Category: Editorial

  • Genetically modified crops should be part of Africa’s food future

    Genetically modified crops should be part of Africa’s food future

    A RECENT DISPATCH in The Post from a village in Tanzania foreshadowed stark choices facing Africa in the decades ahead. Journalist Sharon Schmickle, watching young children eagerly await scoops of corn and beans for lunch, described the conflict in Tanzania between those who suffer from food shortages caused by drought and pestilence and those who hold deep suspicions about the genetic engineering of crops, which might help grow more food. The doubters about genetic modifications seem to have the upper hand in Tanzania at the moment, and that is disturbing.

    As a new report from the Center for Strategic and International Studies points out, genetic engineering in agriculture is not a magic bullet for Africa, but it can help battle pests and diseases, improve nutrition and reduce the use of water and chemicals, all of which would benefit farmers and their families. Genetically modified crops can increase yields, which lag in Africa behind those of the rest of the world.

    African countries and research organizations in the Water Efficient Maize for Africa project, for example, have incorporated a gene from a common soil bacterium into corn, enabling plants to produce kernels even when short of water. The genetically modified corn is expected to increase yields by 25 percent during a moderate drought.

    Yet this corn is not being tested or planted in Tanzania. The country has adopted some of the most restrictive rules on the continent to govern genetically modified food. A policy of “strict liability” threatens companies or organizations that introduce genetically modified crops, and none has dared to bring such plants to Tanzania’s fields. Scientists are hampered and frustrated.

    Africa in general has been slow to accept genetic engineering. Only four nations have commercialized biotech crops: South Africa, Egypt, Sudan and Burkina Faso. Underlying the hesitation is a suspicion that the genetically modified crops are the first wave of malevolent U.S. corporations seeking a toehold in African fields. Since U.S. farmers first adopted genetically modified crops in 1996, some 17 million farmers in 29 countries have followed suit, but Europe has rejected the crops, and European activists have urged Africa to follow suit. There is much talk of a threat to Africa’s “food sovereignty.” This is having some impact, however misguided.

    Smallholder farmers — those with less than two hectares — are the backbone of Africa’s agriculture. They face immense difficulties. Fewer than a third of the farmers in sub-Saharan Africa use any type of improved seeds that have been developed through conventional breeding, let alone more advanced, genetically modified varieties. This is the hard reality that can’t be changed overnight by genetic engineering. Surely, there is no harm in a vigorous debate about genetically modified food; if people don’t understand it, the benefits will never be realized. But it is a shame to abandon these crops based on irrational fears and suspicions. If Europeans choose to forego genetically modified food, they can do so without risking hunger. They ought not discourage its use for those village children in Tanzania who are hungry and at the mercy of drought.

     

    – Washington Post

  • Computer prodigy

    Computer prodigy

    •A nine-year-old boy shows Nigerian potential with his Microsoft certification

    Nigeria’s education system may not be as bleak as circumstances suggest, with the report of the distinction of a nine-year-old computer whizz-kid, Jomiloju Tunde-Oladipo, who has set a record as the country’s youngest Microsoft certified professional. He is now a Microsoft office specialist in Office Word 2010. With an examination score of 769 out of 1,000, Jomiloju outclassed 20 others, performing excellently in Sharing and Maintaining Documents, Formatting Content, Applying Page Layout and Reusable Content, among other subjects.

    It is noteworthy that Microsoft Certified Professional, a certification programme of the reputable Microsoft Corporation, is aimed at building skills on Microsoft business solutions, focusing on client-end operating systems such as Windows XP, Vista and Windows 7, among others. Also worth mentioning is the international status of the certification.

    Young Jomiloju’s accomplishment is particularly significant in the Computer Age, with the heart-warming implication that the country may not be such a terrible laggard, after all. His success placed him in the company of brainy peers who are equally Microsoft certified, including Nigeria’s 10-year-old Anjolaoluwa Seyi-Ojo, an eight-year-old Indian, Lavishnashree, and two Pakistanis, Arfa and Thobani.

    The prodigy’s story is even more remarkable because he had previously taken the test last year as a Primary Five pupil. “I did not make it then,” he said, adding, “But I remained focused and I put in a lot of hard work.”  According to him, “At home and in school, I am always on the computer. After school hours, if I am not doing anything, I will go to my Information Communication Technology teacher, to learn more.”

    Such studiousness deserves commendation, especially considering his age, when playfulness would have been perfectly understandable.  It is a testimony to the depth of his interest in the subject as well as his concentration that he eventually cleared the hurdle. However, even more praiseworthy is his ambition. He was quoted as saying, “I still want to sit for more examinations.  I will still do Excel and Power point.”  There is no doubt that his obvious fascination with the computer would benefit greatly from enlightened support and informed guidance.

    Kudos must be given not only to his parents, but also to his school, Role Model School, Oregun, Ikeja, Lagos, for recognising his gift and providing inspiration, encouragement and learning. It is important to note that he reportedly said his parents bought him “the latest Dell laptop.” Certainly, parental and institutional influences played key roles in his success story, which is a big lesson.

    Of relevance are the ambitious computer schemes of some state governments, notably, Ekiti and Osun states. In the former, Governor Kayode Fayemi is focused on the distribution of 33,000 laptops to students and teachers in public secondary schools under the administration’s e-School Project. In the latter, the groundbreaking computer-based educational project for public secondary schools, known as Opon Imo, introduced by Governor Rauf Aregbesola, promises a revolution in learning methods. These examples bring hope; and when considered in the context of Jomiloju’s feat, which he achieved within the private school system, the picture is of optimism.

    In contrast, it is pertinent to revisit the spectacular case of the negatively adventurous Daniel Oikhena, the teenager who in August made news as a stowaway when he secretly slipped into the landing gear compartment of a Lagos-bound Arik Air aircraft on the runway of the Benin Airport in Edo State. In a sense, his escapade, motivated by an incredible dream to fly to America, mirrored the mentality of a large number of youths who, sadly, have lost hope in the country.

    Perhaps the basic moral of Jomiloju’s example is that the structures of socialisation, in this case, parents and schools, have a major responsibility in the raising of the proverbial leaders of tomorrow. Society must not fail them.

     

  • Jungle justice

    Jungle justice

    •Nigeria’s security forces should not imitate Boko Haram’s brutality

    Amnesty International’s recent allegation that an estimated 950 Boko Haram suspects died in custody during the first half of 2013 is a troubling reminder of the fact that a scorched-earth policy cannot guarantee an effective end to the militant Islamic insurgency plaguing Nigeria.

    The human rights body claimed that a senior officer in the Nigerian Army had revealed that the suspects, held in detention centres in Borno and Yobe states, were dying of starvation, lack of treatment after beatings and torture, and extra-judicial executions. Amnesty researchers claim to have seen the emaciated corpses of suspects in a government-run hospital in Maiduguri, brought there by members of the Joint Task Force.

    It is disheartening that these allegations have arisen even as the JTF is being lauded for strategic successes against Boko Haram and other militants whose indiscriminate acts of mass violence have shocked the nation and the world. Regardless of whether the specific accusations levied by Amnesty International against the JTF are true or not, there has always been the feeling that the rules of engagement under which the task force operates have suffered from a troubling lack of clarity.

    Indigenes of Borno State have continually complained that the JTF’s tactics in its war against the militants leaves a lot to be desired. Mass arrests have led to the disappearance of many young men who have never been seen alive again. The demolition of buildings has rendered many innocent citizens homeless and destitute. There appear to be no restrictions on what members of the task force can do, even when some of their actions clearly violate the fundamental human rights of citizens.

    Although the JTF is unlikely to accept Amnesty’s accusations wholeheartedly, it cannot be denied that this type of behaviour is not a sadly familiar phenomenon in Nigerian life. The country’s history is littered with extra-judicial killings and human-rights abuses routinely perpetrated by the police, the military and other agencies ostensibly entrusted with the protection of the citizenry. Long-distance traders, students, unionists and ordinary citizens have all been victims of the excessive use of force by individuals who consider themselves above the law. Indeed, the Boko Haram insurgency attained new levels of violence precisely because of the extra-judicial killing of its then-leader, Mohammed Yusuf.

    The perpetration of human-rights violations by security agencies poses a great danger to the fight against Islamic insurgency in the country. First, it makes it all the more difficult to win the battle against the insurgents. Excessive brutality by the JTF and other security agencies will only offer the militants the handy excuse that they are fighting against “oppressors” and will help to accelerate the recruitment of disaffected youths into their ranks. Intelligence-gathering is hampered, the insurgents are hardened, and host communities are alienated.

    Secondly, the growing perception that the methods of the JTF are no different from those of Boko Haram and other militants will cost Nigeria dear in terms of local and global credibility in its war against Islamic insurgency. The international and domestic support that is so vital to winning the fight against terrorists will be negatively affected, and the nation’s capacity to garner logistical and other assistance will be correspondingly hampered.

    Nigeria’s security agencies must resist the temptation to descend to the same level as their militant adversaries, even while remaining committed to the necessity of meeting force with force. If indeed Amnesty International’s allegations are without foundation, then there should be nothing to hide. A comprehensive investigation should be carried out into the treatment of suspects. Humane rules of engagement should be drawn up and made clear to all security operatives and host communities. All violations of human rights must be thoroughly dealt with. It would be tragic if the nation’s gallant armed forces ultimately come to be seen in the same light as its murderous adversaries.

     

  • Not ‘an act of God’

    Not ‘an act of God’

    • Stella Oduah should be fired over purchase of bullet-proof vehicles for her security

    Stella Oduah, Nigeria’s aviation minister, is in the news again, barely two weeks after her ministry was under severe criticism over the crash of Associated Airlines plane on October 3 in Lagos. An online news medium, SaharaReporters, had reported that the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA) bought two BMW bullet-proof cars worth $1.6m (N255m) for the minister. In spite of the fact that the medium gave what seemed vivid details of the transaction, including the bank involved, the motor firm that brought in the vehicles, their chassis numbers as well as the names of the NCAA officials who took delivery of them and even the date of delivery, many Nigerians had patiently waited for the NCAA or even the aviation ministry to debunk the report as a figment of the reporter’s imagination. The market value of each of the vehicles is N36m.

    But lo and behold, rather than deny the story, the Ministry of Aviation confirmed that it was true and tried to justify the procurement of the vehicles. The special assistant (media) to the minister, Mr. Joe Obi who confirmed the story said the vehicles were purchased to protect the minister from some external threats that arose because of her activities that have destabilised some entrenched interests in the sector. “When she came on board as the minister, she inherited a lot of baggage in terms of the concession and lease agreements in the sector, which were clearly not in the interest of the government and people of Nigeria. And so, she took bold steps and some of these agreements were reviewed and some were terminated, and these moves disturbed some entrenched interests in the sector, and within this period, she began to receive some imminent threats to her life; therefore, the need for the vehicles,” he said.

    Obi concluded that the vehicles were not personal property and would not be taken away by the minister after her tenure. He was however silent on the outrageous cost of the vehicles.

    This is ludicrous. Public officials deserve to be protected, but this should not be at prohibitive cost to the taxpayer. Indeed, all Nigerians have security challenges and the best way is to tackle the challenges holistically rather than selectively as has been done in the Ms. Oduah instance. We know she is not alone in this; there are many other public officials who have done worst things with public funds under one pretext or the other. But this is one other expenditure by a public agency that calls to question the process under which items are bought by the agencies. But for the expose by SaharaReporters, Nigerians would not have known about the purchase of the vehicles more than two months after they were delivered.

    More important is the fact that our aviation sector has remained troubled over the years. Under the minister’s watch alone, at least two major air crashes had occurred; one on June3, 2012 in Lagos involving Dana Air plane in which 163 people died; and the Associated Airlines crash of October 3, 2013, also in Lagos, which claimed 15 lives. At least, two other air mishaps were recorded this month alone.

    It’s high time the aviation minister was removed to halt the worrisome trend in the aviation sector. The simple inference from the mishaps and near mishaps in this troubled sector is that we still have a lot to do to make our airspace safe; yet priorities are not right. Although NCAA’s Director-General, Capt. Fola Akinkuotu, said the authority is not cash-strapped; a better way to demonstrate its buoyancy is by doing the needful to improve the facilities in our airports instead of splashing a whopping N255m on bullet-proof vehicles that should not cost more than N72m for a single individual.

    Equally disturbing is Akinkuotu’s statement to the effect that he is more interested in how the transaction leaked. This, however, is inconsequential as far as we are concerned. We are more pertubed by the outrageous cost that he has tried unsuccessfully to justify. The transaction is of public interest and the authority ought to have made it public a long time ago.

    Above all, no life is more precious than the other. If Ms Oduah sees accidents as” an act of God” as she claimed after the October 3 crash, why is she now bothered about her personal security? Is that too long for the hands of God to deliver?

     

  • EFCC’s financial plight

    EFCC’s financial plight

    •The anti-graft body cannot be famished for funds if we are serious in the campaign against corruption 

    Recent report that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) is broke is catastrophic to the touted official battle against graft in the country. More saddening is the fact that the commission has not publicly denied the report. But to imagine that an agency saddled with the responsibility of prosecuting corruption is in dire straits, to an extent in which it could no longer fulfil some of its statutory obligations, is scandalous.

    Firstly, it is reported that the commission owes lawyers handling its briefs, and mostly affected in the body’s professional debt profile are senior lawyers in charge of cases against high-ranking politicians/ suspects arraigned for either involvement in outright pilfering of public till or nauseating money laundering deals.

    Secondly, the commission reportedly no longer has the requisite funds to prosecute its enlightenment Zero Tolerance programme on radio and television stations. The programme was deployed to educate Nigerians about its activities, and more importantly, the evils of corruption in the society. At the moment, the programme was not only suspended, worse is the fact that the EFCC still reportedly owes some stations arrears of aired editions. The publication of EFCC’s in-house magazine barely survived the crunch because of the reported resolute resolve of Ibrahim Lamorde, its chairman, to sustain the paper.

    Under no circumstances should the EFCC be starved of funds. But on the issue of lawyers’ professional fees, a better arrangement ought to have been worked out to bring out the best of the learned men and also reduce the financial strain of the body. Perhaps, the commission should have agreed to the global practice of no-win-no-money with these lawyers, especially in cases where the benefit of the doubt weighs heavily in favour of the commission. After all, most EFCC cases were lost due to negligence by lawyers that were paid millions of naira – to the chagrin of the public.

    Despite its glaring avoidable oversight in this regard, the EFCC remains so strategic a body, which is why its financial predicament should be of concern to all. Sometime early this year, Lamorde bemoaned, in an address before the House of Representatives, the sloppiness in the release of funds to the commission, to wit: “It is important to note that for 2012, we requested N21.8bn from the Budget Office of the Federation out of which only N10.9bn was allocated, representing 51 per cent of our requirement.” He reportedly revealed also that of the N300m and N700m for Legal Services and Staff/Office Equipment Insurance Premium, respectively, for 2012, not a kobo was allocated.

    The above sharply contrasted the position of Leo Ogor, House of Representatives Majority Leader who sounded bewildered about the claim that the commission is broke. According to him: “They came with a budget and we approved it for them. Maybe they are working outside their budget; it is not possible that they are broke…we shall look at their complaints in the next budget if any, to really understand what they are talking about.”

    We are aware of the evolving rude official fiscal tradition in the country whereby some appropriated budgetary funds, for inexplicable reasons, are not released to relevant agencies. The trend has gradually degenerated into an abysmal situation where monthly allocations to states are being paid in arrears of three months and more. This has led to insinuations that not only the EFCC but also Nigeria, is broke. Sadly, the presidency has not given any credible defence on this matter.

    The task of battling corruption that is endangering the institutions of state is one that must be won. And if EFCC is acknowledged to have a significant role to play in that regard, then, it should not be starved of required funding.

  • NSE alert

    NSE alert

    IN a clime where impunity by corporate actors is the rule rather than the exception, it comes as no surprise that the Nigeria Stock Exchange, NSE, is again posting an unflattering score-card on the activities of some of its listed companies. The X-Compliance report published by the NSE is instructive: 92 companies fell short of the exchange’s minimum listing standards. The infractions were specific: failure to disclose audited annual financial statements and interim quarterly accounts on time, and non-disclosure of information.

    Of the 92 companies, the report found that 51 defaulted in filing their audited accounts; the rest did not bother to render audited financial statements for 2012. In more serious cases, some did not even render audited accounts for three years. Jos International Breweries, for instance, was indicted for non-rendition of audited accounts for 2010, 2011 and 2012; while G. Cappa Plc was cited for default in its 2011, 2012 and 2013 accounts. Others like Afrik Pharmaceuticals Plc and Nigerian Wire Cable Company Plc did not file in their audited accounts for 2011 and 2012; in the same vein, Nigerian German Chemicals Plc and Union Homes and Savings Plc failed to render their audited accounts for 2012 and 2013. This is in spite of the fact that the listing rules mandated them to file their quarterly accounts within 45 days after the end of the quarter.

    That is not all. In the current year, a total of 66 companies failed to file in their interim quarterly accounts for the first quarter of 2013, with 30 also in default in rendering their audited accounts. In the second quarter, 13 companies were affected with five defaulting in other areas. Sterling Bank Plc, Union Bank Plc and Dangote Cement Plc were charged with operating below listing standards for non-disclosure of information. Dangote Cement and Union Bank were found to have violated guidelines for non-rendition of free-float compliance report; Sterling Bank was listed for non-disclosure of the material information to the regulator with N1.323m fine imposed for non-disclosure of bond issuance to the exchange.

    On the balance, the report found that a total of 25 companies duly filed their interim accounts for the first quarter of 2013; 49 quoted companies filed their interim accounts early for the second quarter of 2013.

    The NSE has certainly taken an important step of identifying the infractions; we consider this first and necessary step to getting the companies live up to their responsibilities as quoted companies. The question is what next?

    We expect the exchange to move beyond the tactic of ‘naming and shaming’ of offenders. It should devise effective methods to secure the compliance of the affected companies with relevant regulations. Need we remind both the NSE and the companies that the regulations were put in place to ensure discipline and order in the capital market and in particular, to guide investors into making informed decisions? When regulations are observed more in the breach as the X-Compliance report does suggest, the result is not just the calling of the institutional integrity of the NSE to question; the net effect is the gradual erosion of confidence of the investing public in the capital market.

    The offending companies must not be allowed to carry on as if nothing happened. A good place to start is for the NSE to undertake a realistic assessment of its capacity to enforce the regulations. Better, in our view, to deal with the capacity issue first to guarantee success of any planned enforcement action.

    The bottom-line is the right of the investing public to know. Nothing of the activities of the management of the quoted companies must be seen to abridge that right.

  • Loot without end

    Loot without end

    NIGERIANS yet again are regaled with the tales of the Abacha years of kleptomania. This time, the news is that Liechtenstein is trying all the tricks in the books to further delay the repatriation of $185 million, stolen through surrogate companies by Gen. Sani Abacha, when he was the maximum ruler in Nigeria. According to the Minister of Finance, Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, the help of the World Bank has been enlisted to help persuade Liechtenstein to do the right thing, by returning the loot. She wondered why the delay, when courts in Liechtenstein had ordered that the money be released to Nigeria.

    The finance minister, addressing a press conference at the International Monetary Fund/World Bank annual meetings, noted the disturbing long effort to get Liechtenstein to return the stolen wealth to Nigeria: “For 14 years, starting since the Presidency of President Olusegun Obasanjo, we have been pursuing this money in Liechtenstein and this is part of the legacy of the Abacha money taken out of the country”.

    Now after the courts in Liechtenstein have ordered the return of the money, the indicted companies trumped up a new course of action at the European Court of Human Rights, and Liechtenstein is relying on that to further hold on to the loot.

    This should be unacceptable both to Nigeria and to the international community; so we urge the World Bank to pressure Liechtenstein to return the money without further delay. Indeed, if Liechtenstein has any reputation to protect, it should be seen to be making concerted effort to help return the stolen wealth of ordinary Nigerians to their country, instead of taking steps that can rightly be seen as stalling the release of the looted resources. After all, under the municipal law of any modern society, the receiver of stolen goods is as guilty as the thief.

    While the Federal Government deserves commendation for working hard to recover the country’s wealth stolen by previous regimes, it is also fair to ask, what has become of the portions of the loot so far recovered? As many have asked, is it not possible that the regimes that have worked so hard to recover these monies have also re-looted the recovered funds? We are asking this question because we are not aware of how the funds recovered over the years have been utilised or paid back into our consolidated revenue account. It is also fair to ask whether the recovered monies have been frittered away as fees to third parties, or through other questionable means.

    Even more pertinent is what has the current government done to stop the clearly observable stealing of our common resources, at several levels of governance? Again, will it not be right to state that despite assurances from the highest officials of government, there is no serious effort to rein in corruption by the current government? Is it not likely, therefore, that when a government willing to demand an account is voted into place, we are likely to have tales of similar recoveries from the regimes that have been celebrating the recovery of loots from the Abacha years?

    While we await answers to these questions bothering the general public, it is important for our governments to be transparently more accountable. Unfortunately, this government and the ones preceding it have presided over heartbreaking scams just like in the Abacha years, such that many Nigerians are left wondering whether anything has really changed.

  • An enriching dialogue with Iran — with limits

    An enriching dialogue with Iran — with limits

    THOUGH few details of Iran’s new offer on its nuclear program have been released, two broad points were clear following this week’s negotiations in Geneva. One is encouraging: The Iranian government is more serious than it has been in years about negotiating a deal with the United States and its five partners. The other is ominous: Tehran is still insisting that it will never give up its capability to enrich uranium, which is the key to nuclear weapons production.

    The detailed proposal set out by Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif was a stark change from previous rounds of negotiations , which featured filibustering by Iranian negotiators who offered only vague ideas. Mr. Zarif made clear that Iran is eager to come to an agreement that would lift the sanctions crippling its economy. He reportedly talked about finalizing an accord within three to six months.

    Several reports, including one by Iran’s state news agency, suggested that the plan includes limits on the degree to which uranium would be enriched and on the number of centrifuges, as well as acceptance of a more aggressive U.N. inspection regime. As Trita Parsi of the Iranian-American National Council pointed out, the proposal may resemble that offered by Mr. Zarif and Iranian President Hassan Rouhani when they last represented Iran in nuclear talks, in 2005. The scheme they presented then would have restricted Iran to 3,000 centrifuges; it now has 19,000 installed.

    That 2005 plan was rejected by the Bush administration and the European Union because it would have allowed Iran to continue enrichment, which remains a central feature of the new proposal. Mr. Zarif is saying that Iran’s “right” to enrich uranium must be recognized, and it appears Tehran may be unwilling to take even the interim, confidence-building steps proposed by the United States unless this principle is conceded.

    This position is troubling. No “right” to enrich uranium exists in the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Nor is enrichment needed for a nuclear power program: Many countries using nuclear power do not enrich their own uranium. On the other hand, as Mr. Rouhani himself said in a 2005 speech, a “country that possesses this capability is able to produce nuclear weapons.” Iran’s insistence on enrichment appears meant to preserve a capability for nuclear breakout after sanctions are lifted.

    The Obama administration has been hinting that it could accept some Iranian enrichment, provided it was under strict controls. But any such deal would pose political challenges. Israel and France remain opposed to any Iranian enrichment, as do many members of Congress. Six Democratic and four Republican senators recently sent President Obama a letter rejecting Iran’s enrichment demands and saying that Iran should suspend all enrichment now in order to avoid further congressionally mandated sanctions.

    We believe it is worth exploring a settlement that permits a token amount of enrichment while locking down the program to minimize the chance of an undetected breakout. Certainly this would be preferable to military action. But such a deal would require far greater concessions than the regime appears to be contemplating. As Russia’s deputy foreign minister put it in Geneva, the sides remain “kilometers apart.” And since Iran has yet to slow its enrichment, time is running out.

    – Washington Post

     

  • A dialogue without power

    President Jonathan’s decision that the national conference will report to the National Assembly makes the whole affair a waste of time and money

    Less than a month after President Goodluck Jonathan unveiled his ambition to set sail on a national conference, his ambition has begun to unravel. He has said that the report of the national conference will be sent to the National Assembly for approval.

    This statement exposed the whole definition of the conference from the presidency’s point of view. He sees the national conference as a mere opportunity to dialogue without power. If the conference had a fundamental power to re-enunciate its dreams, redefine its ethos and politics, restructure the nation and vouchsafe our past to a future rippling with clear vision, why would it report to the National Assembly?

    This has not only exposed President Jonathan’s parochial standpoint on the matter, but also clarified the contrast for those who have called for a sovereign national conference. The difference between both positions is now potent. For Jonathan, the conference will be an anaemic affair, even if full of debates, disagreements and the theatre of backslapping. It could debate the issue of state police, the cartography of revenue allocation, the furies of insecurity and the darkness cast over our education system. In the final analysis, the lawmakers will decide what they want and what to discard. Has the same National Assembly not been engaged in such parley across the country in the name of constitutional amendments? What results have emanated from them?

    According to the Jonathan agenda, once the conference has completed its work, the presidency would append its assent.

    For those calling for a national conference of the sovereign type, the issue is more sober. It entails a representation of people from all over the country, covering ethnicity, geography, class and tendencies. The result will not be subject to any special institution like the National Assembly, the presidency and it is above the power of the courts for any sort of adjudication. It is a sovereign in miniature having embodied the soul of the entire nation in trust.

    This means the sovereign body cannot be appointed as perfunctorily as President Jonathan has done. It is a matter of national survival and progress. If, as President Jonathan has declared, the conference representatives will not be hamstrung by any fetters, including the issue of the survival of the nation, why would they want any existing institution to decide on the wisdom or foolishness of their submissions?

    The conference, among other things, will discuss the essences of the presidency and the National Assembly. It will decide how the representatives are elected, what powers they should wield, what kind of funding they could amass, how they relate to the electorate and the limits of their swagger. As it regards the National Assembly, it will also have to deliberate whether we need a National Assembly, or whether we need a bi-camera or uni-camera legislature, and the modes of representation and operation.

    In the sort of debate and powers without fetters, the sovereign national conference could decide that the way both institutions are constituted do not chime with the popular will. If that is the case, the National Assembly suffused with persons who might want to retain the status quo, may decide to assign the full report of the conference to a committee, and the process may end up restoring the status quo for the National Assembly. Not just that, other aspects of the report that today’s decrepit elite may oppose may become subjects of lobbying.

    At the end, fundamental aspects of the report would have been either deleted or diluted, leaving for the presidency a corrupted version of the people’s will. The presidency, also aware of its interests, may do same.

    The people’s position would have been compromised, and the final copy a mockery of intense work done by the people’s representatives.

    But if the people have finished their work, what will be left? It will be subjected to a plebiscite, and the majority of the people will be asked to either endorse the document or reject this. From historical examples, such conferences often exercise tremendous power because they are a precursor to a fundamental change in the way things are run. Its existence necessarily curtails powers of all institutions as they pertain to the conference’s powers.

    No chief executive or legislature can assume powers over those of the conference. Those may be the nuances that are troubling President Jonathan and his fellow travellers. That accounts for their decision to subject the people’s will to a coterie of interested men and women.

    Other nations have passed through that process, whether it was the United States, Britain, France, Germany or even South Africa. It is not often a tea party. It offers an opportunity for unflattering introspection. Every tribe or region or class will spill its views with unvarnished candour, and the conference will have to distill every word or body through the rigour of debates and sundry other engagements. It is an opportunity for histories and cultures of different parts of the country to collide and align.

    That is why we have called a national conference a dialogue with power, not one as ritual. If we follow the pattern President Jonathan has set in motion, we cannot avoid the conclusion that it is another exercise in squander-mania and diversion. It is a rigmarole that will lead back to where we have always been. It is a dialogue without power.

  • PTDF bankruptcy alert

    PTDF bankruptcy alert

    The Senate Committee on Petroleum Resources (Upstream) is right to have handed a seven-day deadline to the management of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) to provide a record of its earnings from all sources in the last five years. It is also right in directing that the PTDF should provide a comprehensive list of its portfolio investments. Chairman of the committee, Senator Emmanuel Paulker, gave the ultimatum to the PTDF management, led by its executive secretary, Dr. Oluwole Oluleye, during the committee’s visit to carry out its oversight function on the agency.

    What the Senate committee discovered was as unexpected as it was disappointing. Dr. Oluleye told the committee tales of woe, to the surprise of the members. He said the PTDF would be completely bankrupt within the next few months unless the Federal Ministry of Finance paid it the amount of N57bn budget backlog for 2013. He then enumerated the catalogue of woes faced by the PTDF.

    First, that the non-payment of the above amount to the agency could deprive Nigerian students currently on the PTDF scholarships in foreign universities of their grants. Second, that the PTDF has not been able to pay workers’ salaries in the past two months, due to cash crunch. Third, that the multi-billion dollar statutory “signature bonus” payments had been withheld from PTDF for some years.

    However, as Paulker’s team noted, the agency’s bankruptcy claims were untenable. In the first place, the PTDF had “several portfolio investments and other sources of income which are shrouded in secrecy”. How then is it possible to know its true financial position? Not only this, the committee boss also faulted the practice of anticipatory budgeting of the agency, pointing out that the practice was “criminal and negated the Procurement Act”. He queried: “What happened to your (PTDF) investment portfolios? You cannot say because signature bonus has not been paid, you are suddenly broke and cannot pay salaries and fund scholarships abroad. I think it is an indictment of the PTDF and you are being economical with the truth”.

    We wonder why the PTDF should be on its way to bankruptcy when it had a budget that was duly passed for its operations, and which, according to the committee members’ findings, the agency declared N123,205,016.77 in “Excess of Income Over Expenditure”. How can we sustain its claim of inability to pay workers’ salaries and meet sundry financial obligations? Worse is the opacity of the agency’s operations. For instance if, as the Senate committee noted, that it has investment portfolios which should be generating money for it, why should the money generated from these investments on a regular basis be shrouded in secrecy?

    The PTDF should be given its due under the laws. Indeed, we do not understand why it should be deprived of funds duly allocated to it in the budget. This is, however, not to say that its operations cannot be probed with a view to determining how it has been spending public funds from its budget allocations and investment portfolios.

    Moreover, appropriate sanctions should be meted to whoever is found to have been involved in the situation whereby the country has had to beg foreign universities over our inability to pay our students’ fees, thus embarrassing the Federal Government, and worse still, possible misappropriation of funds in the agency. To whom much is given, much more is expected. Perhaps PTDF’s bankruptcy claim is an attempted cover-up or a diversionary tactic, or both.