The Nation Newspaper

Category: Editorial

  • Looming anarchy

    Looming anarchy

    •Responsibility for restoring order in Rivers State rests on President Jonathan

    The drama in Rivers State has turned absurd and is threatening to consume the country. In all this, the refusal of President Goodluck Jonathan to give leadership is confounding. He has kept silent as the state is boiling. Already, lives have been lost, protests have gone awry and confidence is lost in the police force. Even the judiciary is not spared as two courts were nearly razed. Yet, the President seems not bothered by these developments.

    This has fuelled the speculation that President Jonathan is behind the mayhem in the state. The Grassroots Democratic Initiative, an initiative of the Minister of State for Education, Mr. Nyesom Wike, seems to be getting cover from the police. There have also been suggestions that the First Lady, Mrs. Patience Jonathan, who was once engaged in a public showdown with the state governor, Rotimi Amaechi, might be behind the anti-Amaechi orchestrations in the state.

    These are serious enough suggestions. A President, as leader of the country, would have been expected to rise immediately to the occasion, distance his office from such acts that could lead to anarchy and call the head of the police force to order. Every move made so far by institutions of state to bring sanity to the state has been frustrated by the federal executive. Last July, the Senate passed a resolution to take over the legislative activities of the state as provided in the constitution. The move was frustrated by the courts. The Rivers State Commissioner of Police, Mr. Joseph Mbu ordered the chambers of the House of Assembly sealed off.

    Unless the President steps in decisively, gives effect to the resolution of the two Houses of the National Assembly that the commissioner of police should be removed and assures the people that he has no interest other than the higher interest of ensuring that the Rule of Law and peace reign in the state, the situation is likely to degenerate and the result unpredictable. At the moment, Mr. Mbu is seen by a section of the state as a participant in the crisis. The inability of the Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Mohammed Abubakar, to act is equally perceived to be based on ‘order from above’. The logical consequence of this is a resort to self-help.

    The directive of the National Executive Committee of the All Progressives Congress (APC) to its members in the National Assembly to block all executive bills already presented or that may be sent to the assembly now is instructive that the general good is being threatened. The party has said, if the federal ruling party could use its control of the federal apparatus to support Wike and his men in Rivers State, the APC would do all within its power to protect the governor; one of its own.

    The reality today is that Nigeria is gradually sliding into a fractured state. The country is being set on fire in one corner – one of the 36 states – and the President, like Nero, is fiddling in Abuja. He has time to play the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) politics, fly around the world and pretend that all is well. Nigeria’s history indicates that cauldrons start small.

    We call on President Jonathan to play his role as the country’s leader and as father of the nation. It behoves him to call all the parties to order. The constitution is clear on the place and role of the governor as Chief Security Officer of his state. He should not be undermined by a commissioner of police who should take orders from him. When that happens, mayhem may result and Nigerians are the ultimate losers.

     

  • Kano rape explosion

    Kano rape explosion

    •Society must protect young women from sexual predator

    Nigerians must be alarmed that 100 rape cases were recorded in Kano State alone between November and December, 2013. This no doubt is huge. The state commissioner for justice, Maliki Kuliya Umar, who disclosed this said more than 40 offenders have so far been convicted and are currently serving jail terms.

    We agree with the commissioner that rape cases are becoming more problematic, not only in Nigeria but globally, and there is a need for concerted efforts to stem the tide. It is even possible that the figure could be higher in Kano State due to the secrecy with which rape cases are treated in this part of the world. Again, if as many as 100 cases were reported within the period in question, it is an indication that more rape victims are coming out of their shells to report the assault on their person. This is unlike in the past when victims suffered in silence because of the stigma attached to rape victims. They need more encouragement if we are to get out of the rape scourge.

    Parents do not have to leave the matter in the hands of teachers and Islamic scholars alone. It should be a joint effort to rid the society of people who cannot check their libido. As the commissioner noted, “The most disturbing thing is that the suspects are people that are known to the victims”. This aspect of the matter is very important because it is difficult for complete strangers to rape people. Most children in particular fall victims after being lured by people they expect to protect them, only for the perverted minds to betray such expectation by pouncing on the unsuspecting victims.

    The pathetic case of a nine-year-old girl who died last year as a result of persistent forced sexual intercourse by the son of the proprietor of the school where the girl attended in Ikorodu area of Lagos comes in handy. If the girl had not known the teenager for who he was, it is unlikely she would have been raped by him. As usual, after forcibly having carnal knowledge of the girl, he did what rapists do: warned her to keep the secret, otherwise, he would kill her. So, parents need to watch where their children go, or who they relate with. Not only that, they must be there for the children to also see the kind of movies they are exposed to. The boy who raped the little girl in question, for instance, reportedly said he got the idea from the pornographic films he watched.

    Governments must take up the challenge by sensitising members of the public to the increasing incidence of rape. The media campaign should be multifaceted; it should be directed at the rapists; teach victims what they could do in self-defence where this is possible or safe, encourage them to come forward to report their ordeals to the police, as well as let members of the public know that just anyone could be a rape victim; so, they should not stigmatise people who fall into the rape trap.

    Hospitals and the courts also have roles to play to reduce the incidence of rape. Whilst the hospitals should give the necessary treatment to the victims while it still matters , the courts must ensure that rape cases do not suffer unnecessary delay, to ensure quick dispensation of justice. If there is need to strengthen the laws to deter people from committing the crime, so be it.

     

  • Commotion in the House

    Commotion in the House

    •The uproar in the House of Representatives over leadership ought to be resolved now in the interest of democracy The House of Representatives is always in the news, with crises always defining its character since the resumption of civil rule in 1999. Lately, the delicate political equation in the House has thrown up new possibilities and threatened peace in its operations. While the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) that has a firm grip on the executive arm of government, and has controlled the leadership of the Lower House, is unwilling to accept that the All Progressives Congress (APC) to which scores of erstwhile members of the ruling party have defected should now take control, the APC is insisting that legislative norm frowns at the minority controlling the majority. The House nearly exploded last week, as the leader of the APC, Femi Gbajabiamila, who is designated Minority Leader, referred to Leo Ogor, known as the Deputy Majority Leader, as Deputy Minority Leader. Members of the PDP, led by Ogor, frowned at what they regarded as a surreptitious move to effect a change of leadership. They argued that a court of competent jurisdiction had bound the parties to maintain the status quo in the House, pending the determination of a motion before it. But, the APC found the court’s ruling a violation of a democratic norm that forbids any arm of government from interfering in the affairs of another. The party told a press conference that the rule all over the world is that the majority should take charge of affairs. The matter is still before the court. It is gratifying that the tension was doused when the APC opted to await a motion to vacate the order, despite its reservation on its propriety. The role played by the Speaker, Aminu Tambuwal, is also deserving of commendation. He expertly and maturely made the combatants sheathe their swords and urged all to defer to the court in the interim. He managed to bring the situation under control and ensured that the House sat to consider the business of the day. We call on all parties to the crisis to put the interest of the nation above personal and partisan interests. True, the scenario is unprecedented in the country. Since the introduction of the presidential system in 1979, the same parties have always controlled the executive and the legislature. In the Second Republic when the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN), despite being the single largest party in the Senate, lacked the clear majority it needed to ensure smooth passage of executive bills, as it held only 36 of the 95 seats to the Unity Party of Nigeria’s (UPN) 28, the Nigerian People’s Party’s (NPP) 16 and the 15 shared between the Great Nigeria People’s Party (GNPP) and People’s Redemption Party (PRP), the ruling party had to enter into an accord with the NPP that morally allowed it function as majority party. In that wise, the NPN provided the Senate President, and the NPP the Deputy Senate President. The same sharing formula applied in the Lower House. But the PDP’s attempt to block takeover of leadership by the new majority party cannot stand and it should realise this. It stands logic on its head and is a recipe for intractable crisis. This is a democracy and, while the minority could have its say, the majority should have its way. At any rate, why is the PDP now crying wolf when it had benefited from similar defection in the past, when notable members of other parties defected to it and still retained their seats? The parties and the House leadership should realise that national interest is paramount. The needful should be done as soon as possible to reflect the true status of the parties in conformity with democratic norm. It could be argued that the APC has not demonstrated its numerical strength and neither did Gbajabiamila follow established procedure. He said he made the remark in good humour since the matter was in court. But the joke seemed on the PDP counterparts who read gloomy portents in the words of the minority leader. If such a mere mention could threaten to blow the roof, what would have happened if Gbajabiamila had moved a proper motion , or seized the opportunity offered by Motion of Urgent Importance to table the matter?

  • Laudable judgment

    Laudable judgment

    • FG should comply with judgment on fiscal autonomy for judiciary

    The recent judgment of the Federal High Court, Abuja, which ruled in favour of fiscal autonomy for the judiciary, is in tandem with the provision of the 1999 constitution. The judgment was delivered in a suit brought by the Judicial Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN). In his judgment, Justice Ademola Adeniyi ordered that the funds in the revenue account of the federation, due to the judiciary, should be paid to the heads of court, as envisaged by section 81(3) of the 1999 constitution. We add that other funds due to important organs of state, like the Independent National Electoral Commission, (INEC), should also be paid directly to them.

    It is absolutely in the common interest of our democracy that the provisions and intent of our constitution should be manifestly obeyed. A situation where the executive, with the connivance of the legislature, abuse the rights and prerogatives of the judiciary with respect to their constitutionally guaranteed independence must stop. Unfortunately, this flagrant abuse of our constitution is experienced at the federal and state levels of government. At the state, most governors view the judiciary as an appendage of their executive powers, and sometimes treat the courts as mere irritants. This too must stop.

    The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) and the senior lawyers, who have thrown their weight in favour of the ruling of the court, must walk their talk. They can do this by defending the judgment if appealed against, up to the Supreme Court. We also urge the courts not to shy away from asserting their constitutionally guaranteed independence. The heads of courts must stand up to the abuse from the executive, and insist that monies approved in the budget for them, should be released in tandem with the country’s constitution.

    The Attorney-General of the Federation and the states’ attorney-generals must also show interest in this matter. After all, they were first admitted as lawyers before they were appointed as attorney generals by the executive authority; so they have a responsibility to espouse the provisions of the constitution and vehemently defend it. Part of their responsibility to the profession should include standing up for the rule of law and defending the independence and integrity of the judiciary. Indeed, the constitution expressly regards attorney-generals as the Chief Law Officers, and it is only fair to live up their titles.

    It is also expected that a financially autonomous judiciary will rise up to defend her integrity, by being uncompromisingly independent in its judgments. As Nigerians witnessed in recent past, there has been accusations of corrupt influence, within the judiciary; especially with respect to judgments on electoral matters. Our hope, and we believe that of many Nigerians, is that if the judiciary exercises its financial independence, it would be less influenced by the executive, and its judgments will help heal our political process.

    For financial autonomy to be really meaningful, the judiciary must also purge itself of corruption, both of the judicial process and fund management. After all, financial autonomy would mean that the judges and other judicial workers will be better paid, and unless that transforms to comprehensive integrity of the whole process; then it will be of little value.

    Again, financial autonomy should come with prudent management of resources by the heads of the court; as it would be tragic if the heads see such a development as opportunity to help themselves to the commonwealth of their constituency, as we see in the executive and legislative arms. In all, it is heart-warming that JUSUN has prodded a match to constitutionalism.

  • Little has changed

    Little has changed

    • This is why Nigerians may not get stable power supply in spite of privatisation

    WITH the current state of electricity supply across the country, power-starved Nigerians must be wondering if their erstwhile nightmare, Power Holdings Company of Nigeria (PHCN) has not mutated into something worse than the old sobriquet – Problem Has Changed Name – after the last rites of privatisation of the unbundled PHCN entities. Long accustomed to the astounding ineptitude of the erstwhile power utility firm, Nigerians must have imagined that their nightmares were about to end with the successful takeover of the distribution companies (DISCOs) by the preferred bidders late last year. Nothing, it seems, is set to change.

    No doubt, the idea of the restructuring, as advertised, was to have a power sector that works, a sector with disparate players bound together by the force of regulation – and one which delivers value to every player. That obviously was the basis of optimism in the power sector reform that has taken nearly the whole of 14 years to deliver. While it might seem early in the day for a definitive prognosis, there is hardly any dispute in the fact that what we have presently is the worst of possible combinations: a disappointingly inadequate generation capacity that continues to be ill-served by its transmission system; a group of out-of-depth players in the distribution system, all of these, in a confounding regulatory environment under which no one appears to be in charge.

    The truth is that the promises for the electricity-starved consumers are no longer as they were. Indeed, the outlook would appear grimmer, something of a marked departure from the incremental boost as promised by President Goodluck Jonathan only a short while ago. Clearly, there can hardly be a better evidence of the regression than the 4,517.6mw delivered to the grid in December 2012, compared with the barely 3,565mw delivered last December after the combined output of two new plants were supposed to have been injected into the grid. Given the massive load-shedding that has been going on since the beginning of the year, the situation is unlikely to have improved.

    Much as the Federal Government would seek to hold the other Nigerian nightmare – those behind the vandalisation of vital power installations and gas pipelines – responsible for the current crisis in the power sector, a lot of the problems can also be explained by its continuing failure to confront the problems that have dogged the sector. While it seems easy to be asked to swallow the sabotage theory being bandied by the Minister of Power, Prof. Chinedu Nebo, as responsible for the crisis, it is difficult to accept the idea that the government cannot confront and tame a monster holding the economy by the jugular.

    And that is not all. The government obviously stands no less guilty for the serial misjudgements which appear, in the circumstance, to have delivered a botched process. Of course, merely by its final outcome, the privatisation process could have passed for an unqualified success; but then, only when its aftermath is evaluated in terms of the promised deliverables does a truer picture emerge – the picture of a club of disparate players with little or no discernable methods to their operations.

    Before now, we had expressed worries that names of global players in the power sector couldn’t be found among those seeking to take over the entities. Our fears would seem to have been borne out with the unprecedented inertia since their coming; that is aside the un-denied reports about the DISCOs coming together to solicit for credit guarantees from the Federal Government after the latter is supposed to have divested. If we may be more specific, in vain have we sought for evidence of the new ideas, technical capacity, and demonstrable commitment to new methods of doing business. It may well be business as usual.

    Related to this is that the nation is being told that they cannot collect outstanding liabilities owed by consumers under the ancien regime. This of course raises the all-important question of the quality of due diligence conducted before bidding for the units. More disturbing, the DISCOs would appear bent on continuing with the outmoded billing system that not only robbed the consumers blind but one that insisted on levying them for services that were never rendered. That perhaps explains why the companies are neither forthcoming on the issue of pre-paid meters to the consumers, nor have they demonstrated willingness to embrace the fundamental principle of equity on which modern businesses are run. And all of these in an environment where the electricity consumer is often presented as a chronically bad debtor.

    The fact of the matter is that the Nigerian electricity consumer has put up for far too long with the tyranny and ineptitude of entities meant to guarantee him power supply. Now is the time to end the tyranny and ineptitude. Nigerians are tired of the wearisome excuses that seek to rationalise why they cannot get electricity after close to a decade of power sector reforms that have gulped nearly $16 billion.

    We expect the regulator – the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, NERC, to move away from its self-imposed inertia, to embrace the challenge of firmness and even-handedness which the deregulated power sector demands. The consumer must be made to pay only for the services enjoyed. We do not accept that the DISCOs should be granted any indulgences by way of estimated billings. That is what equity demands. Only when the DISCOs are denied that indulgence would they be disposed to invest in vital infrastructure such as pre-paid meters. That is the way to go.

     

  • The Globalisation of Pollution

    The Globalisation of Pollution

    Emissions from Chinese factories that make goods for the American market are contributing to smog on the West Coast of the United States, according to a new study that shows the complexities of determining who is ultimately responsible for pollution that affects the entire planet.

    China has become essentially the world’s factory floor, producing clothes, electronics and other goods for the United States and others. That generally beneficial trade has also generated huge emissions of pollutants like sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides that are swiftly transported elsewhere by global winds — in addition, of course, to adding significantly to carbon dioxide, the main greenhouse gas.

    According to the National Academy of Sciences, emissions linked to China’s exports caused increases in surface sulfate concentrations (a combination of sulfur dioxide and other gases) of between 3 percent and 10 percent in the Western United States in 2006, as well as a smaller increase in ozone-producing pollutants. In Los Angeles, that increased pollution was responsible for causing at least one extra day of smog per year that exceeded federal ozone limits. The report also estimated that the outsourcing of production to China resulted in less pollution in the Eastern United States, because there were fewer emissions from upwind factories in the East and Midwest.

    The study provides further evidence that Beijing could and should do more to reduce pollution, which ultimately hurts people in that country much more than it does Americans. The authors of the study estimate that China could cut its emissions of sulfur dioxide by up to 62 percent and nitrogen oxides by up to 22 percent by requiring factories to install energy-efficiency and emission-control technologies as effective as those used in the United States.

    More broadly speaking, the report’s findings demonstrate that trade and global pollution patterns inextricably link countries to one another. That means that world leaders must coordinate their efforts to successfully reduce harmful emissions of all kinds. Not nearly enough has been done to rein in carbon dioxide and other greenhouses gases, largely because of fundamental disagreements between rich and developing nations over who should be required to do more.

    But the technology to control windblown pollutants like sulfur dioxide is readily available. What’s needed is robust investment and political will on the local and regional levels.

    – New York Times

  • Hammani Tijani’s death

    Hammani Tijani’s death

    • The story highlights the conflict in our federal system

    The tragic events of over a decade ago which involved an alleged notorious trans-border criminal, Hamani Tijani, came to an anti-climax this week. Mr. Tijani, a citizen of Niger Republic, was convicted after standing trial at a Lagos High Court, on a three-count charge of conspiracy to commit armed robbery, armed robbery and receiving stolen goods. He died at the Kirikiri Maximum Prison, a Federal Government penitentiary, after suffering stroke for nine months. According to the prison spokesman, Mr. Biyi Jeje, the detainee died in the prison’s clinic.

    Mr. Tijani’s alleged criminal exploits caused a serious brouhaha between Benin Republic and Nigeria in 2003; and the common believe was that his trial would be expeditious, with a likelihood of conviction. Indeed, he was believed to be responsible for the attack on the first daughter of then President Olusegun Obasanjo, Ms Iyabo Obasanjo, who was an official of the Ogun State government. Then, the allegation that a trans-border criminal who had been terrorising Nigerians was hiding in Benin Republic mobilised the public, and following threats from Nigeria, Mr. Tijani was quickly handed over to Nigeria, and ever since he has been on trial.

    The unfortunate death of Mr. Tijani serving a 10-year jail term has again raised questions about our criminal justice system. Here was an alleged inter-state offender, undergoing trial under the criminal laws of Lagos State, but was incarcerated in a federal prison. The result is that the inefficiency of either the federal or the state institution may have rubbed off on the other. This constitutionally guaranteed incongruity mostly results in bickering, instead of collaboration. Now, following Mr. Tijani’s death, the prison authority is seeking to push the blame for an alleged lack of adequate care on the Lagos State government. But even the report from the prison authority indicates that while the man suffered stroke nine months ago, Lagos State was only informed one month ago.

    This tragedy also underscores another challenge in the trial of criminal offenders, under the present criminal justice system. While the Lagos State High Court could be responsible for the delay in the trial when the matter was hanging; it must be appreciated that the court and the prosecution must however rely on the forensic evidence as produced by the police, a Federal Government-controlled institution. So, if in the cause of investigation, the police were tardy, then the prosecution may have turned a nightmare for the prosecutor and the court. Here again, any inefficiency by one institution rubs off on the other.

    In Mr. Tijani’s case, his legal defence still said till his last breath that he was innocent on the principle of law. Yet for many of them, Mr. Tijani, based on the claims by the police authority way back in 2013, was a guilty man.

    Even more painful is that the victims of the crime have been deprived of justice. In the face of a trial of Mr. Tijani, whether conclusive or not, can there be a closure that justice has been done in the case? Even if the person is dead, does that bring back the lives and dignity of those who were victims?

    Because of the nature of his crime, it had a diplomatic ring. The former Inspector-General, Tafa Balogun, had to make public narratives about the trajectory and devilry of his escapades. President Obasonjo had to intervene and called for his arrest, and the force of the police was mobilised to nab him. The border between Nigeria and Benin Republic was closed and it took the appeal of the Beninois leader Mathieu Kerekou for the border to reopen.

  • Welcome comeuppance

    Welcome comeuppance

    Mathew Egheghe, a policeman attached to the Bayelsa State Police Command who killed 20- year-old Victor Emmanuel at a checkpoint along Sani Abacha Expressway, Yenagoa, Bayelsa State, on October 16, 2011, will continue to regret the action, at least until he is hanged, in line with the decision of the court that tried him for the crime. Victor was killed right in the presence of his mother who tried to stop the policeman from killing him.

    His offence was condemning extortion and bribery at the checkpoint. “Oga policeman, don’t you people go to church even on Sunday? Pity this poor man, now”, he reportedly said, apparently in sympathy with the commercial motorcycle rider on whose motorbike he was riding after the church service on the day. This annoyed the trigger-happy policeman who shot him. Not done, the police reportedly removed a copy of the Holy Bible in his hand and replaced it with a pair of scissors, probably to give the impression that he was a criminal.

    If some other policemen had gone away with such blue murder, it is heartwarming that Egheghe is not that lucky. The Bayelsa State High Court, Nembe Division, sitting in Yenagoa, on January 21 found him guilty of murder. In a judgment that lasted over an hour, Justice Lucky Boufili who found the accused guilty of the crime condemned him to death by hanging.

    Obviously, the killing could not have been accidental; it was premeditated. According to the judge, “Evidence before me unequivocally points to the fact that Victor Emmanuel died.” The judge, who referred to the report of the pathologist and the evidence he gave before the court said nine bullets had entry and exit points on the body of the deceased. “The pathologist certified the cause of death to be multiple gunshot injuries,” he said, adding that five of the bullets hit late Victor on the head. Even if the victim was a common criminal, that conclusion should have been left to the court to arrive at; the prerogative is not in the police summarily executing him. Our laws, after all, presume suspects innocent until their guilt is determined in the court of law.

    We commend the courage of the victim’s mother in seeing to it that justice is done much more so as she was at the scene when the incident happened. Many other women in the same circumstance would have been too traumatised to want to seek justice for their slain child. They would have left the matter to fate or in the hands of God. Unfortunately, it is such attitude that has left many policemen to get away with murder. Policemen and other security agents will always be cautious of their actions if they know that chances of being punished for every illegality they commit are high.

    We also commend the human rights community, including Ankio Briggs, that rallied round the mother to get justice for her son. This is the way it should be if the country is ever to see an end to such senseless killings by policemen who are paid from the public till to ensure the security of lives and property.

    No doubt, hanging of the trigger-happy policeman will not bring back the dead; it will at least send the appropriate signal to others like him in the force that the privilege of bearing arms is no license to kill extra-judicially.

  • Suddenly, Hope in Africa

    Suddenly, Hope in Africa

    It is hard to imagine a country more miserable than the Central African Republic, a potentially wealthy land that for much of its short history has been looted by its presidents, emperor and warlords and battered by rebellions and sectarian wars, the latest of which has been raging since March. A million people — nearly a quarter of the population — have fled their homes, and more than 1,000 have been killed in the past six weeks alone.

    So, to the degree to which they can offer any hope for this broken-down state, the announcement of a new interim president, a decision by the European Union to send a peacekeeping force and a pledge of half-a-billion dollars in humanitarian aid are all good news.

    The interim president selected on Monday at a raucous, five-hour session of a “national transition council” of rebels, rivals and politicians was Catherine Samba-Panza, a French-educated lawyer with a reputation for integrity and no ties either to the Muslim rebels or the Christian militia. Her selection was greeted with cheers in the assembly hall and dancing outside. That she is a woman — the third female head of state in post-colonial Africa — was especially welcomed by many people who felt that men had done nothing but lead the country on its vicious downward spiral.

    On the same day as Ms. Samba-Panza’s selection, the European Union agreed to send a force of several hundred soldiers to assist the 1,600 French troops and 4,400 African Union soldiers already in the Central African Republic. The European force is expected to remain for six months, by which time the African Union force is to have a strength of 6,000. The European Union force is sorely needed, especially to secure the airport so that humanitarian aid can start arriving.

    But Europe also demonstrated that it remains far from enthusiastic about international peacekeeping operations. Some major European military powers — Britain, Germany and Italy — declined to participate, and tiny Estonia took the lead by committing 55 soldiers to the force. At another meeting in Brussels, the European Union pledged nearly $500 million in humanitarian aid, while the United States announced that it would be providing nearly $30 million in additional help, on top of $15 million previously pledged.

    Whether the money and the troops are enough to restore order in a country in “free fall,” as the United Nations secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, described it, is far from certain. So far, the foreign peacekeepers have been largely clustered in Bangui, while the far reaches of the country have been racked with violence, which has continued unabated. But at least the suffering country now has a head of state who is not part of the problem, as all her predecessors were, and the financial and military aid should at least give Ms. Samba-Panza some means and time to show that there is an alternative to chaos and violence.

    – New York Times

  • Adamu Mu’azu’s baggage

    Adamu Mu’azu’s baggage

    •The new PDP chairman assumes office under heavy cloud of corruption charges

    Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) partisans will confess some relief: the divisive Bamanga Tukur storm is over with the exit of the troubled former national chairman, under whose charge the federal ruling party lost five governors, is not any way cocksure of the support of two aggrieved others, has lost its majority in the House of Representatives, and could yet face some defection crisis in the Senate.

    Even with Tukur’s exit, it is not clear that the crisis of 2015 presidential nomination is over. That, to start with, was the driver of the crisis; with a segment of the party insisting President Goodluck Jonathan cede his constitutional right to run for a second term and Tukur, staking his all for the right of his principal.

    By the Tukur sacrifice, therefore, his opponents — and Jonathan’s presidential 2015 nomination opponents — may have won a battle. But it does not amount to the President and his supporters losing the war. All it means is that the battle is deferred. Still, it is only natural that the two camps welcome the immediate, post-Tukur cool-off period. Whether it signals lasting peace or just another brief interregnum before guns start booming again is another matter.

    For now, however, the PDP ‘selectorate’ has made their choice in Adamu Mu’azu, a former two-term governor of Bauchi State. That Isa Yuguda, incumbent Bauchi governor and hitherto no political friend of Mu’azu, actually nominated his predecessor, might just excite PDP peaceniks that the party has turned the bend. Hope, after all, springs eternal!

    Still, beyond intra-party peace and war, Mu’azu selection is less than reassuring. To start with, of all previous seven chairmen before Mu’azu, only one, Ahmadu Ali, served out his full term, as turbulent as it was. All others got sacked midway, by acts of impunity by sitting presidents, which riled party members, and precipitated the chairmen’s premature ouster.

    From Tukur’s tragic tenure, that penchant for impunity and willful party subversion has not changed under President Jonathan. So, though Mu’azu is new, the operational dynamics are not. Therefore, lasting peace in the party will depend on how President Jonathan moderates his expectations (read 2015 presidential nomination); and how, fairly and lawfully, party members perceive Mu’azu to manage the situation. By PDP’s quaint convention, the President as party leader is all but untouchable; and the party chairman only reigns in peace if he is able to accommodate the President’s demands, without provoking a backlash.

    From the point of governance, and if corruption is the most lethal governmental headache today, Mu’azu’s selection is even less reassuring. As at the time he came on board, former Governor Mu’azu is, in court, facing charges of corruption, from the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). It is trite every accused is presumed innocent; and we by no means suggest Mu’azu is guilty of the allegations against him. In Bauchi State, a seven-man panel reported that he misappropriated N20.4 billion while he was governor.

    But it is not illegitimate to question the judgment that catapulted a citizen facing corruption charges to chairman of the federal ruling party, when people with less baggage were available. Would it be fair to assume there would be some nuanced pressure, any time Mu’azu is docked? What of President Jonathan’s commitment to fighting corruption? Somehow, the chairman’s selection would appear to reinforce Jonathan’s low priority in the war against corruption. That is not good for his government.

    But whatever the case is, the PDP must realise it is Nigeria’s ruling party and its conduct redounds, positively or negatively, on the polity. That is why it should go the extra mile to rededicate itself to democratic principles. That is the only way it can run its affairs with little or no crisis.