circumstances of his capture, when he is able to provide them, we’ll learn the facts. Like any American, he is innocent until proven guilty.”

     

    – Los Angeles Times

  • Jonathan’s war  against the media

    Jonathan’s war against the media

    IT came across at first a mere mistake, the work of overzealous members of the armed forces. But when on Friday, newspapers did not get to the readers all across the country, it was obvious that it was not an act of soldiers acting beyond their call of duty. It was their damnable call of duty.

    They had been mandated by the high command to impound newspapers, including The Nation, from reaching their destinations. The Nation was not the only victim in this act of savage disregard to free speech. It affected major newspapers, and the umbrage is evident in the voices of these newspapers because of its throwback to the era of military nervousness.

    The Nation was not allowed to move in the various regions of the country. In the Southwest, this newspaper did not circulate in the major cities of the region, including Ibadan, Ekiti, Osogbo, Abeokuta, Ondo and Akure. In the South-south, the newspaper did not reach buyers in Port Harcourt, Asaba, Warri, Uyo and Calabar, as well as other parts of the region.

    In the Federal Capital Territory, the soldiers clamped down at the distribution hub in Garki. They hounded away the distribution staff, including drivers, and set the vehicle drivers in disarray. They impounded the vehicles of such newspapers as The Nation, The Punch, The Vanguard, The Leadership, The Guardian, The Sun, and quite a few others. This happened on Friday with a repeat on Saturday.

    The Nation newspaper was also barred from the northern cities, including Kano, Kaduna, Zaria, Jos, as well as their smaller towns. The fact that this was allowed to happen once and the second time, and the military did not retreat from such act, shows that the military was not alone in this matter. It was not an example of lower level zealousness but upper-crust disdain and fear.

    The Jonathan administration that has claimed to give fair airings to divergent views has reached a new high mark in tyranny. At the time of this editorial, no government official from the Presidency has issued any statement on this primitive show of force.

    To worsen this matter and establish a pattern, the Nigeria Press Council has issued a directive to broadcast stations across the country, including the TV Continental and Channels TV, stating that henceforth, no live political programme should air without clearance 48 hours before broadcast.

    This is happening also against the background of an order in Abuja by notorious police commissioner, Mbu Joseph Mbu (formerly of the Rivers State Police Command but now of the Federal Capital Territory), to ban any protests for the release of the over 200 missing Chibok girls. The shameful pirouette on the order has not been adequately explained.

    It shows a strong temper of intolerance by the Jonathan administration that it could be comparing itself in deed not the best of democracies but to the worst of military dictatorship. This is a president who in farcical language tended to derogate the vices of Pharaohs and Nebuchadnezzar. Yet his government is presiding over the cruelest act of suppression of free speech.

    The excuse advanced by the military on the first day of the clampdown was that they were working on intelligence that the insurgent group Boko Haram was planning to use newspaper vans to carry out attacks. We appreciate the military for being sensitive to a piece of intelligence. But what was the wisdom in detaining vehicles for a whole day? If they wanted to check the vehicles for incriminating or subversive matter, all they needed to do was search the vehicles and satisfy themselves that the vehicles did not carry any substance that could imperil the peace.

    Such an exercise when done professionally should not have delayed the vehicles for more than 30 minutes. They have the tools to search for arms and other explosives, and we believe they ought to have at least technology of modest sophistication to detect them. They could have undertaken their searches and allowed the vehicles to reach their places of destination. How does a newspaper that trades on truth become a public enemy? How does the Jonathan administration, which has bumbled its way serially in the fight against terror, now want to nail down the media as the enemy? Is this shameful show of cluelessness the way the Jonathan administration has been conducting its war on Boko Haram? If that is the case, we can see why it has become a laughing stock of the international community. They have been tragically pursuing the wrong targets.

    Is the media guilty because it wants to report the facts and imbue the society with the various actions and tendencies of the political class? If the Jonathan administration has any point of view to canvass, it has its media staff to articulate them.

    The Jonathan administration cannot also explain why it has decided through the Press Council to rein in free speech also in the electronic media. Live shows are an important jewel in broadcasting and in modern communication. The president’s periodic press show is also beamed live on national television and online. So, would the president say that it ought to notify the Press Council and allow it to vet everything the president says?

    This muzzling of free speech has no place in a civilised society. It is rash, reckless, irresponsible and out of sync with the high ideals of democracy and liberal society. We therefore call on the presidency to halt this vicious trend.  It is not in its place to allow or disallow the media to do its work.  The Constitution already grants that right and it cannot be taken away by anybody, no matter how misguided or powerful they think they are.  But the Jonathan presidency must halt its newfound war against the press because it is a distraction too many — and this government is too tragically distracted already. The media mirrors society, and the president has no right in the constitution to stop this. It subverts the tenets of the constitution that guarantees free speech.

    Ordering soldiers to impound distribution vehicles and the Press Council to choke out targeted political shows is a sure way to rank this president and its team among the despotic follies of history anywhere.

  • Mbu again

    Mbu again

    •The about-turn over the order on protests reignites worries over whether the CP should still be allowed to function in a democracy

    The procedural conflict within the police begs for rectification. Otherwise, how could Joseph Mbu, Commissioner of Police for Federal Capital Territory (FCT), have single-handedly banned protests by the ‘Bring Back our Girls’ protesters without direct authorisation from the Inspector-General of Police (IGP)? What has happened to discipline in the force?

    We were appalled by reports that Mbu, who came to national consciousness through his notorious mishandling of the Rivers State political crisis, audaciously trampled on people’s rights in the FCT where he currently holds sway. He reportedly banned peaceful protests embarked upon by the pro-Chibok girls’ protesters under the direction of Oby Ezekwesili, former Minister of Education, and Hadiza Bala Usman. The protests in Abuja had been on for over 34 days without hiccups until the latest condemnable but supposedly overruled ban by Mbu.

    We are pleased by the timely intervention of the IGP even though with a bit of reservation. Frank Mba, Force Public Relations Officer (FPRO), who held forth for the IGP at a media parley in Abuja disclosed that the “buck stops at the table of the IGP” and that the ‘Police High Command wishes to inform the general public that the force has not issued any order banning peaceful assemblies/protests anywhere in Nigeria.’

    Despite this explicit about-face on the Mbu ban, we consider the subsequent clarification that follows as befuddling as Mba further ambivalently stated that “security is a collective responsibility of all and consequently, citizens are strongly advised to reconsider their positions on the issues of rallies and protests in FCT until the existing threats are appropriately neutralised and removed from our midst by relevant security agencies.”

    We ask: What constitute the threats in these peaceful protests and how did such intelligence report come about in a country where peaceful protests are always treated by government as a serious crime? We recollect that peaceful protest has been judicially declared to be lawful under the nation’s democracy.

    So, this latter statement by Mba is ambiguous and capable of mischievous interpretations. The IGP cannot be approbating and reprobating on this same issue at the same time. After all, the police have not adduced any clear-cut evidence showing that there were indeed plans by miscreants to hijack the Abuja protests on the Chibok girls’ abduction. If there were any, it is, in our view, the duty of the police to prevent such from happening. This is why we agree with Ezekwesili and Usman when they declared that the protest “movement is legitimate and lawful and cannot be arrested by the police whose responsibility is to enforce, not betray the law.”

    The point is that advocacy for the safe rescue of the Chibok girls should not be seen by the police as an affront to government’s authority but rather a welcome development. Such protests should be encouraged for they serve as daily reminder to the authorities of the need not to rest on their oars until the girls are rescued. This should be encouraged especially in a country like ours where serious state matters easily get relegated to the backburner of national discourse.

    Mbu unleashed subversive disorder as CP in Rivers State. He has extended that patent in Abuja. We call on the IGP to rein in CP Mbu before he does further damage to the police as an institution. He went too far this time, which shows the contempt he has for the gravity of the Chibok abductions, the parents and the nation in general, despite the latest damage control. His conduct over time is incompatible with democratic tenets. Perhaps it is time for him to go.

  • Singing silence

    Singing silence

    • Maya Angelou, 86, was regal in poetry, politics and battle against patriarchy

    Perhaps one of the most definitive indications of what Maya Angelou represented was her insightful statement following the 2009 emergence of Barack Obama as the first African-American President of the United States of America. “We are growing up beyond the idiocies of racism and sexism,” she declared profoundly when Obama won the historic presidential election.

    Of particular relevance to Nigeria, her impressive perspective on another idiocy, specifically despotism, was instructively supplied in a posthumous tribute by a fellow writer, Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, who said she “mobilised emergency forces, and personally led the charge to beat down the doors of a lethargic – and/or ambiguous – US administration during the Sani Abacha murderous dictatorship.”

    According to Soyinka, “She kept her finger on the nation’s pulse throughout a people’s travails,” referring to Abacha’s brutish military rule from 1993 to 1998. This picture is remarkably representative of her phenomenal activism and civil rights consciousness. Black and proud of her colour, she lived and worked in Ghana in the 1960s, which deepened her sense of identity and influenced her trajectory.      By the time Angelou made her exit on May 28, aged 86, there was no doubt that hers was a well-rounded life. The African-American woman of many memorable parts personified a can-do spirit that inspired numerous people across the world and she told her dramatic life story to huge international applause. She achieved fame for her chain of seven autobiographies, especially the first, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings (1969), which captures her life up to the age of 17.

    Significantly, her devotion to documentary writing was mirrored by the fact that in 2013, at the age of 85, she published her seventh autobiography, Mom & Me & Mom, which is about her relationship with her mother. Indeed, she was reportedly writing another autobiography about her experiences with national and world leaders, which her death aborted.  It is a testimony to her distinctive quality that her non-fiction narratives of her life experiences, which centred on themes of racism, identity and family, were consciously stylised and, paradoxically, attracted description as autobiographical fiction.

    Like her personality, her oeuvre was expansive and transcended autobiographies. Characterised as “the black woman’s poet laureate”,  she also published several volumes of poetry,  three collections of essays,  and got credit for a number of plays, movies and television shows in a writing life that spanned about 50 years and earned her multiple awards and more than 50 honorary degrees.

    Her stature was reflected in her momentous poetry performance at the 1993 inauguration of US President Bill Clinton where she recited her poem, On the Pulse of Morning, setting a record as the first poet to make an inaugural recitation since Robert Frost at John Kennedy’s inauguration in 1961. Notably, the occasion was regarded as a massive boost for her celebrity “across racial, economic, and educational boundaries,” and the recording of the poem got a Grammy Award.

    It is noteworthy that two years later, she drew global attention with the presentation of what was described as her “second ‘public’ poem”, A Brave and Startling Truth, in commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the United Nations. Other honours distinguished her, including three Grammys for her spoken word albums, the National Medal of Arts in 2000, the Lincoln Medal in 2008 and the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2011.

    One defining incident in Angelou’s life is worth recounting. Raped by her mother’s boyfriend, the fact that she exposed the man led to his murder by avengers, and the shocked eight-year-old became mute for almost five years. She said:  ”I thought my voice killed him; I killed that man, because I told his name. And then I thought I would never speak again, because my voice would kill anyone …” It was during this period of silence that she found her voice as a writer.

  • FIFA needs to deal with the shadow over soccer

    When the Fédération Internationale de Football Assn. picked Qatar four years ago to host the 2022 World Cup soccer championship, it seemed an odd choice. The tiny oil-rich emirate has neither a history of nor the infrastructure for top-level soccer, and the summertime matches would be played in life-threatening triple-digit heat. On the other hand, FIFA’s decision meant that for the first time, a Middle Eastern country would host the world’s largest sporting event, an important milestone for the quadrennial tournament.

    Now, if recent allegations reported by the Times of London prove true, there is a dark explanation for Qatar’s surprising victory over bids by the U.S., Australia and other larger nations: some $5 million in alleged bribes to secure FIFA site-committee votes. The key figure in the scandal, the report said, is Mohamed bin Hammam, a former Qatari soccer official and FIFA vice president. If true, that means that the culture of bribery reached high into the organization’s leadership. FIFA has already banned Hammam over unrelated conflicts of interest, and a ban even before that — related to allegations that he tried to bribe his way into the FIFA presidency — was voided on appeal. Others allegedly involved in the events reported by the Times of London, including Qatar’s bid committee, have denied wrongdoing.

    The report has fueled demands that FIFA rescind its plans to hold the World Cup in Qatar and redo the site-selection process. If the bribery allegations turn out to be true, that is the right and reasonable response. (Frankly, Qatar’s offensive laws criminalizing homosexuality are also problematic, and this page recently urged FIFA to ensure humane treatment of foreign laborers living and working in dangerous conditions to help Qatar prepare for the tournament.)

    But FIFA’s problems run deeper than Qatar. The association has also been drawn into political arguments in Brazil over the $11.5 billion that country is spending to meet FIFA demands for hosting the 2014 World Cup, which begins next week. And then there are allegations of match-rigging. According to an internal FIFA report obtained by the New York Times, a Singapore-based gambling ring tried to rig as many as 15 international scrimmages before the 2010 World Cup in South Africa — a scandal FIFA has allegedly kept under wraps.

    FIFA has tremendous power in international sports, and that brings with it significant responsibilities. Yet these reports call into question the body’s professionalism. If governing votes can be bought and if matches can be rigged, then FIFA’s core credibility is in doubt. A full investigation into FIFA’s governance and management should be undertaken by disinterested outsiders, seeking an open accounting of what has occurred — and a blueprint for how FIFA could be reformed.

    – Los Angeles Times-

  • Akpabio and pension

    Akpabio and pension

    •The Akwa Ibom State governor’s decision to repeal the controversial law reflects sensitivity to and triumph of public opinion

    Contrition is a better virtue in government than hubris, and governance of such quality realises the humanity of leadership.

    This is one way to characterise the radical about-face by the Akwa Ibom state Governor, Godswill Akpabio, when he announced Tuesday that he would repeal the controversial pension law that gave  ex-governors and deputies who had served the state – with their wives – a humongous pension bill and other benefits.

    When it was announced after the state house of assembly ingloriously passed it into law, it raised a dust of disgust among many Nigerians, including stake holders in the state. It was characterised as a signal of alienation between the well-heeled political elite and the masses. And this indignation was justified. It had pegged a limit of N100 million as medical allowances for each ex-governor with the spouse for a year and N50 million a year for the deputies and their spouses.

    In responding to the groundswell of criticism, Governor Akpabio said, “Truth has been under siege and today I have decided that we should lift the evil siege by proposing to the House of Assembly that the parts of the amendment putting a N100 million ceiling on medical treatment of former governors and former deputy governors respectively be expunged from the amendment.”

    He stated further that, “Let it revert to the open-ended situation inherent in the law, before the amendment.” This pirouette can be seen as an act of bowing to pressure. But it must be commended for its act of courage and sensitivity to public sentiment.

    We commend members of the public who roundly condemned the pension package compelling a rethink on the law. This is the way democracy should work.

    Governance is not about perfection. It is about a listening ear. We have seen governments since the inception of this democracy make decisions and swagger over them in spite of the public’s lack of ease with its moral roots and philosophical perspective.

    We must add that as in the case of Governor Akpabio and for others in political office, prevention is better than cure. They should involve  more consultations rooted in the popular pulse before making some decisions of this sensitive character in order to avoid the embarrassment of popular censure.

    The extant law to which Governor Akpabio seeks to return is also flawed, and it gives ex-governors with greed in their eyes the opportunity to pursue claims that may even exceed the controversial N100 million. Any governor with contempt for the purity of public funds or the dignity of his appending signature could sign off on any bill even amounting to N150 million.

    It is interesting that the law passed then without any public uproar. It was perhaps because the public did not imbue such law with the fear that our politicians could abuse them once out of office. But that anxiety continues to dog a wild and spendthrift political elite.

    Governor Akpabio noted also that, “I will further advise, in observance of the articles of faith guiding the discharge of the office of governor that, through extant circulars, a medical insurance scheme be put in place for that authentic and proper management of the medical treatment of former governors and deputy governors and their spouses in order to ensure that the open-ended nature of the law is not abused.”

    This is also right. But law is one thing and its adherence quite another and much depends on the integrity of its executors.

    We must note that while umbrage dogged the footsteps of Akwa Ibom over the controversial pension package, we know that quite a few states in the country have pensions that are elitist and alienating. Few ex-governors and deputies can claim they do not have such highfalutin benefits today.

    The more fundamental question is: why all these benefits if the purpose of governance is service? And that is a question to ponder not only in Akwa Ibom but all over our political class in Nigeria.

  • Last sigh

    Last sigh

    •Supreme Court’s penalty against Ogboru’s lawyer over case against Gov. Uduaghan for wasting the court’s time is good for the judicial process

    For abusing the judicial process and wasting the time of the Supreme Court, a lawyer, Dr Dickson Osuala, is to pay N8million as cost to Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), and the Attorney General of the Federation. Each will get N2million according to the court.

    Dr Osuala was counsel to the Democratic Peoples Party (DPP) candidate in the 2007 governorship election in Delta State, Chief Great Ogboru. Chief Ogboru was dissatisfied with the result of the governorship election in the state, as announced by INEC, and decided to challenge it in court.

    We have nothing against aggrieved persons taking full advantage of the judicial process. Indeed, it is the normal thing to do in election cases, especially in our kind of country where elections are hardly won or lost at the ballot. Indeed, what irked us is not that the issue has become a subject of protracted legal battles but Chief Ogboru’s attempt to rubbish the maxim that ’there should be an end to litigation’. The matter had traversed several courts, from the election petition tribunal to the Supreme Court.

    In the course of the litigation, both parties have had to contest certain aspects of the various court rulings by way of appeals. But what is significant is that the matter eventually got to the Supreme Court, with the apex court ruling in favour of Governor Uduaghan on three occasions.

    Chief Ogboru at a time urged the apex court to set aside its judgment of March 2, 2012 and hear some consolidated appeals on the merit. But when the matter came up for hearing on October 15, 2012, his counsel applied to withdraw the application and same was accordingly struck out.

    Then, Dr. Osuala filed a similar application dated November 19, 2012, urging the Supreme Court to set aside its decision and hear the consolidated appeals on the merit. The court again dismissed the application as an abuse of judicial process on June 21, 2013. Still not satisfied with the decision of the apex court, Ogboru, again through Dr. Osuala, filed a similar application on August 21, 2013. It was at this stage that the justices at the apex court got angry and slammed the N8million costs on Dr Osuala, after dismissing the application.

    We agree with the apex court that penalising counsel for such frivolous cases will go a long way in dissuading other lawyers who might want to toe similar line, when all they need do is to advise their client against such judicial voyage that only makes a mockery of the judicial process. If the clients are ignorant of the law, the counsel, as the learned people that they are supposed to be, should know better. How could a lawyer take a matter on which the apex court had ruled twice to it a third time? We know the court could make mistakes, in which case it could reverse itself, Chief Ogboru’s case did not fall within such circumstances. There must be a cogent reason to warrant such a review.

    Dr Osuala is not the only lawyer involved in such abuse of the judicial process. There have been many other instances of lawyers seeking frivolous injunctions and wasting valuable time in the process. Their tribe will go into extinction when the courts not only refuse to cooperate with them but make them pay heavily for their irresponsible actions. It is such behaviour that causes congestion in our courts as well as delay justice, which in a sense, is justice denied. We need more of the apex court sanction on erring lawyers if truly cases must end.

  • Blow the whistle on Fifa, please

    – Abysmal governance at soccer’s global body must end

    Ten days from now, millions of people around the globe will have their eyes fixed on Brazil as the World Cup finals begin. While many thrills and spills lie ahead, the prestige sporting event has been tarnished by allegations of corruption at Fifa, world football’s governing body, over the choice of Qatar to host the 2022 competition.

    Fifa and its president Sepp Blatterare no strangers to controversy. Two years ago, two leading figures at the Zurich-based body were exposed as having received millions of dollars in bribes from a marketing company. In 2011 Jack Warner, then head of the Caribbean football federation, resigned from all his positions in international soccer after facing numerous bribery allegations. That year, the election to the Fifa presidency was clouded by allegations of bribery, leading to the resignation of Mohamed bin Hammam, president of the Asian football confederation.

    The allegations over the Qatar World Cup are of a far more serious order. The Sunday Times claims to have received secret documents implicating Mr bin Hammam in the bribery of football officials to award the 2022 World Cup to the Gulf state. The Qatari football authorities and Mr bin Hammam both deny he was involved in lobbying on Qatar’s behalf. But circumstantial evidence keeps emerging that casts doubt on the legitimacy of the World Cup vote.

    The case for rerunning the bid for the 2022 competition looks unassailable. Final judgment should await a pending report into the Qatar bid by Fifa’s top internal investigator. But a string of controversies – among them the health concerns over staging the competition in Qatar’s furnace-like climate – means a new venue is now needed.

    The location for 2022 is not the only issue that needs rethinking. Fifa is a body that has been mired in corruption allegations for so long – and which has been so lame in mending its shoddy governance – that it demands a complete overhaul.

    Fifa’s responsibility in managing world football is huge. An estimated 700m people – a 10th of the world’s population – watched the 2010 World Cup final. The television rights for broadcasting the competition run to billions of dollars. In many countries, soccer has a powerful influence on social attitudes, most notably racism.

    But far from being accountable to any outside body, Fifa acts like a sovereign state. In 2011 Mr Blatter, unable to ignore the spate of scandals, asked outside experts to make recommendations on better governance. One of those experts said most of the proposals were rejected.

    The Swiss government could force change on Fifa, which is legally incorporated as a Swiss non-profit organisation. Switzerland ought to make international sports organisations based on its territory subject to Swiss criminal law but has been reluctant to do so. Fifa’s six main corporate sponsors – Adidas, Coca-Cola, Hyundai, Emirates, Sony and Visa – could also force it to mend its ways. But they show little sign of being genuinely alarmed by the corruption claims.

    Western governments and lawmakers should therefore bring their influence to bear. The US Congress could consider holding hearings to examine the relations between American multinationals and Fifa. US companies have to abide by stringent anti-corruption laws.

    – Financial Times