Category: Editorial

  •  British back down

     British back down

    The recent decision by the British government to halt its controversial proposal to impose a £3,000 visa bond on a percentage of visitors from six countries deemed to be “high-risk” is a welcome one.

    Announced earlier in the year by the British Home Affairs Secretary, Teresa May, the visa bond policy was aimed at deterring nationals of Nigeria, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Ghana who are seen as the most persistent illegal immigrants. In addition to discouraging illegal immigration, it was to help defray the costs of locating, securing and deporting them back to their own countries. The policy was also supposed to signal the ruling Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition’s preparedness to tackle the vexed problem of illegal immigration and fend off inroads by the anti-immigration UK Independence Party (UKIP).

    The widespread hostility with which the visa bond proposal was met, as well as its ultimate scrapping, is a clear demonstration of the fact that it was poorly conceived, badly timed and ill intentioned. It was clearly discriminatory in its focus, singling out countries and individuals solely on the basis of nationality and race. It offended natural law by proposing pre-emptive punishment of crimes that were yet to be committed.  Its efficacy was in doubt, given the problems the UK has had with immigrants from elsewhere in the European Union (EU) and in Eastern Europe, which were not covered by the proposal.

    Most damaging of all, the visa bond policy threatened the durability of some of Britain’s most enduring ties. All of the six targeted countries have maintained largely cordial economic, social and political relations which are very beneficial to all sides. In the light of their perceived demonisation by the proposal, strongly-worded protests and threats of retaliatory treatment from these long-standing friendly nations posed a clear danger to hitherto-harmonious relationships.

    The consequent withdrawal of the proposal is thus a recognition on the part of the British government that the UK stood to lose far more than what it hoped to gain if it went ahead with the policy. While Nigeria and the other five nations may see the action as a triumph of common sense and hard-nosed realpolitik, they must realise that the underlying problem of illegal immigration by their nationals remains as intractable as ever.

    Nigeria, India, Pakistan and Bangladesh are all heavily-populated developing countries whose infrastructural and other challenges often serve as an impetus for its more adventurous nationals to seek greener pastures by any means possible. Such is the level of poverty and unemployment that a formidable human-trafficking industry has emerged in these nations to take advantage of increasingly desperate attempts to travel to other lands.

    If illegal immigration is to be slowed down to manageable proportions, it will first require comprehensive efforts by Nigeria and the other countries to take care of the basic needs of their citizens. Nigeria, with its vaunted oil wealth, is particularly well-placed to ensure that its people are able to lead meaningful and fulfilled lives within its own borders. The simple fact is that nobody will undertake the risks of illegal migration when all that is needed for a civilised existence is available at home. It is when people increasingly feel that their prospects at home are irredeemably bad that the attractiveness of foreign lands becomes the norm.

    In this regard, it is significant that top British officials were assiduously courting China with a significant relaxation of travel requirements for its nationals even while the visa-bond policy was still being considered. Like India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, China is an Asian country, but unlike them, it has been able to economically transform itself to the extent that its citizens are welcomed almost everywhere with open arms due to their enhanced spending power. The lesson is clear.

  • Ghost subsidy

    Ghost subsidy

    •Kerosene subsidy scam may be Nigeria’s next scandal

    Just as it was with the much-talked-about petrol subsidy last year, we may yet be on the way to unearthing another scam, this time, on kerosene subsidy. The Chairman, House Committee on Petroleum, Downstream, Dakuku Peterside, said that the Federal Government spent about N634billion to subsidise kerosene in the last three years. Peterside spoke at a seminar organised by the Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), in Lagos. According to him, about N110 billion was spent on kerosene subsidy in 2010; N324 billion in 2011 and N200 billion in 2012.

    This, no doubt, must have come as a rude shock to Nigerians because, as Peterside himself noted, the subsidy has never benefitted Nigerians who have been suffering due to the fact that they cannot get the product at the regulated price. Kerosene is supposed to sell for N40.90k per litre, but it is presently going for between N110 and N150. Senator Bukola Saraki who had expected the Minister of Finance and Co-ordinating Minister of the Economy, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, to shed more light on the subsidy at her meeting with the Senate Joint Committee on Finance and Appropriation on the 2013 Budget last Monday was disappointed because the minister was evasive on the issue.

    The minister, rather, insisted that the N1.4trillion she told the joint committee about was the amount paid to oil marketers as subsidy on Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), otherwise known as petrol. When Senator Saraki persisted, she simply retorted, “the payment is for petrol; it does not include kerosene. I said the payment is for PMS and that is petrol, adding: “I am really very clear that the payment is for petrol. I think the NNPC should answer the question on whether subsidy is paid on kerosene.”

    We do not want to believe that Dr Okonjo-Iweala does not know whether we are paying subsidy on kerosene or not; although we agree she might not know the exact amount involved immediately. In which case all she needed to do was ask for more time to find out details and get back to the committee.

    We would not be surprised if another can of worms is opened by the time the lawmakers probe the matter further. Those involved in the kerosene subsidy racket might have been taking undue advantage of the fact that we hardly talk about it. With the ball now put in the court of the untouchable behemoth, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the matter seems to have got to a dead end. As at now, the corporation is the sole importer of kerosene and we do not know anything that it has done well. It is under its watch that the country, the world’s sixth biggest crude exporter, imports the bulk of its petroleum products because the corporation cannot efficiently run our refineries.

    It is sad that the government spends about a third of what we spend on capital budget yearly on kerosene subsidy, which, like petrol subsidy, is subsidising corruption because the subsidy is not getting to the intended beneficiaries. It is true that Nigerians could switch over to Liquefied Petroleum gas (LPG) instead of kerosene as Mr Peterside suggested, but how many of our low and middle income earners can afford this? Cost apart, many people, particularly in the rural areas, do not feel comfortable with gas cookers. They will rather switch over to firewood if kerosene is no longer within their reach. This, as we know, has deleterious effects on the environment.

    We agree with Mr Peterside that “… something is wrong somewhere. How can we be spending on what does not benefit the masses”? It is that something that the lawmakers should unearth since the government has persistently shown a gross incompetence when it comes to tackling corruption.

     

  • Sure fraud?

    Sure fraud?

    •Where is N500bn SURE-P funds? That is the question

    WE cannot fathom why stakeholders in the fuel subsidy conundrum have found it difficult to account for the N32 subsidy removed on each litre of Premium Motor Spirit (petrol) sold from January 2012 to September 2013. The money is meant for use of the Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Programme (SURE-P). Unfortunately, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) and the Ministry of Petroleum Resources have treated the summons by Senate’s ad hoc committee on SURE-P with contempt. The committee wanted them to give account of how the accrued fund was disbursed and managed.

    The amount being sought is huge, something reportedly in the range of about N500billion public funds based on N32 removed on each of the 25 billion litres of fuel sold in 21 months. Senator Kabiru Marafa, a member of the committee confirmed in a report that the amount was contained in a response dated October 9, 2013, to the committee’s correspondence which was signed by Salmanu Faskari, Ministry of Petroleum Resources’ Director of Finance and Accounts.

    Marafa puts it thus: “The committee had earlier written the NNPC to ascertain the quantity of fuel sold from when the subsidy programme started till date. NNPC gave us the quantity sold from January 2012 and September 2013, covering 21 months…The SURE-P team led by Christopher Kolade said they were receiving N15bn flat rate every month. If you multiply 21 months by N15bn, it will be about N350bn. What we are even asking is what happened to the over N500bn difference. That is what we ask the NNPC…and the CBN as the custodian of the fund to come and tell us.’’

    The committee is not asking for too much. If by January 2012, the country, according to the ministry’s position, consumed about 1.3 billion litres which had dropped to 941million litres by February 2013 and further dipped to 770, 695, 645 in September 2013; Nigerians have a right to know why subsequent remittances remain constant. It is our view that these should have dropped, too. The difference should be accounted for by the relevant authorities saddled with managing the SURE-P funds.

    The apparent lack of transparency in how SURE-P funds are deployed is condemnable. Any fund duly appropriated by the National Assembly should be properly managed and accounted for. It is sad that Diezani Alison-Madueke, petroleum minister, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, CBN governor and Andrew Yakubu, NNPC’s group managing director consider themselves to be above Nigerians whose representatives invited them to personally appear before the Senate committee to shed more light on this important issue. The law in the country is no respecter of people in high office.

    We note the NNPC’s denial of involvement in the matter; but it does not amount to much. Its management should have appeared before the committee to say whatever it had to say instead of issuing press release to say it knew nothing about how the funds are disbursed.

    The rigmarole over SURE-P funds is expected in view of the untidy and hasty manner of its creation. The programme, we have always said, is undesirable because it was not created with the best of intentions by the Federal Government. No meaningful achievement can so far be pointed to as having been attained by the programme. What it professes to be doing is what other existing agencies were already doing. So, it is nothing but a mere duplication of duties and sheer waste of public funds. The initiative is, ab initio, a failure and it would continue to suffer from perception problems for as long as it exists and the current shady manner of its administration continues.

     

  • Jonathan’s Okrika homily

    Jonathan’s Okrika homily

    IN President Goodluck Jonathan’s declaration in Okrika, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, that he is not bothered by criticisms, has come a basic contradiction.

    The president said he was not bothered by opposition criticisms. Yet, he insisted that he had his eyes on legacy. How sure is legacy if you don’t use criticisms to correct your mistakes? Or is all criticism in bad faith?

    Yet, overall, the president’s declaration would appear, in the context in which it was made, not manifestly bad. If it sounded offensive, to the extent that almost every newspaper that reported it led with a declaration that tended to portray the president as contemptuous of criticism, it was because an innate yearning to do good seemed to clash with a Freudian slip to not “give a damn”.

    Could the president be so lexically challenged that he would mean the best of things yet sound the worst of things? That really is the worry; and the president and his handlers should be the first to bother, if really they are working towards a post-Jonathan era legacy.

    What the president said, at the funeral of his mother-in-law, about public office being like death, and that every public officer is doomed or saved by his action – or inaction – in office should have been near-holy writ for the Nigerian political class. Death is the freezing final. With death, there can’t be a second chance. So, it is with office. After office, there is simply no second chance.

    But with the level of impunity in the land, and the penchant to abuse public office for personal gains or use public office to settle personal scores, the president was simply on point.

    Yet, ironically, given the location of Jonathan’s declaration – Okrika in Rivers State – the president did nothing but trenchant self-indictment. The way his presidency has grossly abused the use of the police, against real or perceived political opponents in Rivers, is totally condemnable.

    The Rivers State Police Command, under Commissioner Mbu Joseph Mbu, is a classic example of how not to be a police officer. Under his charge, the Rivers police have become a partisan tool: a rod to crack the skull of the opposition (even if opposition activity is entrenched in the Constitution); and a scheming machine, maintained by public money, to aid and abet criminal intolerance by the powers-that-be. Most ruinous: CP Mbu even figures himself a rival power, against an elected governor, all under the unfazed guidance of the Jonathan Presidency!

    Besides, how the police have been deployed to harass the G-7 governors, members of a splinter group of the federal ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), does not exactly mould the Jonathan Presidency in the image of a government that particularly cares about its post-office legacy on rule of law, the very pillar of democracy.

    In his Okrika homily therefore, President Jonathan has evinced the tragic contrast of a president who knows the right thing to do but, due to political expediency that will sooner than later come back to haunt him, is too undisciplined to do it.

    For the sake of Nigerian democracy, it is not too late to correct this tragic flaw. But if the president must, it is to the bitter pill of opposition criticism that he must resort. He must swallow that bitter pill; and demonstrate to everyone he can improve on whatever he is not doing right.

    That is the straight and narrow path to legacy. Any other way is the wide and merry way to destruction. The president must choose right. But eventually, the choice is his – and so would be the consequences of that choice.

  • Waiver abuse

    Waiver abuse

    NIGERIANS may have been in shock with the revelation of the criminal abuse of duty exemptions at the House of Representatives probe of the N255 million bullet-proof cars involving the aviation minister, Stella Oduah, and the Nigeria Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA). The revelations at the Joint Senate Committee on Finance and Appropriation investigating reports of alleged over-bloating of the 2013 budget in Abuja last week has again confirmed that the abuses of waivers and duty exemptions are pervasive, cutting across the entire public finance system.

    Appearing before the committee last week, Comptroller-General of the Nigerian Customs Service, Abdullahi Dikko Inde, put the revenue loss to the waivers and exemptions in the first nine months of the year – that is January to September – at N603.2 billion. Of the sum, N263.8 billion is said to represent the waiver granted on importation of petroleum products.

    Other waivers include those on import duty certificate, N84.6 billion; manufacturers and assemblers (Completely Knocked Down and Bulk), N76.1 billion. Most astoundingly, he told the senators that the Customs Service is not in a position to know the amount of crude oil being exported daily because the service is “not on ground to know.”

    The figures said to be lost to the waivers should, ordinarily be alarming enough. It seems unimaginable that the nation would continue to fritter its revenue so carelessly on duty waivers only because it can afford to pump crude oil. And, to imagine that this is not about a trade-off between current earnings which is lost; and the development of the future capacity of the economy to renew and regenerate itself.

    More worrisome however is the complex web of corruption associated with the administration of the duty waivers and exemptions over the years. First, it is known to be a major source of patronage to those least deserving of them; the greater trouble however is that the stated objectives for granting them hardly materialise, which in the situation calls into question, the rationale for sustaining them.

    It is, in the circumstance, tempting to call for its abrogation in its entirety. But then, we appreciate that this would neither be feasible nor even desirable. Waivers for certain categories of imports may sometimes be absolutely necessary. The problem is when discretions are exercised in such manner as to benefit the narrow interests of a few, as against the strategic national interest which the regime of waivers is advertised to advance.

    Under the Obasanjo administration, for instance, we saw how waivers granted specifically to import industrial machinery and vital construction equipment were used as cover to bring in cars and other luxury items without the offenders being visited with appropriate sanctions. And, as we have just heard in the on-going N255 million bullet-proof cars saga, the waiver meant to bring in duty-free vehicles for the Lagos State Sports Festival is alleged to have been recycled by Coscharis Motors to bring armoured vehicles with attendant loss of N10 million in import duty revenue.

    The challenge therefore, is one of how to curb the abuses. One way is to develop a clear set of guidelines for potential beneficiaries as against the current discretionary rule of the thumb known to be prone to abuse. The other is to ensure that violators of the guidelines are treated as economic saboteurs. Also, the time has come for the Federal Government to publish, periodically, the names of the beneficiaries of the waivers, as well as items covered, to enthrone a regime of transparency. That way, the citizens have at least a fair chance of knowing who got what, if only to help monitor the so-called benefits said to derive from them.

  • We can

    We can

    IT was victory so comprehensive in its brilliance: FIFA U-17 World Cup for a record fourth time: 1985, 1993, 2007, 2013; Most Valuable Player (MVP) and Golden Ball in Nigeria’s Kelechi Ihenacho; Golden Glove for championship’s best goalkeeper in Dele Alampasu; FIFA Fairplay Award for best behaved team in the championship; Silver Boot for second highest scorer, Kelechi Ihenacho; FIFA record for the highest number of goals any team has scored in U-17 World Cup: 26 goals, beating Germany’s 2007 feat of 24!

    Aside, the coaching crew logged some records. Manu Garba, the late Yemi Tella’s assistant in Eaglets’ last win in South Korea, has now won the U-17 World Cup twice. Nduka Ugbade, one of Garba’s assistants, has now won the cup both as player and coach: Ugbade captained the first ever U-17 World Cup winners in China, 1985; and only a horrendous injury kept him off USA ‘94 World Cup, where he would have been the first Nigerian to have played in all World Cup categories.

    FIFA U-17 World Cup, United Arab Emirates 2013, showed us what we had always known: that Nigeria, with the right leadership and motivation, has the capacity to compete and be the global best.

    The Manu Garba boys paraded a rock solid defence, a fluid and brilliant midfield and a razor-sharp attack that was always going to score, no matter the antics of the opposition. When a team parades the best goalkeeper as well as the second highest goal scorer, what you get is a team almost too complete; which brilliance is almost blinding. And to think the team’s anticipated goals machine, Isaac Success, was lost to injury against Sweden, after only two matches!

    But the technical quality of the lads symbolised the plethora of talent that Nigeria boasts. The happy addition, at UAE, was the tactical input from Coach Garba who, like Yemi Tella before him, added tactical manoeuvre to technical ability to achieve brilliant victory. Indeed, Garba’s feat gloriously contrasted the Nigerian team to Finland 2003 under Austin Eguavoen, where a gifted team comprising Mikel Obi, Isaac Promise and others, fell to below-par coaching.

    It is good the Eaglets have, for the umpteenth time, shown the world what they can achieve. The disturbing question is: why haven’t past wins catapulted Nigeria to the elite league in global football?

    Some say Nigeria often uses overage players; and that her alleged cheating has been catching up with her. Though many Nigerians still appear sceptical about the ages of the current champions, there is scientific proof, confirmed by FIFA’s MRR tests, that none of them was over-aged. That sounds good and reassuring.

    Does that mean the U-17 world champions will automatically become world beaters? Not necessarily. Former Arsenal great and now Barcelona star, Cesc Fabregas, was MVP in Finland 2003. He has now joined the global elite simply because Spain, his country, enjoys a superb local league (indeed he was a Barcelona cub) and was tutored by the legendary Arsene Wenger at Arsenal.

    To make these cadet champions world beaters in no distant time therefore, the Nigerian Football Federation (NFF) must improve on the local league. But equally important, NFF must strictly scrutinise contracts offered these minors, so that they don’t sign their future away.

    Interestingly, between Kelechi Ihenacho and Chrisantus Macaulay, there is an interesting parallel. Ihenacho just won Golden Ball and Silver Boot. Macaulay won Silver Ball and Golden Boot in South Korea 2007. Yet, Macaulay now languishes in Spain’s second division, no thanks to injuries, when he should be rubbing shoulders with the elite. If Ihenacho is not to go this same path, then the NFF must take a more than cursory interest in his career – and that should pass for all the members of this wonderful team.

    The Nigerian cadets have shown the way. Nigeria’s political leadership should follow their example, and deliver Nigeria’s manifest destiny, driven by merit. After all, as the poet Williams Wordsworth declared, the child is the father of the man!

  • An Iran deal offers an alluring prize

    An Iran deal offers an alluring prize

    The convergence on Geneva on Friday of John Kerry, US secretary of state, and the foreign ministers of France, Germany and the UK, indicates that after decades of diplomatic deadlock between Iran and the west, there is a real chance of striking an interim deal with Tehran that starts to constrain its nuclear ambitions. All sides cautioned no agreement was imminent, while signalling one was tantalisingly within reach.

    Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel’s prime minister, certainly thought so. He denounced what was cooking as the “deal of the century” for Tehran. Saudi Arabia, Iran’s rival as top dog in the Gulf, has also been loudly unhappy about any possible rapprochement between the US and the Islamic Republic.

    Details of any deal are being held close. But they could see temporary curbs on Iran’s uranium enrichment, perhaps in return for the partial unfreezing of Iranian assets abroad seized after the 1979 revolution. That would leave intact economic sanctions – painstakingly designed, laboriously erected and visibly biting – while meeting an Iranian demand going back to the overthrow of the Shah.

    Yet Iran’s new president, Hassan Rouhani, would still have something to sell to his people, and offset pressure from the vested interests of the theocracy that oppose any normalisation of relations with the west. It would require only an executive decision by President Barack Obama, enabling him to bypass a US Congress sometimes more alert to Israel’s concerns than US national interest.

    The distance from any short-term deal to a permanent resolution of the stand-off between Iran, many of its neighbours and much of the world is still very big. To have any chance of bringing this off, Mr Obama will need to be clear-sighted, sure-footed and resolute – not qualities he has demonstrated over-abundantly.

    Iran has the right to enrich uranium. But its neighbours and current adversaries have the right to verifiable proof, from strict outside invigilation, that it is not running a nuclear weapons programme. The defenders of detente also need to make a convincing case that getting Iran inside the tent can only improve the worst problems of the surrounding region – the Syrian civil war, of course, but also Lebanon, Israel-Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan. If diplomacy is a bit like lock-picking, then this deal has the potential to spring quite a few regional locks, including some that have rusted shut.

    War with Iran, which Mr Netanyahu all but threatened before Mr Kerry dropped by on his way to Geneva, would fatally convulse a Middle East already close to the limits of turmoil. The Israeli prime minister is right – in the wrong way. Handled right, this could be the deal of the century – not for Iran but for the region as a whole.

     

    – Financial Times

     

  • Anambra’s fatal stampede

    Anambra’s fatal stampede

    Governor Obi should blame himself for turning a religious  event into a potential rally

    The Holy Ghost Adoration Ground at Uke in Idemili North Local Government Area of Anambra State has become famous as one of the major worship centres that attract thousands of adherents from within and outside the state to its weekly night vigil. Last Saturday, November 2, was no different as a large crowd converged at the venue to participate in the prayers and worship that characterise the spiritual retreat.

    The attendance, estimated at about 100,000, was reportedly higher than usual because that day was observed by the Catholic Church as the Feast of All Saints. It is indeed a sad irony that an event organised to enable believers pray for healing, deliverance from diverse problems and protection among other supplications ended in tragedy in the early hours of the morning when at least 28 worshippers lost their lives and scores of others were wounded during a stampede.

    Even as relatives mourn their lost ones and the wounded are still being tended, the tragedy has been unfortunately politicised. Allegations and counter-allegations have been made with politicians striving to reap electoral capital by pinning the blame on their opponents. True, the political atmosphere in Anambra State is tense, with the much anticipated and keenly contested governorship election slated for next Saturday. But then, this is no excuse for the behaviour of the political elite, which shows little respect for the memory of the dead or sensitivity to the feelings of the living.

    In their initial reactions to the tragedy, the various political actors demonstrated the requisite sense of decorum and sobriety appropriate on such a solemn occasion. The governor, Mr Peter Obi, as the Chief Security Officer of the state promptly visited the venue as well as the victims in various hospitals while also declaring three days of mourning. Equally commendable was the response of the various governorship candidates who issued condolence messages, visited the victims and even suspended their campaigns as a mark of honour to the dead and the bereaved.

    How then did things degenerate to the level of recriminations and mud-slinging? It is our view that Governor Obi cannot extricate himself from blame for this situation. Mr Obi demonstrated a poor sense of judgement when, in a broadcast to the state, he categorically blamed the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Dr Chris Ngige, as being responsible for the incident. The governor claimed that as he was addressing the congregation, supporters of Dr. Ngige interrupted him by chanting their candidate’s name as well as waving their party symbol and posters of the APC candidate. This was thus the basis for his conclusion as regards Ngige’s alleged culpability.

    Since Mr Obi had directed security agencies to ensure that the culprits were brought to book as well as announcing his decision to set up a panel of inquiry to unearth the immediate and remote causes of the tragedy, he should not have arrived at a pre-emptive conclusion on the issue. At best, he should have made his representations to those who have the professional competence and detachment to carry out an objective investigation. As it is now, any panel set up by the governor may face a credibility challenge as it may find it difficult to arrive at a decision different from that already expressed by its creator, Mr Obi.

    Even then, the account rendered by Mr Obi in his broadcast raises several pertinent issues. The governor never said that Dr. Ngige was at the venue. How then can the APC candidate be held liable for the alleged actions of his purported supporters? In fact, it is the presence and role of Mr Obi at the Holy Ghost Adoration Ground that night that should invite further inquiry. For instance, the governor attended a purely religious occasion in company with his party chairman, Chief Victor Umeh and the governorship candidate, Chief Willie Obiano. Furthermore, he was reportedly dressed in his party’s campaign outfit for a night vigil. Was he there to campaign or to pray?

    Again, when he was given the opportunity to address the congregation the governor promised to sponsor 20 indigent people from among the faithful on pilgrimage as well as provide access road to the premises. Now, how are these remarks by the governor different from that of a politician campaigning for votes? Could that not irritate and provoke members of the congregation who are of a different political persuasion?

    It has become customary for occupants of public office to be given the opportunity to make remarks at purely religious events. While this is a mark of respect to their offices, the Anambra State tragedy shows that this gesture could easily be abused with counterproductive consequences. Public officers who attend religious occasions should do so in their private capacity and should not be given any special privileges. While we join the government and people of Anambra in mourning the dead, we urge that everything be done to prevent a recurrence of such a tragedy.

  • Unnecessary panel

    Unnecessary panel

    Among the perplexing issues arising from the scandalous news that the Nigeria Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) spent N255 million on two bulletproof vehicles purchased for aviation minister Stella Oduah is the composition of the government’s administrative three-man probe panel. The fact that the administration dithered over its response was worrying enough, but this was compounded by the naming of its investigators. It seemed rather odd, even revealing, that a government which should have been eager to demonstrate impartiality picked a team that had the stamp of the Establishment.

    With a former Head of Service, Alhaji Isa Saleh, at the helm, and National Security Adviser (NSA) Col (rtd) Sambo Dasuki and Air Vice Marshall Dick Irueravbere as co-members, the absence of independent appointees was sufficient cause for concern about the government’s sincerity. Even more damning was the inclusion of Dasuki, who apparently should have questions to answer in any thorough examination of how such a flagrant impropriety happened.

    Quite apart from the alleged inflation of cost and the suspected abuse of process, it is important to point out that at the heart of the misdeed is the very nature of the vehicles, which has grave security implications. It goes without saying that bulletproof cars do not belong to the categories that should be allowed into the country without the knowledge and approval of security agencies. The consequences of uncontrolled import of such cars are so dangerous that they should be left only in the realm of imagination.

    Against the familiar backdrop of widespread insecurity resulting from violent crimes perpetrated by well-armed desperadoes, unrestrained access to bulletproof cars would mean further empowerment for the criminally-minded who can own them. Especially for a country locked in a difficult battle with terror groups of various hues, the scenarios that could arise from official inattention in the strict monitoring of the entry of such vehicles are decidedly undesirable.

    It is noteworthy that, on account of his official designation as an adviser, Dasuki’s membership of the panel has attracted criticism on the grounds that he lacks the statutory powers to investigate economic and financial crimes, which the Oduah scandal represents. However, beyond such legalistic argument, and without prejudice to that line of thinking, there are even more compelling reasons why Dasuki is unfit.

    To start with, it is incredible that the question of security clearance for the bulletproof cars has been played down, and it is a critical trivialisation. It is logical to expect that the security system should not only have defined powers to oversee the entry of such vehicles into the country; the structure should also perform the crucial role effectively and with all sense of responsibility. Furthermore, if there are structural shortcomings, as the current case suggests, it is imperative to probe that angle in the investigation of the affair.  In addition, it would be helpful to know just how well the organisation has carried out this function over the years.

    Above all, the setting up of the presidential committee to look into the matter in itself is nothing but a grand distraction. There have been other committees set up by the National Assembly to probe the same issue; there are the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and security agencies that ought to have swung into action on this matter.

    Moreover, the President should remember that he has not been spared criticism since the scandal broke; despite the so-called cold shoulder he allegedly gave Ms Oduah in Israel. So, for him to set up his own committee is unnecessary duplication of efforts. The President ought to have been confident that the other committees would do the needful on the issue. If he cannot trust them, what gives him the confidence that Nigerians would believe his own committee’s report?

  • Pay Keshi now

    Pay Keshi now

    Ever since his employment as coach of the Nigerian senior national football team, it is indisputable that Stephen Keshi has positively turned around the fortunes of the Super Eagles. The inspirational performances of the Eagles so far under his watch have elicited new confidence from millions of soccer-loving Nigerians who had hitherto lamented the decline in recent years of a team that once struck fear in competitors across Africa and made impressive forays on the global soccer arena. Keshi has brought his immense experience as a player and captain of the national team for several years, as well as coach at various times, of the national teams of Togo and Mali to bear on his current assignment, with positive results.

    Not only has he instilled a new sense of discipline and pride in the team, there is a fresh competitive spirit among the players who are no longer under any illusion that they can simply stroll into camp and bag shirts simply on the basis of super star status or past achievements. Now, merit and current form are the decisive factors in earning a place in the team. Unlike what obtained in the past, players in the domestic league have also been given a fair chance by Keshi, to compete for shirts in the national team, thus boosting morale and prospects of the local game.

    It is thus not surprising that Keshi not only led Nigeria to qualify for this year’s Africa Cup of Nations championship in South Africa, the team put up a superlative performance to emerge continental soccer champions against all expectations. And, despite the Eagles’ first round exit from the FIFA Confederations Cup, which held in Brazil, the team still posted an impressive performance against world-class opposition, although it is still undergoing a rebuilding process.

    Under Keshi’s tutelage, the Super Eagles remain unbeaten in the African qualifiers for the 2014 World Cup. Indeed, with the team’s victory over Ethiopia in the first leg in Addis Ababa, many Nigerians are confident that a triumph this month in the second leg to guarantee a ticket for the global soccer fiesta is a mere formality.

    Against this backdrop, the news that Keshi was being owed his salaries for the last seven months has been a most shocking and embarrassing dampener. Understandably embittered by a report purportedly emanating from the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) that the national team coaches can survive on their allowances and bonuses, Keshi has publicly voiced his frustrations at his plight. He noted with regret that he never went through such humiliating experience as coach of the Mali and Togo national teams. This is, to say the least, most shameful.

    The inability of Nigeria’s football authorities to honour contractual agreements and pay national team coaches predates Stephen Keshi. Virtually all Keshi’s predecessors – Christian Chukwu, Shuaibu Amodu, Samson Siasia, Austin Eguavoen and John Obuh – went through this ordeal. Not even expatriate coaches like Berti Vogts, Manfred Hoener, Phillipe Troussier and Louis Lagerback were spared the unsavoury experience.

    We find manifestly untenable the claim by the NFF that it has been unable to fulfil its contractual obligation to Keshi because it is cash-strapped. Before entering into a legally binding agreement, the NFF ought to have been sure of its capacity to meet its own part of the bargain. In any case, given the immense popularity and potential of the round leather game in Nigeria, the soccer authorities have no credible reason to be broke.

    With efficient, creative and transparent management, soccer in Nigeria can be a mega revenue earner that can make the NFF financially self-sustaining. This is certainly no time for excuses. We understand Keshi has been paid three months salaries, leaving four months outstanding. The relevant authorities should simply pay him the balance, now.