It must be symptomatic of the fallen standard of education in Nigeria today that the quality of political discourse has dropped to an unbelievably pedestrian level. Public comments are devoid of neither rigour nor intelligence, while criticisms are stark and devoid of such nobility of purpose that serve the overall interest of a nation. The atmosphere is therefore suffused with knee-jerk remarks and unintelligible utterances made only for the sake of their noise and nuisance values. In the end, not the parties or the society is enriched.
All the political parties have in some degrees not been up to par in their information management and dissemination strategies. However, the Peoples Democratic Party’s (PDP) comment in the wake of the bomb blast in Nyanya, Abuja, mid-month must be the lowest limits. As acrid smoke still billowed from what may probably be the worst terror attack on the nation, the PDP spokesman, Chief Olisa Metuh, released what will pass for the most unconscionable political statements in recent times off-handedly blaming the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC) for the attack.
The PDP’s statement reads in part: “We stand by our earlier statements that these attacks on our people are politically motivated by unpatriotic persons, especially those in the All Progressives Congress (APC) who have been making utterances and comments, promoting violence and blood-letting as a means of achieving political control. Nigerians are also aware of the utterances by certain APC governors which have been aimed at undermining our security forces and emboldening insurgents against the people.
“Those who have been promoting violence through their utterances can now see the monster they have created. They can now see the end product of their comments; a country flowing daily with the blood of the innocent. The question is how do they feel when they see the mangled and blood-soaked bodies of their victims? How do they feel when they hear the voices of the dying and injured? Of course they feel nothing. Their hearts have been hardened and they are embittered by the fact that they have been rejected by the people. They are bitter because the people have chosen to rally round the government they love and voted for; but must they choose the path of violence and blood-letting as a response to the wishes and aspirations of the people?”
There must be a limit to party propaganda and political bombast. The charred and mangled bodies of nearly 100 innocent citizens cannot be the platform for scoring cheap political points or engaging in childish blame game. Have we descended to the level of playing politics with death and destruction; with our collective national calamities? Metuh made his vacuous statement even as the nation wept and compatriots were still in the vast motor garage sorting pieces of flesh from personal effects. The ruling party would make wild accusations against fellow countrymen while condolence messages were streaming in to Nigeria from across the world.
Metuh had made such weighty allegations based merely on specious, circumstantial grounds with nary a strand of evidence. Politicking while the nation is in deep sorrow may well be an attempt to cover up PDP’s failure in the past three years to curb this incipient terror that has brought the country to her knees. But this cancerous insurgency may well have its roots in the PDP as was noted by the late former National Security Adviser, General Owoye Azazi.
While we admonish all parties to endeavour to raise the level of public political engagement in the interest of the nation, the ruling PDP has a higher, bounden duty to show better example.
Category: Editorial
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Vacuous politics
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Presidential indiscretion
•President Jonathan’s statement about inducement for election contradicts a professed fighter of corruption
President Goodluck Jonathan is gradually becoming embarrassingly audacious. From his ab initio taciturn posture upon assumption of office, he is exceedingly assuming a belated confidence, through mostly unguarded utterances quite unbecoming of a man holding such venerated position. His latest imprudence was his reported inflammatory political statement in Kano.
The president was bubbling with unrestrained political fervour at the event designed to formally receive Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau, former Kano State governor back into the fold of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). There he launched tirades against incumbent Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso, accusing him of misappropriation of the money handed over to him to curry the favour of Kano delegates at the Abuja PDP presidential primary convention that produced him as candidate of the ruling party in 2011. The president declared: “The allowances sent by my party campaign office for election purposes were taken away by Kwankwaso without giving anybody a Kobo. How can he say he voted for me?”
Kwankwaso was earlier said to have reportedly regretted “voting for President Goodluck Jonathan in the 2011 presidential election, as he has done nothing to move the nation forward.” Sadly, the president’s political showmanship came at the Polo Ground in Kano State at this period of national mourning consequent upon the Nyanya Park, Abuja, bomb blast that killed hundreds of people and: the kidnap of about 234 school girls in Chibok, Borno State, that were yet to be fully resolved. This is regrettably bad and unnecessary!
Our main concern is not about the political tantrums thrown by these two big wigs but the fact that the president moved beyond the limit of decorum by flaunting his inducement of Kano delegates at the primary convention. He spoke as if it was an act of generosity on his part to give out such questionable and unaccountable funds in a country in the abyss of escalating immorality. We recognise the reality that party primaries are usually expensive, which is why it has become an unwritten code and practice for aspirants across the political party divide to spend heavily on the primaries. But we see this trend as also antithetical to the spirit of guaranteeing internal democracy in political parties’ attempts to present to Nigerians the best candidates to choose from during elections. No wonder aspirants with deep pockets routinely emerge during parties’ primaries, which could partly be responsible for the urge to see public office as one for recouping money spent than as service to the country.
We call on the president to publicly tell Nigerians how much he spent on his 2011 PDP presidential primary and how he came about the money that could best be described as bribe, not only to Kano delegates but other delegates from other states across the federation. Since the president has confessed to being a political bribe giver, we demand of him to tell us how he will be able to call any of his ambitious ministers or aides to order when caught in the act in future? No wonder, his administration is fast notching up the notoriety of oil funds disappearance, over-invoicing, oil theft escalation, among other corrupt practices.
President Jonathan’s Kano statement of bribe giving is abominable and condemnable. We can objectively conclude that his confession in that ancient city portrays him as an avowed promoter of this ugly corruption trend in the nation’s degenerating body polity. Otherwise, he should have realised that such disparaging statement is capable of proliferating corrupt practices and also serve as impediment to the Independent National Electoral Commission’s resolve to ensure internal democracy within political parties’ process of candidates’ selections. -

Harsh lesson
An atrocious UTME result further exposes the state of Nigerian education
EVEN by the dubious standards of contemporary Nigerian education, the recently-announced results of the 2014 Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) conducted by the Joint Admission and Matriculation Board (JAMB) were abysmal. Out of 1,015,504 candidates who sat for the Paper and Pencil Test (PPT) and the Dual-Based Test (DBT) on April 12, only 47 of them scored 250 and above. This figure represents 0.0046 per cent of the total.
Appalling as they are, the results constitute only the tip of the iceberg. Only 109, 836 candidates obtained scores of 200 and above, representing 10.82 per cent of the total. Nearly 90 per cent of those who sat for the examinations were unable to attain scores equivalent to 50 per cent of total obtainable scores.
The implications of the 2014 UTME results are sobering in their enormity. The UTME is a so-called “gateway” examination. This means that it is taken by candidates from all socio-economic backgrounds, educational attainment and ethnic groups. It is therefore a reliable yardstick of general educational performance.
The implication of these results is that, in spite of all the educational reforms in several states of the federation, despite the increase in the number of expensive private schools, and notwithstanding the intrinsic intelligence and determination of many Nigerian youths, very little has changed for the better.
This terrible performance suggests that governments, non-governmental agencies and the educational institutions themselves may need to take a very hard look at their current strategies. Could it be that current pedagogical practices are too closely attuned to passing examinations, and are consequently not wide-ranging enough? Has the cancer of examination malpractice so engulfed the country’s educational system that it has comprehensively crippled candidates’ ability to perform well without it? Is there a disconnect between resource input and expected outcomes?
A change of attitude at the leadership level is crucial to reversing this unhappy trend. In more serious countries, a performance like this would be considered nothing less than a disaster, and in addressing it, correspondingly serious measures would be taken. Unfortunately, Nigeria is a country where failure is rarely identified for what it is, to say nothing of sanctioning those who are culpable. States like Ekiti and Edo, which have courageously tried to address fundamental issues like that of teacher competence, find themselves thwarted at every turn.
If the situation is to change, there will have to be a comprehensive reform of the nation’s educational system. Systems of financing education, especially at the primary and secondary school levels, must be clearly identified and ring-fenced. An accessible reporting system should be developed to enable all schools to be monitored closely. Measurable teacher and student performance yardsticks must be established to enable educational institutions to be objectively assessed. Promotions and increments of teachers should be tied to improvements in the reading and numerical ability of students, as well as their performance in public examinations. Where corruption, incompetence or delinquency is detected, sanctions must be prompt and severe.
General social attitudes must change as well. As long as Nigeria continues to be a nation where wealth rather than intellectual achievement is prized, for so long will education continue to be seen as a necessary evil rather than a social good. A distracting diet of football, reality shows, music and other forms of low-brow entertainment has so suffused the consciousness of the youth that scholarship means little or nothing to them. Parents, politicians and community leaders must do more to uphold the virtues of scholarship and ensure that education regains its pride of place.
For a nation which claims to have rejected the anti-educational outrages perpetrated by Boko Haram, it would be ironic if it is unable to live up to its precepts.
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Ayoka, Osunbor, et al
•AGF must act on NHRC’s report on alleged election offenders
THE National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) is on the right path in the exercise of its mandate, with its findings and recommendations on human rights abuses in the country. The commission, in a report to the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) recommended various alleged election offenders for prosecution. Among the 41 indicted persons and institutions are a former Governor of Edo State, Professor Oserhiemen Osunbor, a former Speaker of Kogi State House of Assembly, Clarence Olafemi, a former Resident Electoral Commissioner of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in Ekiti State, Mrs Ayooka Adebayo, and an Assistant Superintendent of Police, Christopher Oloyede. Also indicted were INEC, the police and the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).
Some of the offences for which the named persons and institutions were indicted are forgery, perjury and breach of trust. The commission, in its report to the AGF, said the report is “in exercise of its mandate under section 5 which empowers it to refer any matter of human rights violations requiring prosecution to the AGF or of a state”. Accordingly, the list forwarded to the AGF contains names of “persons and institutions indicted for various offences committed under the Electoral Act 2006”. The report also quoted judgments of electoral tribunals and courts which indicted some of the persons named in their report.
We earnestly ask the AGF to make haste to prosecute all the persons and institutions indicted in the report, as a warning signal to potential electoral offenders during the 2015 elections. We also enjoin civil rights organisations to ensure that the AGF is not allowed to sleep on this matter. Indeed, Nigerians who desire free and fair elections must join hands to pressure the AGF to discharge his constitutional obligations in the overall interest of our fledgling democracy. For, until electoral offenders are made to face the consequences of their crime, it will remain attractive for desperate politicians and political parties to use all means to take over or retain power, in the name of elections.
We also unequivocally condemn the actions of the indicted institutions, particularly INEC, the police and the party that has controlled power at the centre since 1999, the PDP. The indictment is telling on how the PDP has been able to hold on to power, even when available evidence shows that the party has failed to perform. While the party should hide its head in shame, we encourage it not to hamstring the AGF from performing his constitutional role of bringing those indicted to justice. For, while the alleged electoral offences are already a slur on our democracy, we want the party to note that failure to prosecute the offenders is a greater indictment of our country as a lawless country.
It is also important that the prosecution should commence with the very notable persons indicted by the commission. Such an act will send signals to those who may be planning to rig the up-coming elections in Ekiti and Osun states, and more significantly, the 2015 general elections. It is also important that INEC should take immediate steps to weed from its fold those with the potential to further bring the commission to disrepute. The commission owes Nigerians the responsibility to cooperate with the AGF and civil rights groups to ensure a successful prosecution of the indicted individuals and institutions. After all, the alleged offences were primarily committed under its watch.
Also, the police and other sister security agencies must see the indictment as a wake-up call. They need institutional discipline, and an understanding that their mandate does not extend to helping the party in power win any election at all cost.
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A Questionable Decision on Egypt
American policy toward Egypt continued on its tortured, confusing path this week when the Obama administration resumed some aid to what has become an increasingly repressive state. No matter how American officials try to spin it, the decision will come across as a vote of confidence in a military-dominated government with an authoritarian agenda and a track record of violent crackdowns on dissenters and political opponents.
After Mohamed Morsi, Egypt’s first freely elected president, was overthrown in July, President Obama waited several months before suspending some of the military aid that most benefits the generals who staged the coup. The weaponry put on hold included Apache helicopters, Harpoon missiles, M1-A1 tank kits and F-16 warplanes.
The decision, which was announced on Tuesday, authorizes the delivery of 10 Apaches. Secretary of State John Kerry cleared the way for the transfer by certifying that Egypt was upholding its obligations under the Egypt-Israel peace treaty.
When the aid suspension was first announced, American officials said future decisions on releasing weapons would rest on Egypt’s progress toward a “sustainable, inclusive, nonviolent transition to democracy.” Fortunately, the administration is still withholding most of the promised weapons, and Mr. Kerry did not make the mistake of arguing that Egypt has shown any serious signs of democratic reform.
A Pentagon spokesman said the helicopters would help Egypt fight Islamist militants in Sinai who have been attacking government security forces and destabilizing a territory that abuts Israel. That argument is puzzling; a Pentagon official told Congress in October that the hold on the Apaches was “not affecting” Egyptian operations in Sinai, and, on Thursday, the Egyptian military itself said it had gained “complete control over the situation.” The Americans seem to be unconcerned about the use of the Apaches in indiscriminate destruction of civilian homes in Sinai, which could fuel more antigovernment extremism.
As for the state of Egyptian democracy, since the coup, some 16,000 people have been locked up, mostly for peacefully exercising their right to free speech and assembly, and more than 1,000 people have been killed at the hands of government security forces, according to Human Rights Watch. As Egypt plans to vote for a new president in May, the favorite is Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi, the former general and defense minister who led the overthrow of Mr. Morsi and the crushing of his Muslim Brotherhood allies.
America is under pressure from Israel, Saudi Arabia and Congress to improve ties with Egypt, and it has its own interests in ensuring that Egypt honors the peace treaty with Israel, cooperates on counterterrorism and allows ships to transit the Suez Canal. But the Obama administration has refused to even call the coup a coup and moved too gingerly to protest the military’s excesses. It has to be more honest about the unsavory choices it is making, including whether any support for a repressive army will ever bring stability and democracy.
– New York Times
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Sambo the Rambo?
Vice President Sambo’s equation of Ekiti gubernatorial election to war is reckless and irresponsible
In Ekiti, there is this sense of déjà vu — have we not witnessed this political rascality before?
Vice President Namadi Sambo, after his appointment as chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) campaign committee in Ekiti State and State of Osun, was said to have declared that “Ekiti State election is war.”
That, of course, is reminiscent of former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s flat declaration that the 2007 general elections — perhaps the worst in Nigeria’s history, would be do-or-die. When challenged on his reckless declaration, the former president reiterated his do-or-die credo. So, do-or-die style, his party mates took the cue: mayhem, bedlam and electoral brigandage all the way, leading to the worst election ever.
It is perhaps cold comfort that the vice president has not responded to Ekiti State Governor, Kayode Fayemi’s challenge to deny the statement; and thereby reassure Nigerians that he meant no sinister motive by it. Alhaji Sambo has not obliged. But neither has he gone the Obasanjo extreme of reiterating a clear, un-presidential gaffe — in Obasanjo’s case, a gaffe that would haunt him for the rest of his days.
Still, that threatening and irresponsible diction is perhaps enough to recast Alhaji Sambo from a mild-mannered vice-president to an electoral president of vice. It just might be a Freudian slip that would haunt the vice-president to the end of his political career.
But Obasanjo’s infamous threat is not the end of the ignoble déjà vu. Under that grand philosophy, the then Vice President Goodluck Jonathan went ahead to prove he was more than the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua’s presidential spare tyre. Just as Vice President Sambo is coming alive now, to pounce on Ekiti and Osun as illicit electoral trophies, Vice President Jonathan reportedly flexed muscles, and attempted to pounce on Ekiti to deliver an illicit mandate.
News reports back then accused Jonathan of allegedly behind the Ekiti electoral re-run drama, when Madam Ayoka Adebayo, the septuagenarian Resident Electoral Commissioner (REC), for Ekiti, whose self-confessed Christian conscience collapsed. Reportedly after the “Abuja treatment”, the REC allowed herself to be suborned into the Ekiti electoral manipulation, which gifted the loser victory, and the winner, defeat. Vice President Jonathan was allegedly very active in that Abuja treatment that clinched the Ayoka electoral conversion from Paul to Saul.
But like the tortoise that swore he won’t return from his trip until he was well and truly disgraced, the electoral robbers of Ekiti — and of Osun — tarried on with all tricks in the books to enjoy illicit mandates until the judiciary threw them out in disgrace.
So, Vice President Sambo declaring the June 21 Ekiti gubernatorial election would be war would appear no accident at all. It could well signify a Jonathan Presidency unfinished business in Ekiti. President Jonathan and his array of dreamers may delude themselves that a task at which Jonathan failed as vice president could be redeemed now that he is president and commander-in-chief. They are entitled to their delusion.
Still, it is imperative to sternly warn these desperadoes. The reasons are simple. Western Nigeria has always had fatal attraction for Nigeria’s domestic hegemons. In the First Republic, it was the forceful attempt to take over Western Region that started the crisis that eventually consumed that republic. The story of the Second Republic was no different. The ruling National Party of Nigeria, NPN’s attempt at brazen vote robbery marked the beginning of the end.
Besides, the current objective situations in Ekiti and Osun hardly support any suicidal attempt to rig elections. Before Dr. Fayemi reclaimed his stolen mandate, Ekiti had nearly grounded to a halt. Under the PDP administration, Ayodele Fayose, ironically current PDP governorship candidate, had exited in a blaze of odium in 2006. His impeachment for alleged sleaze had climaxed a reign of terror that brought out the beast in the otherwise decent, if rustic Ekiti.
The illogicality of a ruling party warring against itself, coupled with Fayose’s kindergarten rule, yet romping to victory at the 2007 gubernatorial election was not lost on anyone. Former “Governor” Olusegun Oni — governor in quote because his tenure was judicially declared null and void — had so heavy an illegitimacy burden that hardly anything could be got done. That translated to almost eight years of paralysis in Ekiti.
But Fayemi’s coming has changed all that. From a state with an unenviable record of one day, one trouble, the past four years have witnessed stable governance, steady development and general peace. If the electorate are truly rational, why would they abandon all that because one of the electoral partisans screams war, because it cannot procure a logically superior argument on why it should displace the sitting government? Even with the hubris of its “federal might”, what is the record of the PDP Federal Government, these past 15 years? That, of course, makes the vice president’s threat logical — those who cannot compete on ideas are quick to mouth empty threats.
The Ekiti paralysis-to-success story is replicated in Osun — and the electorate there certainly know the difference between the two eras.
Indeed, from independence, federal ruling parties often betray the hubris of trying to muscle the opposition, not because of superior performance but because of their government’s monopoly of the security agencies, which they often press into illicit electoral service. But at least in the West and later South West, they have always run into grief. With the present absolutely uninspiring Jonathan presidency, it is even more harebrained to attempt such a gambit. But then, there is no limit to suicide streaks in partisan desperadoes!
Let therefore the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) do its duty by conducting a transparent election. Let the security resist being pressed into partisan duties. Let also the better party win, on the strength of its programmes and the logic of its persuasion.
But let there be no electoral gerrymandering, the type that happened in the last Anambra gubernatorial elections. Should there be, the consequences would be dire.
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Adieu, Cornelius Taiwo
• He was a distinguished scholar, educationist, technocrat and patriot
Today, Oru Ijebu, Ogun State, will host dignitaries that would be in the town to pay their last respects to Emeritus Prof. Cornelius Olaleye Taiwo, an illustrious son of the town who died on April 8. His burial is the climax of the funeral obsequies that began in Lagos on Wednesday, with a service of songs. Prof Taiwo deserves everything that is being done to mark his passage. He was a great man by any standard, considering his accomplishments in life. To crown it, he was also privileged to live to an old age, having died at 103.
Born on October 27, 1910, at Oru, Ijebu Taiwo started school at St. Luke’s School, Oru, Ijebu around 1921. From there he went to St Andrews College, Oyo, for his teacher training course, and later Yaba Higher College, Lagos, where he read mathematics and distinguished himself, just as he did at St Andrews College. He then joined the staff of CMS Grammar School, Lagos, as a tutor in mathematics and assistant master of the boarding house. Taiwo’s diligence as a tutor in mathematics was instrumental to the school’s turning out of many brilliant students, with many of them becoming engineers later.
While at CMS Grammar School, Taiwo was awarded a colonial government scholarship to read mathematics at Trinity College, Cambridge, which was quite uncommon in those days. Prof Taiwo proceeded to the Institute of Education of the University of London for a post-graduate course in education; he was one of the first Nigerians that did that course in London. He also earned a Barrister-at –Law and was called to the Bar at the Middle Temple (Inn of Court), London, on February 4, 1964.
As usual, Prof Taiwo distinguished himself when he returned to the country and was offered appointment as Education Officer in what later became the Western Region. He taught in a number of government secondary schools in the region and later became the first African to head Edo College, Benin, a position hitherto reserved exclusively for expatriates.
Prof Taiwo served in various capacities including Administrative Officer, Inspector of Education and ultimately as Permanent Secretary in the Western Region before moving to the University of Lagos where he spent 11 years; he delved into private legal practice and authored several books. He enrolled as Barrister-at-Law and Solicitor of the Supreme Court of Nigeria on July 3, 1964.
Even though the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo saw the potential in Prof Taiwo and a few others and appointed them permanent secretaries, against the usual civil service practice, Prof Taiwo never had the time for politics. “I was too busy to play politics,” he said in an interview on his 100th birthday. Perhaps this is why his demise has not attracted the kind of noise that usually trails the typical Nigerian politician’s death.
Yet, he was a man with immense contributions to national development; a man of many firsts: Prof Taiwo was the first Emeritus Professor of Education in the University of Lagos (UNILAG) as well as UNILAG‘s first and only provost. It is only unfortunate that such an apolitical bundle of talent could be disillusioned as to leave the services of the Western Region at the time he did simply because the new premier in the region then, Chief Ladoke Akintola, became suspicious of his loyalty. Anyway, whatever the region lost to his exit, the University of Lagos and other places that he served, including University of Ilorin where he was appointed as Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council in September, 1990, gained.
Prof Taiwo was Fellow of Commonwealth Council for Educational Administration; Fellow, Nigerian Academy of Education; and Lord LUPEN (Luminaries of Professional Educators of Nigeria), among others. Prof Taiwo who was also the Baba Ijo (Father of the congregation) of St. Luke‘s Church, Oru, Ijebu since 1973, was also inducted into the International Educators’ Hall of Fame.
May his soul rest in perfect peace.
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Magical master
•Gracia Marquez, a master story teller, fabulist, enchanter and stylist, dies at 87
For a compact characterisation of the writing life and impact of Gabriel Garcia Marquez, the distinguished Colombian literary artist who made his exit to resounding global applause at age 87 on April 17, his Nobel Prize in Literature provides illumination. He received the world’s most prestigious garland for letters at age 55 in December 1982 “for his novels and short stories, in which the fantastic and the realistic are combined in a richly composed world of imagination, reflecting a continent’s life and conflicts”; and his acceptance speech aptly entitled “The Solitude of Latin America” not only mirrored the enduring theme of his creative career in both individual and corporate contexts, but also defined his aboriginal passion. As the first Colombian and fourth Latin American to win the esteemed literary award which has been in existence since 1901, Marquez who died in Mexico City where he lived for over 30 years belongs indisputably to the pantheon of Spanish language and world literature.
Widely acknowledged for his unique style labelled “Magical Realism,” which was informed by his sense of the marvellous and sensitivity to the fantastic, Marquez created stunning fiction that inspired a world-wide boom in Spanish language literature. The success of his well-known 1967 novel regarded as his magnum opus, One Hundred Years of Solitude, is believed to have paved the way for the Nobel Prize as well the earlier Romulo Gallegos Prize in 1972. It reportedly took him 18 months of daily writing to produce the book, which was a commercial hit and has sold over 30 million copies around the world, with translation into more than 30 languages. Against the background of the abundance of accolades that the novel has received, it is instructive that a particular critic, William Kennedy, described it hyperbolically as “the first piece of literature since the Book of Genesis that should be required reading for the entire human race,”
However, as an author, his oeuvre transcended novels, novellas and short story collections; he also did non-fiction, wrote a number of screenplays and was a film critic. Significantly, he started the Film Institute in Havana, Cuba, and headed the Latin American Film Foundation. It is noteworthy that he came to creative writing from a journalistic background, which is believed to have enhanced the quality of his work.
A fascinating aspect of his life and times was the way his activities generated questions about the nexus between political ideology and literature, and in this respect his friendship with former Cuban president and leftist leader Fidel Castro was continually under focus although Marquez described their relationship as “an intellectual friendship.” In this connection, it is worth mentioning that his expressed views reflected anti-imperialist ideas for which he was branded a subversive and denied entry into the United States (US) by the country’s immigration authorities. It is a telling commentary on the influence of his literature that, following the election of former US president Bill Clinton in 1992, the travel ban was reviewed and Clinton referred to One Hundred Years of Solitude as his favourite novel.
Another facet of his personality manifested in his long-term feud with 2010 Nobel laureate and Peruvian writer Mario Vargas Llosa which had an undercurrent of rivalry and lasted over 30 years, during which time Llosa famously punched him in the face. Indeed, in a profound sense, that discord described as “one of the largest feuds in modern literature” had the likeness of a Marquez fictional plot, with the implication of an incredible story masterfully narrated.
His magical imagination was underscored by his answer to a question on his literary ambitions in a 1981 interview. He said: ”I don’t really like to say this because it never sounds sincere, but I would really have liked for my books to have been published after my death, so I wouldn’t have to go through all this business of fame and being a great writer.”
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Time for Transition in Algeria
The landslide re-election of Algeria’s 77-year-old president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, last Thursday to a fourth term comes as no surprise. Despite reports that many younger Algerian voters stayed home, as well as accusations from the political opposition of election fraud, the official tally gave Mr. Bouteflika an incredible 81.5 percent of the vote. Mr. Bouteflika is in such fragile health following a stroke last year that he did not participate in three weeks of campaigning, and he cast his vote from a wheelchair.
It is past time for Algeria to move toward a more open society and a more diverse economy. Mr. Bouteflika and his government, led by a small group of army generals and intelligence officials, many of whom are also in their 70s, enjoy support among older Algerians who credit them with ending a civil war during the 1990s that claimed up to 200,000 lives. Still, there is discontent among Algerians under the age of 45, who make up four-fifths of the country’s 37 million people. Youth unemployment has steadily increased in recent years in Algeria’s overly oil-dependent economy, and riots and demonstrations have increased as well.
For years, the Algerian government has managed to keep its grip on power and a lid on social upheaval by a combination of political repression and generous social handouts financed by the country’s oil wealth. A 2001 decree bans all demonstrations in Algiers, the capital, and the authorities are quick to crack down on public political gatherings elsewhere.
Basic freedoms of association, peaceful assembly, collective bargaining and movement into and out of Algeria are severely restricted. According to Human Rights Watch, on the eve of the election, police detained and beat members of the new movement Barakat! (“Enough!” in Arabic), whose members opposed a fourth term, as they headed toward a peaceful protest at Algiers University.
This strong-arm strategy cannot be sustained against a changing population. The decree banning demonstrations in Algiers should be repealed. Without legitimate means of dissent and the protection of basic rights, violent uprisings will only increase, threatening Algeria’s stability and that of the entire, already volatile, region.
-New York Times
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Misplaced largesse
• Automotive policy: doling public funds to private firms never works
Aminu Jalal, Director-General, National Automotive Council (NAC), recently revealed Federal Government’s just concluded disbursement of over N11 billion to 33 companies in vehicle assembly sector of the economy. Through what we see as misplaced priority, the government is trying to create the erroneous impression that the largesse will lead to a successful kick-start of the highly controversial new automotive policy of the President Goodluck Jonathan administration. Aminu Jalal further disclosed that out of the companies that benefited from this largesse, only five are assembly plants while the remaining are all local content handlers that would engage in the production of tyres, motor cycle spare parts and sundry vehicle components.
What the government considers its intention for doling out this intimidating sum to mostly hitherto redundant automobile related companies might afterall be difficult to attain. To the government, the largesse would create a financial baseline for the companies so that they can produce affordable vehicles for Nigerians. In government’s view, their benevolence will induce production of affordable cars that would eventually engender interests of Nigerians in new vehicles assembled in the country for as low as N1.7 million per unit.
Government’s contention that industrialisation is of high significance to any serious country is never in doubt. Its position, through Jalal, that vehicle importation only created jobs in other countries other than Nigeria, thereby making Nigerians jobless and poor may not be completely true. This is because Nigerians engaged in auto business going by whatever name – be it vehicle assembly or import and others in ancillary sectors – equally employ people to perform different shades of jobs. It is the number employed and the quality of jobs that might vary.
The NAC’s figures regarding what Nigeria expend on vehicle importation is no doubt scandalous. For instance, Jalal reportedly said that in 2010, Nigeria spent $4billion and in 2012 – $3.5billion on vehicle importation excluding the amount spent on tyres and spare parts importation. But under the new arrangement, most important components of vehicles including engine blocks among others would still be imported from abroad only to be assembled in this country by these companies including local content handlers that engage in production of tyres and motor cycle spare parts. We challenge government to publish the names of these components producing beneficiaries considering the fact that major manufacturing companies like Dunlop and Michelin have left the shores of this country for neighbouring Ghana?
More importantly, the N11billion that was shared out, in our view, should have been used to tackle challenges faced in the areas of power and infrastructure without which a solid industrial base could not be built by any country. Nigeria without these basic facilities should not delude herself on this difficult task of becoming a vehicle manufacturing country. Also, the issue of cheap cars with minimum selling base of N1.7million looks fallacious in a country where the minimum wage stands at N18, 000 with poverty ravaging a larger percentage of the populace. Another fact that cannot be ignored is that the nation’s public transportation is in shambles. The mass of investors in public transportation-intra and inter city -rely mostly on realistically affordable fairly used foreign vehicles below one million naira. The thrust of this policy should not be elusive affordability but quality so that at the appropriate time other countries can buy and export vehicles assembled in Nigeria.
We believe that the packaging of the new automotive policy looks suspicious. And to think that the entire programme might be muddled up and abandoned after billions of scarce public funds would have been wasted in funding phantom companies makes it even scarier. The automotive policy could succeed if systematically worked out and gradually implemented. A headlong rush may backfire and frustrate the automative market it is apparently designed to save.This is why we query the haste behind this payment and its hazy implementation.