The Nation Newspaper

Category: Editorial

  • On track

    On track

    • We expect that the 2000 tractors will buzz into action in the new year

    The stage seems set for a new berth in food security. Judging by what those in charge are saying, the ballyhooed deployment of tractors across the country will soon commence and the tractors will be revving to farms.

    The Tinubu administration had announced about six months ago that the nation had taken deliveries of 2000 tractors. They came in two batches of 1000 tractors each. The news was first received with scepticism in parts of the country, perhaps because of the sheer number.

    After they arrived, doubts still lingered about the authenticity of the news until they were paraded to convince doubting Thomases in the country. After they arrived, many expected the tractors to immediately be distributed to farms across the country.

    The government must take part of the blame for not communicating that it would take a process and consume time. The impatience in sections of the public was because the media did not take time to also interrogate the purpose of the delay, and also because of a perennial cynicism in parts of the Nigerian society.

    The story is now clearer with the announcement by the Managing Director of the Bank of Agriculture (BOA), Ayo Sotinrin, that the farm trucks will be distributed in January 2026.

    The tractors did not come alone. He added that BOA has already acquired 9,000 implements and 18,000 critical spare parts, all warehoused in Nigeria.

    All of these give the impression of readiness, and getting things right may have led to rollout delay. Sotinrin said it was a rigorous exercise that necessitated making sure that the machines fell in the right hands.

    It is a government-driven process but for it to succeed, it has to depend on the private sector. They would have the tractors and they must be qualified. Hence BOA wants it to reflect the higher levels of transparency, sustainability and a total overhaul of Nigeria’s agricultural mechanisation framework, according to Sotinrin.

    The BOA opened the floor for applicants across the country after an advertisement. On the application process, he explained that the bank received about 110,000 applications from mechanisation service providers nationwide. 

    “The advert closed last month,” he said, referring to November. “We are now shortlisting from 110,000 to about 4,000, and eventually to 2,000 companies.”  He added they want to get it right for the first time in the history of interventions in the agricultural sector.

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    In this model, these tractors were bought with taxpayers’ money and cannot be given free to individuals. The distribution will begin in January to support dry-season farming, he said. They were imported from the Eastern European country of Belarus.

    Although Sotinrin emphasised that selection would be strictly merit-based, we shall assess that when the work is concluded.

    Foreclosing patronage, he said, “There will be no political allocation. If we discover that any tractor has gone to a political person, it will be taken back. No party sharing, no monkey business.” That is to be seen.

    Applicants will not be mere farmers, contrary to widely held views. They are only going to companies. “If you give 2,000 tractors to 2,000 people, you disenfranchise over 69 million farmers,” he explained.

    He stressed that the tractors are not intended for direct allocation to farmers. “The objective is to restructure mechanisation in a way that benefits all farmers and strengthens food security,” Sotinrin said.

    The idea of the payments is to multiply the machines.

    Recovered funds from repayments, he added, will be reinvested to expand the fleet to 40,000 tractors nationwide. The ultimate vision of this mechanisation plan is to move from 2,000 to 4,000, and reach up to 40,000 tractors. That is ambitious and it requires a sense of method and dedication.

    Since this marks the first time in Nigeria’s history that agricultural equipment procured with public funds will not be distributed free of charge, indiscriminate distribution would undermine the national mechanisation masterplan and exclude millions of farmers.

    Sotinrin said: “Farmers are not mechanisation service providers. A tractor is a business tool.

    “You cannot give a truck to a wholesaler and expect him to start a transport business.

    “In the same way, you don’t give a tractor to a farmer cultivating one hectare.”

    It implies that mechanisation service companies must have verifiable financial capacity, strong balance sheets and the ability to pay a 25 per cent deposit will qualify. But the 25 percent requirement may be difficult to sustain, according to industry players. Yet the over 100,000 applicants means it may not be a problem.

    Spreading across the country reflects fairness but we cannot deny that some states are more suited by environment and tradition to farming than others.

    Sotinrin asserts that if “you spread 2,000 tractors across the 36 states, each state will have about 80 to 100 tractors.” But it will present a tricky assignment, especially if states with companies with hefty financial outlays do not fall into the brackets of what may be called agricultural belt.

    Land expanse will play a role. We expect that such vibrant companies will be compelled to operate not based on where they are located but where prospects abound. “In that way, 2,000 tractors can cover over 100,000 hectares and serve millions of farmers,” he said. Companies will pay as they use. Once a tractor works on 10 hectares, for instance, the system records it and generates an invoice, he explained.

    It shows that this is for the elite because only companies capable of cultivating a minimum of 500 hectares will qualify and that translates to about 1,000 hectares for every two tractors. So, 2,000 tractors amount to 100,000 hectares per cycle.

    With a refinancing package of over a three-to-five-year period, it promises to be Nigeria’s first fully integrated initiative for mechanisation. About 36 mobile service trucks will provide on-site maintenance and routine servicing. Major tractor hubs across the six geopolitical zones will ease complex repairs. He says all tractors will be fitted with digital tracking systems to prevent diversion and misuse.

    “The trackers tell us where the tractor is, when it is working, when it is idle and when it needs servicing. That way, the tractors can last almost forever,” he noted.

    Timing the release to the beginning of the farming season is welcome, but we expect that the tractors will usher in a new burst of productivity.

    We also know that high yields without enablers in roads, skills and storage will make the whole project like a stillborn child.

  • Reserved seats

    Reserved seats

    •Special legislative seats for women undesirable

    In pursuit of enhanced women representation, the National Assembly is currently deliberating on the ‘Reserved Seats for Women’ Bill, which is expected to address the long-standing gender imbalance in political representation.

    The bill seeks to have one seat reserved for women in the House of Representatives and the Senate in each state of the federation and three for women in state Assemblies. Also, the Senate is seeking one reserved seat per geopolitical zone for women in the Senate.

    The Special Adviser to the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives on Legislative Matters, Chidozie Aja, explained to journalists: “For emphasis, these seats will not replace existing seats, but will expand representation to create room for women at the table of decision-making.  It is also important to note that political parties will field only female candidates for these seats.” 

    He also said the bill “is meant to last for 4 election cycles of 16 years in all.  It is a temporary special measure.”  According to him, “this approach has been used successfully by Rwanda, now the global leader with 61 percent women in Parliament.” He named Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Burkina Faso and Senegal among other countries that have “successfully implemented this approach, in various forms and mixes.”

    He argued that from evidence, “countries that adopt structural gender quotas tend to experience stronger representation, better governance, and improved development outcomes.”

    Indeed, the general concern about low representation of women in the federal and state legislatures cannot be faulted. Gender discrimination is a major problem in our society as there are many cultural and structural obstacles in the way of women’s advancement in our society. This, surely, should be addressed.

    In the Nigerian Senate, there are only four women out of the 109 members, while there are 17 women legislators in the House of Representatives. This is abysmal and should be concertedly addressed by the whole society – men, women, leaders, civil society groups and gender advocates.

    As observed at the various conferences and training sessions on what must be done, a number of people are still conservative and reluctant to allow a huge leap. The proposal that every state should have a seat reserved in each chamber of the National Assembly and three in the state legislatures could receive a push back by the same forces that thwarted the move in the ninth Assembly. Already, there is a new proposal in the Senate that one reserved seat in each of the nation’s six geopolitical zones would be adequate.

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    Another group of lawmakers have argued that the concept of reserved seats for women contradicts the spirit of Section 42 of the 1999 Constitution that is opposed to any form of anti-democratic practice which could be interpreted as discrimination against men. We associate with this position.

    Rather, we call on the lawmakers to be more ingenious through advocacy and sensitisation of the menfolk.  Political parties should take up the responsibility of encouraging women members. It is not enough to have a women leader position reserved for the female gender. There are many women who are top professionals. There are complaints that party meetings are usually fixed for the nights, thus alienating the women. Such impediments should be dismantled.

    Nigeria is at a point where the best hands are needed to lift the country. The bar cannot be lowered on the basis of gender. Hurdles to societal progress such as godfatherism and patriarchy belong in the past century; they should not now be replaced with another unwanted factor.

    It should also be noted that the plan has a tendency to balloon the cost of governance at a time when there is an outcry that it should be cut considerably.

    The new 156 seats are undesirable; the legislators and political leaders should come up with better ideas to encourage women to seek and win elective offices in the country.

  • Street naming racket

    Street naming racket

    •Abuja authorities should investigate findings

    An investigative report by Vanguard has exposed a corruption-related street-naming-for-cash scheme currently thriving within the Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC).

     Officials of the Street Naming and House Numbering Unit are said to contact individuals who have been “nominated” to have streets named after them. The nominees are required to make substantial payments to “process” the honour, ranging from “about N5 million in Nyanya, roughly N 11 million in Lokogoma, and between N25 million and N35 million in the Central Business District (CBD).”

    The report said: “An initial “processing” payment of N500,000 per nominee and a baseline package of N5.5 million were also allegedly demanded.” Also, officials “declined to provide any written fee schedule or approved documentation, leaving the process without publicly available guidelines or transparency.”

    The investigation “found no official pricing templates or verifiable policy documents governing the alleged fees,” and payments were “routed to private accounts,” causing “concerns over transparency.”

    Street naming or renaming is usually not an individual thing. It is often a collective decision either at the local, state or federal levels. What this means is that there is always a collective agreement at various levels about whether a name is deserving of such honour.

    Such names could be linked to politics, the corporate world, academia, entertainment, sports or any other field of human endeavour. It is a way of preserving history and promoting legacies that are as admirable as they are lessons for generations.

     If the allegation that Abuja streets are being named after individuals in exchange for cash is true, we condemn such negation of the core values of our society.

     We suggest that street naming or renaming should have input from the public so that there can be a robust debate about who is deserving or who fails to meet the benchmark. It should be informed by a robust analysis of such individual choices and their contributions to society.

     Notably, in October, Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Nyesom Wike had cautioned the Chairman of AMAC, Christopher Maikalangu, against unauthorised naming of streets and roads constructed by the FCT Administration. He gave the warning during the flag-off ceremony for the provision of engineering infrastructure for layouts in the Guzape AO9 and Asokoro AIT neighbourhood districts of the capital.

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    Wike said: “We have to name streets after those who have contributed to the development of the area. You don’t just wake up because somebody has N2 million, he pays you, then you come and name a street after him. That is not possible.” 

    He continued: “In the city here, the government must know who you are naming the street after. You don’t just name streets after somebody when you don’t know where the money comes from.

     “Government must know who you are naming the street after, in order to immortalise and remember them for what they have done for the country.”

    We recommend a thorough investigation of the newspaper’s findings by the FCT authorities to fish out the culprits and sanction them accordingly. Such paid-for street names, if already documented, must be nullified.  This is one way of returning dignity to the streets so violated with, very often, ill-gotten funds by individuals wishing to deodorise their identities.

    Curiously, AMAC has not issued any official response to the allegations. It is clear that the alleged lack of published guidelines, official receipt structures and transparent payment channels regarding AMAC’s street naming process could encourage corrupt practices and lead to loss of official revenue.

    It is disturbing to think that this might be happening in other states also.  We need to warn that our society must stand for the right human values.

  • Joint ECOWAS force

    Joint ECOWAS force

    • Sub-regional squad against insecurity is a welcome plan

    Member-nations of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) are set to raise a joint counter-terrorism force as part of a renewed drive to tackle growing insurgency across the sub-region. The Chairman of ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government, President Julius Maada Bio of Sierra Leone, made this known at the 68th Ordinary Session of the body recently held in Abuja.

    President Bio voiced concern about the activities of multiple terror groups operating across West Africa, saying such groups were exploiting the fragility of the region’s borders to stage cross-border attacks and destabilise ECOWAS member-states.

    According to him, the proposed joint security force is aimed at reinforcing collective defence mechanisms and enhancing coordinated responses within the regional bloc in the fight against terrorism. “We must strengthen border cooperation to counter terrorism,” he said, stressing the need for closer intelligence sharing, coordinated military action and sustained political commitment to safeguard lives and restore stability across the region.

    The ECOWAS chair noted that the bloc, in its 50 years of existence, had worked at bolstering regional security because of rampant cases of insecurity that had militated against the development of member-countries. The body, he added, now plans on addressing its mandate as an economic community.

    But while at it, member-states are advancing plans to operationalise the ECOWAS standby force, including the establishment of a 1,650-person counter-terrorism brigade by the end of 2026, supported by sustainable funding arrangements.

    In a message to the meeting, Nigeria’s President Bola Ahmed Tinubu canvassed united action by ECOWAS nations against military coups and other threats of insecurity in the sub-region. “The external threats confronting West Africa today demand nothing less than a united front. Terrorism, violent extremism, unconstitutional changes of government, transnational organised crime, cyber insecurity, climate shocks, food insecurity and irregular migration do not respect borders,” he said.

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    He added: “No single member-state, regardless of size, can achieve enduring stability alone. Our security, prosperity and resilience are collective responsibilities. We must sit at the same table, speak with one voice and act with shared resolve.”

    The proposed joint counter-terrorism / counter-insurgency force should strengthen security arrangements within the sub-region, which currently revolves around a Multi-National Joint Task Force (MNJTF) that fights cross-border terrorism in the Lake Chad Basin. This force underwent mandate expansion from being a Nigerian initiative in 1994 to a regional African Union (AU)-backed force in 2015, incorporating troops from Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Benin Republic.

    It evolved from a border security force to a counter-terrorism force with expanded scope of operation. It recorded successes in degrading terrorists, but has also faced complex regional dynamics. The force’s past operations focused on combating Boko Haram/ISWAP insurgents in the Lake Chad Basin, dismantling terrorist strongholds, liberating abducted civilians, seizing insurgents’ assets and creating safe zones for return of displaced persons. But it has had to contend with challenges like underfunding and equipment shortages.

    Until now, there has been no joint sub-regional initiative against insurgency and terrorism. Article 3 of the ECOWAS Protocol for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security (1999) stipulates that combating insurgency is an objective of the regional body. Essentially, it cites the fundamental goal of ECOWAS’s security architecture as aiming for regional stability through proactive and coordinated action.

    Even with its relatively limited mandate, the MNJTF has been helpful in containing the virulence of insurgents. Until Niger Republic broke away from ECOWAS, along with Mali and Burkina Faso under military regimes that seized power in those countries, the northern neighbour served as some buffer against unrestrained migration of Sahelian terrorists into Nigeria.

    The beauty of a concerted front against a menace was also illustrated in Nigeria’s decisive role recently in putting down a coup attempt by renegade soldiers in Benin Republic.

    So, the plan for a joint ECOWAS force against insecurity is most welcome. We think it is indeed long overdue. The test of its functionality will be how member-states enthusiastically subscribe to this initiative through required funding and contribution of troops.

  • Retirement freeze

    Retirement freeze

    • A significant security measure for critical times

    One of the measures by the army authorities following the nationwide security emergency pronounced by President Bola Tinubu is the suspension of all statutory and voluntary retirements for certain categories of officers.

    The directive, vide an internal memo dated December 3 and signed by Maj. Gen. E. I. Okoro on behalf of the Chief of Army Staff, stated that the suspension became necessary to retain manpower, experience, and operational capacity as the Armed Forces expanded in response to rising insecurity.

    The memo referenced the Harmonised Terms and Conditions of Service Officers (HTACOS) 2024, which stipulates that although officers are ordinarily expected to retire upon reaching their age limit, completing 35 years in service, or after repeated promotion or conversion failures, service extension is permissible under Paragraph 3.10(e) in the interest of the military.

    Those in the category are said to be officers who failed promotion examinations three times; those passed over three times at promotion boards; those who have reached the age ceiling for their ranks; those who failed conversion boards three times, and officers who have attained 35 years of service.

    While the affected officers may apply to continue serving beyond their normal retirement dates, those not inclined to service extension could continue with the normal retirement procedure.

    The measure comes with a caveat: “Officers desirous of extension should note that upon extension, they are not eligible for career progression, including promotion, career courses, Nigerian Army sponsorship, self- sponsored courses, secondment, or extra-regimental appointments.”

    The Army was unequivocal on why the measure had become necessary, which is – the need to “retain manpower, experience, and operational capacity” in the context of the rising insecurity. “It has become expedient to temporarily suspend all statutory and voluntary retirements from the Nigerian Army with immediate effect,” the authorities stated.

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    Interestingly, while the measure didn’t even pretend to be anything but strictly a military affair and thus covered by relevant service rules, it is noteworthy that it left enough room for flexibility to ensure that only those willing to participate are made to sign up with conditions spelt out. We consider this important, if only to stave off agitations that may arise from possible misinterpretation of the statutes governing the extension in the future.

    Yet, it bears stating that while the argument for retaining these capable and willing officers, particularly the category caught up by the relevant service rules, will remain valid for all times and seasons, two issues that are just as pertinent to the military’s quest for renewal need also to be urgently addressed.

    The first is the tradition of ending the careers of highly trained officers because their juniors had been appointed to higher command positions even when such officers still have a lot to offer and their service years are yet to run out. This is usually the case when new service chiefs are appointed. We believe that there should be room for such highly trained officers within the military establishment to continue serving, if only to justify the huge investment on them.

    The second relates to the global tradition of military reservists. Although the Armed Forces Act is said to provide the foundation for an armed forces reserve, the tradition of mobilising reserves—as is common in more developed jurisdictions—is unfortunately yet to take root here.  It is about time the leadership of the Armed Forces began to formalise the framework for reserve activation.

    To the extent that many of our retired officers continue to signal their willingness to lend their expertise to taming the twin monstrosities of banditry and insurgency, the least the nation could do is to avail them of a forum to put their specialised knowledge to use.

  • Excise bill

    Excise bill

    •More consultations necessary

    It is not surprising that the proposed amendment to the Customs, Excise and Tariff Bill has generated some disquiet among those directly impacted by its provisions. This time around, the furore is centred on the ‘20% levy per litre of the retail price’ proposed in the new amendment – a steep increase from the N10 per litre imposed under the Finance Act 2021.

    We recall that the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) in 2021 warned that the then new tax of N10 per litre would be counter-productive. In their report, titled ‘Key considerations against excise on non-alcoholic beverages’, MAN had projected that whereas the government might collect N81bn revenue in excise duty on  Non-Alcoholic Drinks (NADs) between 2022 and 2025, it would lose N197bn within the same period from such other taxes as Value Added Tax and Company Income Tax from their manufacturers. And this is aside from the potential loss of N1.9tn in sales revenue for the same period.

    We also recall that Taiwo Oyedele, then serving as Fiscal Policy Partner and Africa Tax Leader at PwC, had at the time expressed concern about the effects of the development on the manufacturing sector.

    Four years on, the Organised Private Sector (OPS), comprising the Nigerian Association of Chambers of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture (NACCIMA), the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), the Nigeria Employers’ Consultative Association (NECA), National Association of Small and Medium Enterprises (NASME), and the National Association of Small Scale Industrialists (NASSI), appears poised to do ‘battle’ on the same issue again – this time with 20% levy per litre rate as casus belli.

    The OPS contends that rates as contained in the draft bill, particularly those applicable to NADs, are not only misaligned with the Federal Government’s fiscal reform direction but also contain several legal and administrative gaps that might jeopardise the intentions of the government.

    It referenced what it calls the introduction of mathematical, legal, and administrative contradictions, which aside from worsening Nigeria’s already fragmented fiscal environment, directly conflicts with national industrialisation priorities, most especially the Nigeria Sugar Master Plan.

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    The bill, it further noted, contains internal contradictions (‘20% levy per litre of retail price’) impossible to implement consistently. Maintaining overall that the new taxes could weaken the beverage value chain, stifle the sector’s growth while precipitating massive job losses and inflation, the body shudders at the negative impact of the new taxes on a sector “already operating under severe macroeconomic strain and thin margins.”

    “Nigeria’s non-alcoholic drinks sector is a critical economic stabiliser, supporting 1.5 million jobs, driving backward integration under the National Sugar Master Plan (NSMP II), and contributing 40 – 45% of gross revenues as taxes,” it said, as if to remind the authorities of the dangers of killing the goose credited with laying the golden egg.

    Surely, the contentions over the ‘sin tax’, which primarily seeks to discourage excessive sugar consumption linked to non-communicable diseases (NCDs) like diabetes, are hardly new.

    However, the OPS position, all along, is that the growing narratives that the NADs, especially the sugar sweetened beverages are the leading causes of NCDs is not only lacking in ‘conclusive empirical evidence’ but also oversimplifies a complex public health challenge and thus results in misdirected policy responses. It says that the levy, as proposed, would impose substantial economic costs on the producers and consumers alike, without delivering measurable public health gains.

    It is apparent the OPS was not sufficiently consulted, let alone carried along in the entire process leading to the presentation of the bill at the National Assembly. While that is regrettable, there is, in our view, still ample time for correction. The issues raised by the OPS are not only germane but also have great merits.

    To us, the whole issue comes to the basic point: the government in its guardianship of public health also bears an equal responsibility to ensure that those charged with creating wealth and jobs are enabled to thrive. That is what the delicate art of balancing in public policy demands.

    Now that the OPS as a body has made its voice heard, we urge the National Assembly in particular to reflect its concerns in the on-going amendment.

  • Beyond inflows

    Beyond inflows

    •Increased revenue should bring about a better life for citizens

    It was only natural for the Chairman of the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), Mohammed Shehu, to sound upbeat and ecstatic when he recently disclosed that revenue inflows into the Federation Account had increased substantially to about N23.06 trillion in the first ten months of 2025.

    While delivering the keynote address at a two-day National Stakeholders’ Discourse on Enhancing Fiscal Efficiency and Revenue Growth under the Nigeria Tax Act, 2025, in Abuja, Shehu disclosed that inflows into the Federation Account steadily improved from N11.93 trillion in 2023 and N21.43 trillion in 2024 to the landmark figure recorded between January and October this year.

    The RMAFC chairman attributed the enhanced revenue performance, which has significantly expanded the amount of funds available for distribution to the federal, state and local governments, to “fiscal reforms, tracking and coordination among revenue agencies, stronger audits and digital tracking.” He noted that the country’s economy had hitherto been the victim of volatile oil prices resulting in erratic revenue boom and bust cycles as well as unpredictable revenue streams that undermined long-term planning and fiscal stability.

    Factors such as improved crude oil production output and increased local refining capacity as well as marked reduction in importation of refined petroleum, with the coming on stream of the Dangote Petroleum Refinery and Petrochemicals, have resulted in better stability and predictably in oil earnings that have impacted public finances positively.

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    Shehu identified other variables responsible for the improved Federation Account inflows to include the consecutive drop in inflation rate for four consecutive months, strengthening of the exchange rate of the Naira from N1,534 to the dollar in July to N1,428 in October as well as improved performance of the services and non-oil sectors.

    The availability of considerably higher revenues for allocation to the three tiers of government is a commendable outcome of the Tinubu administration’s economic reforms, particularly the removal of fuel subsidy and the merger of the parallel foreign exchange markets and the attendant devaluation of the Naira.

    However, the purpose of the reforms should go beyond increased revenue accruing to the various levels of government to a greater focus on the utilisation of such revenue to bring about fundamental improvements in the quality of life of the vast majority of citizens.

    While the increase in the tempo of activities, especially investment in the provision and modernisation of infrastructure, at various levels of government has been noted, critics contend that the expansion in the revenue pool has not yet meaningfully helped to mitigate poverty levels. This is especially with regard to affordability of essential food items despite the relative decline in food costs, as well as access to critical social services such as qualitative education, healthcare, clean water, decent sanitation and even security of lives and property.

    A key factor to ensure better impact of increased revenue on quality of governance is the urgent need to drastically reduce waste at the various levels of government. The cost of governance is still too high, with public office holders engaging in conspicuous consumption at the expense of the public and to the detriment of the well-being of the majority of the people.

    Another area of concern is the continued high incidence of corruption by public office holders, which also constitutes a huge drain on public resources even though there have been recoveries of huge amounts of stolen funds and physical assets by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) under the agency’s current chairman, Ola Olukoyede. Asset recoveries by the EFCC in the last two years has been estimated at over N566 billion, $411.5 million, £71,000, €182,000, and substantial non-monetary assets.

    However, the EFCC and other anti-graft agencies must intensify their efforts to ensure greater transparency and accountability in the utilisation of government funds if increased revenue is to translate into more qualitative governance that meaningfully improves lives. This is because higher revenue earnings will also most likely stimulate a greater temptation to engage in corrupt acquisition by those in positions of authority.

    Furthermore, Olukoyede must strive to actualise his promise, on assumption of office, to prioritise proactive prevention of corruption by the EFCC rather than spending humongous amounts in seeking to retrieve funds that had been successfully looted.

  • Detty December’ Don’t waste the fun

    Detty December’ Don’t waste the fun

    The raze is in the air again. ‘Detty December’ is fast blossoming into a social phenomenon associated with the yuletide period. Last year, Lagos throbbed to the new verve.

    The Lagos State Government says it is gearing up to it while claiming that 2024 drew in 1.2 million persons and it hopes to step up the beat this time around.

    News has it that hotels are overbooked and Airbnb options are also overstretched. Even the airlines have been in a frenzy. Delta Airlines, for instance, has offered between $800 and $1700 to lure passengers to stay back, including hotel stays.

    Early this year, as the fun subsided from the 2024 ‘edition’, former Lagos state governor Babatunde Raji Fashola revved up the need to curate it, get the figures for hotel bookings, food and beverage consumption, medication, transportation earning, etc. It may even be a great tax net as well. Other major cities like Abuja, Port Harcourt, Benin, Enugu must take advantage of the value this period adds to the economy. It is not a fun that should go to waste.

     It has become for Nigerian and Ghanaian major cities somewhat of the carnival-like Nottingham Carnival in the United Kingdom, the iconic Brazilian “samba” Carnival, the European Christmas Markets and locally, the Ojude Oba festival, the Argungu Fishing Festival, the Iri-Ji (New yam) Festival in the Southeast, the Calabar December Carnival Festival, etc.

    Detty December is often a confusing term as it comes off as ‘Dirty December’. The semantic implication of ‘Detty December’ is rooted in the description of the flamboyance of the yuletide season across Nigerian and Ghanaian cities of Lagos, Abuja and Accra. There is still a social dispute about the origin of the word that many believe is an adulteration of the word ‘Dirty’ without the negative import. It simply means to let loose.

    The social ‘supremacy’ battle between Nigeria and its West African neighbour Ghana seems to have crossed the culinary (Jollof Rice) and football lines. The coinage of the word, “Detty December’ has been attributed to Nigerian music Icon, Mr. Eazi who used the term as a Hashtag for his 2016 Lagos Concert and the Ghanaian brand consultant, Bernard Kafui Sokpe in 2019. Whatever the origin of the word, we are happy that the words have now bloomed into not just a December social phenomenon but a huge economic tree that, if well nurtured by the West African Sub-Region, can yield incredible economic dividends.

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    The ‘Detty December’ is slowly becoming a social pilgrimage period to Nigeria and Ghana as citizens and visitors from across the world seem to have incorporated it into their annual calendars. It generates a huge sense of adventure for many to be part of the razzmatazz with concerts, vibrant music, food, fashion, the arts and other cultural celebrations that unite the people irrespective of their places of residence across the globe. Big-name artistes have begun their shows, including Davido, Olamide and Whizkid.

    ‘Detty December’ seems to have become a more national version of Yuletide frenzy in the Southeast. It has been elevated to a huge socio-economic tree of great value. Southeastern Nigerian cities and villages have long been known for being huge economic fireballs during the yuletide period as most Igbos across Nigeria and in the diaspora rush home to felicitate with their kith and kin. They also bring in their friends and business partners with an eye on investment opportunities post-yuletide, given their very vibrant entrepreneurial spirit admired across the globe. The commercial and social benefits of yuletide celebrations in southeastern Nigeria have for long been admired by many other regions and even beyond the country.

    Government agencies must stop closing shops by mid-December as though the world stops for the yuletide. Lagos State government has keyed in somewhat by promising to cash in. It, however, has not unveiled a comprehensive plan. However, we commend the governor’s campaign tagged ‘Detty December, Safe December’ as a health plan and it is making 10,000 HIV health kits available.

    Governments must henceforth not just sit by and watch the private sector behave as though there are no laws. It is a time for an exclusive tax haul but it is also a time to watch out for unnecessary price gouging and lack of due process with people who provide accommodation like the operators of Airbnb and hotels. They must be made to operate within the internationally approved standards. Ghana and some other countries are on standby to provide better alternatives and that can spell economic loss for the Lagos economy.

    Immigration services must be topnotch and welcoming in terms of how visas and airport procedures are conducted. Immigration procedures are serious points that every tourist or even citizen admires. They often determine what destinations individuals and groups choose. Nigerian airport processes must be upgraded.

    Law enforcement agencies, especially in a time of bandits and abductions in the country, must realise that security is the heart of social cohesion. There must be dedicated units to man certain strategic points of interest. Any security breach can be disastrous for the present and future. The Lagos State government must maximize the use of its Neighbourhood Watch security units as their services often complement that of the police. Real functional coordination is needed among the agencies.

    The Black Friday in the United States may be a bad example of how history can be turned into profit. But we can learn from it. Black Friday is a day after thanksgiving every last week of November. Thanksgiving was a day in early America when the whites and native Indians came together to feast and show gratitude after a harrowing year for the immigrant whites from Europe. Many died from the weather and struggles to make a living and they were helped by the natives to settle in. Over time, the essence of the thanksgiving has been washed away by a need to forget the injustices the triumphal whites did to the Indians by taking over their lands from them. The day after, now called Black Friday, signals a big day of sales, in fact the top day of sales in the year. It rakes in about 19 percent of all sales in the year. It was so named decades ago because of thw chaos that attended it. But the profit is legendary. That is one day. Detty December is a month and more, and we can turn it to an even more central factor in a year of boom.

    The socio-economic space can surely explode with a well-organised Detty December. There is a reason this period is often referred to as ‘festive’. With Governments at all levels collaborating with the private sector, we can pull off events for the memory. It is developing into a festival of mini-festivals and it will create more jobs, enhance social cohesion and propel development. This is one low-hanging fruit in which governments can invest.

    Christmas has gone beyond family units. It is now more of a social monument that enhances tourism and unites humanity. The commercial value won’t come on a platter; there must be deliberate investment and collaboration between governments and the private sector. The world is looking forward to the entertainment capital of Africa – Nigeria. We must seize the moment. We must seize the month.

  • Rigid refusal

    Rigid refusal

    •Faith collides with medicine in a matter of life and death

    The decision of a cancer patient, Mensah Omolola, popularly known on X as Auntie Esther, to reject medically advised blood transfusion, even after Nigerians had raised N30 million for her treatment, has resulted in a clash of emotion and law.

    While many Nigerians are aghast at her decision, with some calling for the diversion of the money raised on her behalf by some social media influencers, the patient, a member of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, and her supporters, are adamant that she will not trade her religious beliefs for popular medical practice.

    Omolola, whose ailment gained public sympathy after she displayed her “before and after” photos of weight loss on social media, had sought donations from the public by appointing prominent X users, Dr Olusina Ajidahun, Wisdom Obi-Dickson and Idansss as her point persons. Strangely, after a whopping sum of N30 million was raised to aid her treatment, she refused the medically advised blood transfusion. She said her faith, as a member of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, does not allow her to accept blood transfusion.

    Considering that Omolola is an adult, and in complete control of her faculties, her consent is required to administer any form of treatment to her, and she has bluntly refused blood transfusion, as part of her treatment.

    Many Nigerians wonder if the state does not have overriding powers to protect the lives of her citizens from what they consider unreasonable religious practices? Such people argue that the state should have the power to enforce the medical treatment for a patient, as may be determined by medical doctors.

    While there are instances when the state may intervene to force a treatment on a patient, this is not one of such. Were Omolola a child, the state could approach the court and seek an order authorising its officials to give needed blood transfusion to the patient. Another remote instance could be if the patient was suffering from a communicable disease; in such a case, the law authorises the state to take custody of the patient and treat her in an isolated place, in the interest of public safety.

    Clearly, Omolola’s case is of public interest because of the huge money raised, out of sympathy for her deteriorating health condition. The donors, who are not members of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, must be wondering what type of faith would make a person choose to sacrifice medical advice for what looks like a ridiculous religious belief.

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    However, regardless of how the public may feel, the constitution guarantees Omolola the right to her religious belief, and the right to hold and practise such belief, even when the majority may consider it unreasonable.

    For the doctors who have sworn an oath to protect lives, they can only do that with the cooperation of the patient who has the fundamental right to the dignity of the human person, which includes the right to decide what type of treatment to accept.

    Religion, Karl Marx had argued, “is the opium of the people,” and the decision to avoid blood transfusion, coming from an indoctrinated mind, lends credence to such argument. Such belief can only be changed through the re-education of the mind, and we hope the leaders of Jehovah’s Witnesses will re-evaluate that belief.

    What can be contested is what to do with the money raised from the public, for the purpose of helping Omolola. The report indicates divergent opinions on what to do with the money. Many have asked that the money should be diverted to another public cause.

     Since there is no way to determine each donor’s reaction following Omolola’s refusal to accept blood transfusion, this question of what should be done with the money remains a difficult one. 

  • Yakasai at 100

    Yakasai at 100

    •A centenarian worthy of celebration

    In a tribute marking Alhaji Tanko Yakasai’s centenary on December 5, President Bola Tinubu underscored the elder statesman’s biological and political longevity. He called him “the last man standing” among “the noble men and women who stood firm for our liberty and freedom from repressive colonial subjugation.”

    His path to political prominence was unusual. “I didn’t go to a normal school initially. I attended Quranic schools,” he said in an interview. He also attended evening classes, and trained as a tailor in the course of his studies. He later earned a diploma in Political Science in Germany.

    Born in Kano, he entered politics in 1946 after attending a political rally in Kano organised by the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC). He was inspired by speeches of prominent independence activists at the rally, saying it marked “the beginning of my interest in politics.” 

    As a politically conscious young man, he was among the founders of the Kano Youths Association in 1947. In 1950, he joined other political activists to found a new political party with a radical orientation, the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU). This was the first political party in Northern Nigeria; its enduring manifesto called on the ‘Talakawa’ or populace to launch a ‘class struggle against the ruling class.’

    He unsuccessfully contested the 1959 federal elections to represent Karaye in the Federal House of Representatives. His strong Marxist-Leninist advocacy led to his expulsion from the party in 1960, when he was NEPU’s publicity secretary. He rejoined the party in 1963.

     The collapse of the First Republic in 1966 did not halt his political evolution. He was appointed state commissioner for education in 1967 under the military in the newly created Kano State. He also served as commissioner for forestry, community development, and cooperatives; and was later appointed commissioner for finance.

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    In the Second Republic (1979 – 1983), he was publicity secretary of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). His role in the conservative party stood in stark contrast to his former image as a radical politician. He served as special assistant to President Shehu Shagari on National Assembly Liaison. Yakasai was among several politicians arrested and detained following the military coup that ended the Second Republic.

    Under another military administration, he maintained a “close relationship” with the dictator, Gen. Sani Abacha (1993 – 1998), which was viewed as a political paradox, given his history of radical activism. 

    He was a founding member and member of Board of Trustees of Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), an influential northern socio-political group. This role projected him as a custodian of Northern interests.

     Describing himself as one of the most persecuted politicians in the North, he said in an interview: “I was from prison to prison. During the First Republic, I was convicted or detained four times, from 1960 to 1966. When Muhammadu Buhari took over power, I was also detained alongside many politicians. That was my ninth arrest and detention.

    “When General Ibrahim Babangida (retd.) took over from Buhari, I was also arrested and detained for attacking the military. I was not convicted but detained for one month. We took the government to court and when they realised they were going to lose the case, they set me free. That brought my detention and arrest to 10 times, as a result of my political activities. I don’t think any Nigerian was arrested 10 times in that period, either imprisoned or detained, as much as I was detained.”

    According to President Tinubu’s portrait of Yakasai, “He is a consensus builder who consistently weighs in on the side of national cohesion, peaceful coexistence, and democratic consolidation.”

     He is a centenarian whose life is as much a lesson as it is a celebration.