Category: Editorial

  • Progress on the World Bank’s plan to end poverty

    Progress on the World Bank’s plan to end poverty

    BY ALMOST any measure, the world is better than it has ever been,” Bill Gates wrote in his 2014 annual letter for the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. “People are living longer, healthier lives. Many — though by no means all — of the countries we used to call poor now have thriving economies. And the percentage of very poor people has dropped by more than half since 1990.”
    Too few people recognize the progress, Mr. Gates notes, so too few understand how achievable further progress would be. And further progress is needed. More people have entered the middle class than most economists would have thought possible a generation ago, and the ranks of the poor have shrunk even as world population has grown. But more than 1 billion people still live in extreme poverty — on less than $1.25 a day.
    Recognizing both the progress and the urgency, the World Bank has set a goal of virtually eliminating extreme poverty across the earth by 2030. In 1990, 36 percent of the world’s population lived in extreme poverty; by 2010 the ratio was slightly less than 18 percent. Even so, World Bank President Jim Yong Kim told us during a recent visit to The Post, the bank and other aid agencies will have to do things differently to accelerate the trend and reach the 2030 goal. One key challenge, he said, is using “precious aid dollars to prepare the ground for private-sector development.”
    India, despite its economic progress in recent decades, still is home to a third of the world’s poor. Add in two more countries, China and Nigeria, and you’ve accounted for more than half. But the poorest countries are, like Nigeria, in Africa: Three-quarters or more of the populations of Congo, Liberia, Burundi, Madagascar and Zambia are extremely poor.
    Strategies for different countries will differ. Economic growth is essential and, as China has showed, the best anti-poverty tool. As Mr. Kim suggested, such growth requires private-sector participation. But in areas of high inequality, economic growth alone won’t be enough. Aid is essential — and, as Mr. Gates also showed in his letter, aid has been far more effective than public opinion tends to credit.
    Over the years, evangelists of various stripes have championed favorite methods to attack poverty: educating more girls, providing microloans to entrepreneurs, building farm-to-market roads. There is no single route. One strategy that Mr. Kim said is proving its worth is conditional cash assistance — giving payments to poor parents who ensure that their children go to school, for example, or get their required vaccinations.
    So flexibility matters, but so does determination. The case is pragmatic as well as moral. Mr. Kim pointed to research showing that inclusive growth is good for everyone: Bring up the poorest, and include women and other traditionally marginalized sectors, and the entire economy grows faster. His target, which once would have seemed outlandish, is now quite imaginable. As Mr. Gates writes, “Poor countries are not doomed to stay poor.
    – Washington Post

     

  • Sinister signs

    Sinister signs

    Underhand tactics in Ekiti and Osun PDP primaries, and Obanikoro’s bullying campaign in Lagos send alarming signals in the run-up to 2015   

    Ayodele Fayose (Ekiti), Iyiola Omisore (Osun), Jelili Adesiyan (Osun) and Musiliu Obanikoro (Lagos) — what does this quad have in common? They are the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) South West battling rams for the 2015 general elections.

    It might be early days yet. But if the morning truly shows the day, there is ample cause to worry.

    The pair of Mr. Fayose and Senator Omisore do nothing wrong to aspire and win the gubernatorial tickets of their party, PDP. The elections are fixed for June 21 (Ekiti) and August 9 (Osun). It is a constitutional injunction that they face up to the incumbents of their respective states, no matter how brilliant or parlous their performances have been.

    Still, the mode of their emergence simply confound many. Mr. Fayose emerged from a primary election that all his opponents boycotted, alleging a sleight of hand from “Abuja”, a euphemism for PDP national and the Jonathan Presidency’s alleged collusion.

    Mr. Fayose is a politically damaged product. For starters, he was impeached during his first stint as Ekiti governor, and the jury is still out there whether he is indeed legally qualified to run, so short after his 2006 impeachment debacle. Aside, he is currently docked for alleged sleaze; aside from murder charges, all throwbacks from his 2003 to 2006 governorship days. Indeed, his legal defence team even told the court to defer his trial until the election, to allow him concentrate on his electioneering. But the court demurred.

    Yet, in spite of the albatross on his neck, the PDP wasted no time in endorsing his candidacy and dismissing the protest of his opponents. What might the PDP motive be, in its alacrity to push such a damaged good? A manic effort to self-destroy or frenzied mischief not to play by the rules?

    In Osun, Senator Omisore’s emergence was even more sinister. Isiaka Adeleke, a former governor of Osun, made a hasty withdrawal from the Osun PDP primaries. This came after he was allegedly assaulted and physically manhandled to apparently scare him out of the race.

    Newspaper reports quote Alhaji Adeleke as alleging that the pair of Omisore and Jelili Adesiyan, Minister of Police Affairs, beat him up, using an ensemble of policemen Mr. Adesiyan allegedly cobbled together from Abuja; and perhaps some allied thugs. Before his own alleged assault and battery, Alhaji Adeleke also claimed he saw policemen point guns to the heads of some men laying face down, alleging the men were thugs. But they later turned out to be Adeleke supporters, who the former governor prevailed on the police to free, before meeting his waterloo.

    Despite all of this alleged arms-twisting, the PDP has endorsed the process that produced Senator Omisore. Again, this seeming uncritical acceptance beggars belief, despite the grave allegations and the baggage Omisore carries to the fray, despite his non-conviction in the Bola Ige assassination case. That much seemed to be getting to the former senator, when he declared his intention was not to shed blood but to serve the people.

    By embracing Mr. Fayose and Senator Omisore (controversial at best, damaged at worst), the PDP appears to have given up on reason and settled for sheer brawn. With its disastrous record when the party ruled the roost in the two states, and its enduring parlous record in the past 15 years as the federal ruling party, such vote for brawn sits pat in his seeming determination to take the two South West states by force, in the run-up to 2015. But even as battering rams, the two candidates enter the race with heavy baggage. The electorate should do the needful.

    But it is in the area of free and plausible elections that the spectre of Messrs Adesiyan and Obanikoro looms. Both, by the way, have lost no time in making news for all the wrong reasons.

    Mr. Adesiyan, an Omisore ally and minister of the federal republic, stands rightly accused of grievously abusing his office, if the allegation is true that he amassed policemen to harass the supporters of Alhaji Adeleke and beat up the prime rival to Senator Omisore, in the bid for the PDP Osun gubernatorial ticket.

    How a man who became minister virtually yesterday could pull off such alleged recklessness is a sad reminder of how frail our institutions of state are. It is even more shocking that there is no reported presidential outrage at this alleged criminalisation of the police for partisan purposes. From our experience in the past, such were the roads that led to Golgotha in the First and Second Republics.

    The Obanikoro campaign is even more sinister, for it involves corralling the military for partisan wars. Mr. Obanikoro, a Lagosian and Minister of State for Defence, has been reported by newspapers to draft soldiers to seize lands on which there are ongoing construction works by the Lagos State government, claiming such parcels of land belong to the Federal Government.

    From history, this is a very dangerous manoeuvre. The First Republic faltered partly because the powers-that-be back then unleashed soldiers on the dissenting Tiv, in what was known as the Tiv riots but which some insisted was some genocide. Now, Mr. Obanikoro has been reported, aside from his escapade in Lagos, to have carted soldiers to the bye-election in Ondo State to fill a vacant House of Representative seat. The gloomy road to 2015 is all too clear, except if checked and both Obanikoro and Adesiyan called to order.

    President Goodluck Jonathan must rein in his misbehaving ministers. The president too must resist those who might be instigating him to clear disaster. Brazen abuse of state security organs, especially the military, for partisan purposes, is an ill wind that blows no one any good. It should never be tolerated under whatever guise.

    Taking the South West by force has been the political grave of many. Jonathan must be wary of such a fatal mistake.

  • Might is right?

    Might is right?

    •It is shocking that a democratic govt would involve soldiers in land matters

    The Federal Government of Nigeria sometimes acts like a leviathan. With its muscles, it appropriates anything of worth that it fancies in the federation for itself; while it grudgingly throws the crumb at the federating units, depending on its mood. Last week, the controversial Minister of State for Defence, Musiliu Obanikoro, in a classical case of abuse of public power, unlawfully drafted soldiers to forcefully settle a brewing land dispute between the Federal Government and Lagos State. Paraphrasing President Goodluck Jonathan, it appears to us, that the Federal Government does not give a damn, to employ illicit process to achieve what may end up being an illicit goal.

    For the Federal Government under President Jonathan, the end certainly justifies the means. Otherwise, how can soldiers of the Nigerian Army be given manifestly illegitimate order, even if by a high ranking government official, to intervene in a civil dispute between governments that make up the federation? This intervention is clearly not within the contemplation of the 1999 constitution, as amended, nor provided for, in the legal regime that established the national army. So we ask, from what laws of the country did Obanikoro derive the powers to order soldiers to forcefully take over the Ilubirin land, that the state government was in possession of, and had expended huge state resources towards the development of a housing project?

    The Jonathan presidency must resist the temptation to drag the military towards serving the reckless interest of political jobbers. While his party is entitled to seek to take over political power in Lagos State; we remind Mr. President that as a leader of a democratic government, it can only safely do so, through the ballot box. While his party could, albeit illegally, recklessly employ her officials to act as roughnecks and enforcers, it would be a national tragedy when it employs such stabilising state institutions of the federation, like the military, to achieve alleged partisan purposes. In the dispute with Lagos State, if the Federal Government is truly democratic, it should have approached the court, to declare that it still has subsisting interest in the Ilubirin land, instead of resorting to self-help.

    In the present instance, it is Lagos State, the commercial nerve-centre of the country, that is at the receiving end of this abuse of power; the next time it could be any other state; and the instrument of abuse could be any other state institution. To absolve its integrity from this abuse of power by a democratic government, the military may have to clear the air, as to who gave them the unlawful authority to use its personnel for an illegitimate engagement. Nigerians will want to know, whether it was President Jonathan, as Commander-in-Chief, or Minister Obanikoro that sent them on that illegal errand. Such intervention by the military command is necessary, to disabuse the minds of the federating units, that the Nigerian military can be turned to a whiplash by the federal authority.

    As between the federal authority and the Lagos State government, we are surprised that a matter that should be guided by public records has turned an old wife’s tale. As claimed by the Lagos State government, which is in possession of the land, the documented instrument of transfer of the land from the Federal Government to the state government is in existence. For non-state officials, like us, it is strange that a land which the Lagos State authority has put to public benefit, through a housing project, would attract such venomous intervention by the government at the centre, which ordinarily ought to be a partner with the state, for any project that will benefit Nigerians.

  • The Etete conundrum

    The Etete conundrum

    •Curious French government’s pardon for a convicted money launderer

    Chief Dan Etete is a story. He is a blockbuster story of the typical Nigerian big man conundrum; the confounding story of sinner and sainthood meshed together in one roiling plot. Etete, former Minister of Petroleum Resources during the late General Sani Abacha regime was in the news last year over a controversial, rich-deposit oil block (OPL 245) which he apparently awarded to a Shell company (which belonged to him) when he was in office. After about 15 years of legal and political tussle to keep this choice well, it was eventually resolved when Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) paid out a huge compensation to all parties involved in the disputed oil block. Etete got a large chunk of the booty running into tens of millions of dollars. In other words, he has benefited immensely from corrupting his office while he was a Minister of the Federal Republic.

    In 2007, the French court sentenced Etete to three years imprisonment after finding him guilty of money laundering charges. Though tried in absentia, the French court also fined him about $440,000 for money laundering. He was also convicted for shelling out about $22 million, believed to be proceeds of official corruption to purchase choice properties in France in 1999 and 2000. The properties include a Chateau in north-west France, a Paris apartment and a luxury villa in the chic Paris suburb of Neuilly.

    The court had issued a warrant for Etete’s arrest and ordered him to pay $220,000 to Nigeria as compensation for moral prejudice and 20,000 euros in fees.

    There is however a fresh twist to the Etete narrative. The French Ministry of Justice by a letter dated March 7, 2014, supposedly granted a state pardon to Chief Etete. Consequent upon this pardon, his counsel wrote to the French ambassador in Nigeria to accord the former minister recognition and deal with him as a free man without constraints. The letter states further: “As you know, Mr. Dan Etete, eminent personality in Nigeria is a great friend of France and has been so for many years.

    “In spite of the judicial vicissitudes that he has unfortunately known in the beginning of the year 2000, he is now free of any constraint and complies with the fiscal and legal French administrations.”

    The Etete story and its fairy tale denouement leaves numerous gaping questions unanswered. Though it has once again exposed the weakness in the Nigerian legal and anti-corruption systems and their inability to rein in and prosecute corrupt officials, the French system in spite of its initial efforts, may have ended up doing a yeoman’s job as well. We are not told what Etete did to earn a French state pardon; we are not informed whether he had paid those fines levied on him by the courts and we do not know what has happened to the premium properties acquired by the erstwhile felon.

    We urge the French government not to promote corruption and criminality by aiding and abetting a convicted felon escape retribution and punishment. We urge the French government to endeavour, even though she has the prerogative of pardon, to confiscate all the cash and property recovered from Chief Etete and repatriate same to Nigeria, their country of origin. We also urge the French government to ensure utmost good faith and transparency in this sordid Etete affair.

    In respect of the Nigerian government, we dare say that this is another sad testament to a debased and amoral society that is not only incapable of fighting crimes and social vices; it actually condones them, elevating them to a form of national ethos. It is quite apposite that in all the simmering scandals trailing this fellow, not a word has been issued from the Nigerian officials. Quite typical.

  • After Rwanda’s Genocide

    After Rwanda’s Genocide

    On Monday, Rwanda commemorated the victims of a genocide unleashed 20 years ago by Hutu extremists in power then. More than 800,000 people, mostly Tutsi men, women and children, were systematically hunted down and brutally murdered over a period of just 100 days. The world stood by and let the blood bath happen.

    Over the past two decades, Rwanda has done an impressive job of rebuilding its institutions and economy. To bring perpetrators of the genocide to justice, the United Nations has conducted more than 70 tribunal cases, Rwanda’s courts have tried up to 20,000 individuals, and the country’s Gacaca courts have handled some 1.2 million additional cases. Incredibly, Tutsis and Hutus, survivors and former killers, now live side by side. The government of President Paul Kagame has transformed Rwanda into an island of order and relative prosperity in a poor and politically volatile region.

    Despite this, the genocide has left a legacy of unanswered questions and uncorrected failures. It is time to face them. The international community cannot hide behind euphemisms. The reluctance to use the word “genocide” because of the moral horror it carries and the intervention it demands does not change realities on the ground. It did not spare the United States accusations of shameful paralysis during the Rwandan genocide, and it will not protect the international community from the judgment of history for mass murder now or in the future. Recognizing the need to respond appropriately to such situations, President Obama created the Atrocities Prevention Board in 2012. But as events in the Central African Republic, Syria and Sudan make clear, the United Nations, regional organizations and allied countries also need to set up international contingency plans to deal with mass atrocities.

    It is time for France to open its records to public examination. France had close relations to the Hutu-dominated government that planned and incited the genocide. A lack of clarity about France’s role has poisoned its relationship with the Kagame government and hampers France’s actions in Mali and the Central African Republic.

    Mr. Kagame must also be held accountable for abuses in Rwanda and outside its borders, where he has gone after critics in Uganda, Kenya, South Africa and Europe. Civil and political rights in Rwanda are severely restricted. Dissidents and opposition political leaders are subject to harassment, detention and torture. Several have disappeared or been killed.

    Addressing the poisonous legacies of Rwanda’s genocide is the only way to avert future tragedy, and it is the best way to honor Rwanda’s dead.

    – The New York Times

     

  • DSS jailbreak

    DSS jailbreak

    There are serious unanswered questions

    Notwithstanding the fact that there are conflicting accounts of what happened at the Department of State Services (DSS) headquarters on March 30, one thread that runs through all is the breach of security as a result of institutional lapses in the facility. The official account, as given by Marilyn Ogar, DSS’s spokeswoman, was that there was an attempted jailbreak when one of the suspects in the facility attempted to disarm one of the DSS officers who had gone to give the suspects food. According to Ogar, “One of the suspects attempted to disarm him by hitting him at the back of his head with his handcuff”.

    His attempt to escape drew the attention of other guards at the facility that fired some shots to warn and deter others.” By the time the dust settled, 21 of the inmates were killed with others, including security personnel, injured.

    There are other versions, though. But even if we accept the official account as the gospel truth, there are still questions that have to be answered. What is the normal procedure for serving the suspects food? Did the officer who took food to them before he was allegedly attacked enter the room where the suspects were kept? How convenient would it have been for the suspect who hit him with handcuff to have done that if the normal procedure had been followed? What camaraderie could have existed between an officer overseeing inmates and the inmates that would have warranted opening the prison door to give the detainees food? These and many more questions are begging for answers.

    While we await the result of the investigation that the DSS authorities said they had instituted into the sad incident, it is important to say that the official story does not add up. We cannot accept that as the authentic account of what happened, especially as the place is supposed to be highly secured given its proximity to the seat of power. As a matter of fact, that was said to be the basis for keeping the suspects there in the first place.

    We cannot treat with levity a matter that roused Reuben Abati, the presidential spokesman, to deny reports that President Goodluck Jonathan was whisked away during the attempted jailbreak and shootout. According to Abati, “It was an attempted jailbreak. Those arrested tried to make an attempt to escape, but the situation was immediately and effectively brought under control. We will want to reassure everyone that really there is no cause for alarm.”

    Definitely, the last has not been heard of the matter. Could there have been internal collusion? If intelligence is this problematic even at the DSS Headquarters, how do we trust the intelligence from other areas of its operations, in the area of the enemy and in Borno State, for examples? If Boko Haram or other insurgents could so easily threaten our DSS headquarters, it is a dangerous signal to the terrorists that with a little more effort, there is nowhere they cannot penetrate. Already, Britain has advised its nationals in Abuja to be mindful of their movements in the federal capital. We will not be surprised if other countries follow suit.

    Without prejudice to whatever the outcome of the DSS probe will be, the security breach at the facility is a big minus for confidence in government’s security arrangements. A sect that had killed more than 1,000 persons and displaced no fewer than 250,000 others in the first three months of this year alone is capable of doing anything and nothing should be left to chances concerning its members.

    Nonetheless, we await the outcome of that investigation.

  • A Familiar Script in Ukraine

    A Familiar Script in Ukraine

    The events taking place in Donetsk and elsewhere in eastern Ukraine are very similar to those that led up to the Russian annexation of Crimea. In fact, the pro-Russian secessionists who seized the local administration building in Donetsk, the center of the industrial Donets Basin, are following the script laid down in Crimea to the letter. They have declared the region’s independence from Ukraine and called for a referendum by May 11 on joining Russia.

    President Vladimir Putin of Russia may not have the same designs on eastern Ukraine as he had on Crimea, but it is no longer possible to preclude any such moves. The United States and Europe have said time and again that further Russian aggression would prompt a stern and painful response. Now is the time to prepare it.

    Mr. Putin and his jingoistic supporters in the Kremlin purport to scorn Western sanctions — at least the little they’ve felt so far. He knows that the tens of thousands of well-equipped troops he has massed within striking distance of eastern Ukraine would not be seriously opposed.

    Yet he must understand that the cost of invading eastern Ukraine would be much greater than the putsch in Crimea, both in damage to Russia’s already sagging economy and in the new Cold War that would surely arise. Ukrainians would not forgive the theft of an economically critical region; NATO would be re-energized; and opposition within Russia would also grow as isolation and potential recession shut off the freedoms and prosperity Russians were

    The annexation of Crimea was a blatant transgression of international law. Mr. Putin himself, in his speech in the Kremlin on March 18 justifying the annexation, drew a distinction between Crimea, an autonomous province that he and most Russians perceive as rightfully Russian, and the rest of Ukraine.

    So far, Mr. Putin has indicated that his goal for Ukraine is a federal structure in which the provinces would have considerable autonomy from Kiev, plus some constitutional guarantees that Ukraine would not join NATO. The secessionist turmoil in Donetsk and elsewhere may be intended to pressure Kiev into an arrangement suitable for Moscow. There is a danger, of course, that Russia would seek to dominate the eastern and southern provinces that were the industrial core of the Soviet Union, but Ukrainian leaders have agreed that some degree of constitutional decentralization is needed, and it is for Ukraine to decide its organization.

    Mr. Putin has awakened passions that even he may not be able to control. It is easy to imagine how secessionist demands in Donetsk, Kharkiv or Luhansk could turn violent, compelling Mr. Putin (or giving him a pretext) to make good on his pledge to “defend” Russians in Ukraine. The next Western response must be ready and credible, and that means, above all, that the Europeans have to look beyond their internal problems and join Washington in agreeing to a package of extensive and strong sanctions that can be put in place immediately should that be necessary, including restricting the access of Russian banks and corporations to Western financial markets.

    – New York Times

  • Unexploited blessing

    Unexploited blessing

     A university don’s feat reminds us of our potential as a nation

    News of Dr. Bayonle Ademodi’s feat demonstrated that the country’s academics, despite their ivory-tower detachment, may not be insensitive to the society’s problems after all. The associate professor of Chemical Engineering at Obafemi  Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, Osun State, who is also a consultant on Bitumen and Heavy Crude Oil, has reportedly succeeded in converting untapped crude bitumen into Cold Mix Asphalt (CMA), which is being used to repair roads in Ondo State, specifically, Ondo West Local Government Area. He hails from Ondo town and the material is sourced from Agbabu Irele Local Government Area of the state.

    Beyond his social service at the state level, commendable as it is, the import of his achievement is far greater and cannot be lost on Nigerians across the country who daily face nightmarish experiences on roads that are, at best, extremely rough and, at worst, deathtraps. It is instructive that Ademodi, during a demonstration of the conversion process, told reporters that motorists and motorcyclists enjoyed smooth rides in the areas where the material had been applied in particular to fill potholes. Interestingly, he also shed light on the availability of the resource as well as the result of the experiment, saying, “Nigeria’s bitumen exists in the two forms of solid tar sands and liquid deposits. Considerable success has been achieved in the utilisation of these two types of bitumen for the manufacture of road asphalt. In this regard, there are two possibilities: Hot Mix Asphalt and Cold Mix Asphalt.”

    Cheery information, but what is the value of unexploited blessing? It is both perplexing and inexcusably disappointing that the country is rich in this resource but has failed to effectively take advantage of the situation for developmental purposes. Despite the fact that Nigeria has the third largest deposit of bitumen in the world, successive governments have made a ritual of importing it for road repair and road building,  which is certainly not a wise way to develop.

    It is significant, for instance, that Ademodi elaborated on the utility of the resource in perhaps more critical areas such as power generation.  According to him, “Nigeria’s heavy/extra heavy oil can also be used as power plant fuel and progress has been made in this regard. Nigeria’s heavy oil has been used to raise steam in a mini-steam boiler, a precursor stage to electricity generation.”  Furthermore, he said, “The resource is a potential substitute for natural gas, Low Pour Fuel Oil (LPFO) and coal as process fuel in industries and thermal power plants. Our work has shown that it can replace substantial quantities of LPFO, otherwise known as black oil, the cost of which has skyrocketed and which, in turn, is responsible for the high cost of goods, ranging from cement to sundry consumer products in Nigeria.”

    This picture shows that the socio-economic gains of reasonable exploitation of the resource will likely enhance the standard of living of the people, which is an important reason why the government should pay serious attention to the bitumen-to-asphalt development. The need for urgent follow-up by the relevant authorities cannot be overemphasised, and also the necessity for an enabling environment to motivate local scientists and technologists.

    In this connection, there may be wisdom in Ademodi’s suggestion that the government should establish a Ministry of Bitumen and Heavy Oil Resources to manage exploitation for domestic and foreign markets outside the regulatory ring of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).

    In the age of advanced science and rapid technological advancements, which the 21st century represents, it is indeed heartwarming that there are still minds like Ademodi in the country’s tertiary education system, in spite of discouraging and counter-productive state policies in the all-important education sector.

  • Phantom statistics

    Phantom statistics

    •Finance minister boasts with fanciful facts about jobs that Jonathan administration created

    Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy during a meeting with delegates of the Arewa Youth Forum on issues of youth development in the northern part of the country, released a bombshell. She revealed that no fewer than 1.8 million graduates annually join the labour market in the land. She gleefully boasted that the data was generated by the National Bureau of Statistics ‘after two months of methodological work’, with the sole objective of availing the Federal Government the opportunity of establishing the level of youth unemployment and developing policies to check it.

    We never believed that the serious issue of unemployment could be so trivialised until Okonjo-Iweala turned the matter into theatrics. She reeled out phantom figures of unemployed people and imaginary jobs. She laughably declared: “We have a pool of 5.3 million unemployed graduates that have been accumulating over the years. I am happy to tell you that last year we were able to create 1.6 million jobs. So, we are getting close to the 1.8 million that enter the job market. So our strategy is to come up with policies that will cover the number of entrants every year before taking care of the backlog.” The number of unemployed graduates per year is quite higher and sadly, we do not see visible official efforts to arrest the situation.

    As if she knew that the public would doubt her figures, she further reeled out paper job opportunities created by government, to wit: “Through YouWin programme, we have had 3,600 winners, among whom 2,400 winners have created 27,000 jobs so far.. Through SURE-P, so far, we have created 120,000 jobs. While YouWin is geared towards graduates, the SURE-P is for those youths who may not have gone through school or did not complete their education … We are targeting 10,000 mortgages this year and for every house you build, you create five direct jobs and two and half indirect jobs, which can create another 75,000 jobs.” She equally boasted that more than 400,000 part-time jobs had been created and had become a source of good income for the youth in agriculture.

    We are disappointed that someone of Okonjo-Iweala’s background/standing could lead the game of employment deceit against Nigerians by going about with unverifiable employment figures. Could she in all honesty come out and say that in all her years of being minister in the country, such high employment ratio has been generated by government? We would have expected her to come up with names of beneficiaries and those of agencies of government providing such employment. The minister wobbled in her futile efforts to post publicity stunts for her employer by not stating the quality of the so-called jobs created by the centre government.

    We wonder whether the minister has not lost her coordinating grip over the economy. Otherwise, she would have realised that empirical and not phantom job creation could only convince Nigerians about the sincerity of this administration to solve the astronomically high unemployment rate in the country. The problems are mounting daily. Is the minister aware that the banks are hemorrhaging and as such downsizing at a ridiculous rate; that the industrial sector has been greatly eroded; that private enterprise has nearly vanished while access to loans has become an official publicity stunt with no commensurate impact on agricultural harvests in the land? More devastating is the fact that the government has failed to provide stable power and security that are central to industrialisation and by extension employment generation and general development of the country.

    Minister Okonjo-Iweala should henceforth desist from playing politics with the debilitating unemployment situation in the nation.

     

  • G.O.K. Ajayi: 1931-2014

    G.O.K. Ajayi: 1931-2014

    •A legal titan departs
    Every now and then, a society is fortunate to witness in full blossom a person who comes to define the noblest aspirations of his age. Chief Godwin Olusegun Kolawole Ajayi, SAN, who passed on last week, can be said to be such a man.

    Fondly known as “GOK”, after his initials, Chief Ajayi was the epitome of the progressive lawyer: the professional who consciously utilised his talents in furtherance of societal interests, rather than in the accumulation of personal wealth. The cases he has handled read like a litany of crucial points in Nigeria’s political history: the outcome of the 1979 and 1993 presidential elections, and a host of human-rights issues including the infamous Shugaba “deportation” case, the Zangon-Kataf civil disturbances and the regular defence of late legal luminary, Chief Gani Fawehinmi.

    Chief Ajayi was born in Ijebu-Ode in 1931, and was educated at St. Saviour’s School and CMS Grammar School, both in Lagos. He proceeded to the United Kingdom for legal studies, and was called to the English bar in 1955 and its Nigerian counterpart two years later. Such was the distinction of the legal career that he had embarked upon that 21 years after being called to the Nigerian bar, he became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) in 1978. His was the second set to ever take silk, and included outstanding legal minds like Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief R.A Fani-Kayode, T.A Bankole Oki, Chief Kehinde Sofola, Chief Olisa Chukura, Dr Mudiaga Odje, Chief Richard Akinjide, P.O Balonwu, and Professor Ben Nwabueze.

    As a lawyer, Chief Ajayi was renowned for the thoroughness of his preparations, the comprehensiveness of his presentations and the depth of his research. It is not surprising that he was in great demand not only as a lawyer, but as a lecturer at the Nigerian Law School.

    In an era when the law profession was synonymous with elitist pretensions and social snobbery, GOK Ajayi stood out for his quiet but determined social activism. He took many cases without payment, giving them as much attention as those that were paid for.

    This activist bent was seen in his involvement in partisan politics. As principal legal counsel to the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) he spearheaded the titanic legal battle against the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN). Such was the ferociousness of his legal acumen that the Supreme Court was compelled to declare that the infamous “twelve two-thirds” judgment by which President Shehu Shagari secured victory could not be used as a legal precedent.

    Chief Ajayi’s resolute commitment to justice met with greater success in the case of Alhaji Abdulraham Shugaba Darman, the majority leader in the Borno State House of Assembly during the Second Republic. Alhaji Shugaba had been declared an alien and deported overnight by the NPN-led Federal Government. Chief Ajayi took on the might of the Shagari administration and got the courts to restore his citizenship and pay costs amounting to N350,000. It was irrelevant that Shugaba belonged to the defunct Great Nigeria Peoples’ Party (GNPP), not the UPN. For Chief Ajayi, party affiliation was irrelevant; what mattered was the triumph of justice, equity and fair play.

    During the military interregnum, with its ouster clauses and tribunals, Chief Ajayi’s legal acumen and uncommon courage shone as brightly as ever. When ex-Major-General Zamani Lekwot was brought before Zangon-Kataf Civil Disturbances Special Tribunal in 1992, it was clear that the Babangida regime wanted nothing less than the general’s life for daring to challenge the political orthodoxies of the state. In spite of the overwhelming odds pitted against him, Chief Ajayi ensured that General Lekwot escaped the hangman’s noose.

    Chief G.O.K. Ajayi was a lawyer’s lawyer, a man whose towering stature was merely the outward manifestation of unimpeachable integrity, formidable intellect and unwavering courage. May his soul rest in perfect peace.