Category: Editorial

  • Veiled trouble

    Veiled trouble

    Suddenly, armed women in purdah has further complicated the country’s anti-terror campaign

    The apprehension of two women in purdah with assault weapons concealed under their dresses introduced a disturbing new dimension to the terror war in Borno, one of the three states under emergency rule. This incident, without doubt, has implications for the two other states, Yobe and Adamawa, which may also be theatres of such unexpected feminine involvement.

    In addition, the episode reflects, though negatively, the dynamism and inventiveness of the terror champions, the most prominent of such groups being Boko Haram. There is no denying the fact that this latest terror approach presents a fresh challenge not only to the security forces, but to the civilian populace as well.

    It is significant that the arrest, carried out by a group of volunteer youths known as Civilian JTF (Joint Task Force), happened at the Bulabulin entrance to the Monday Market in Maiduguri, the Borno State capital, a fact that raised important questions as to why the women were taking hidden arms into the marketplace, among other posers. Were they simply couriers on a mission to deliver the weapons to some contact? Or did they have an assignment to cause mayhem in the market? Were they coerced into the act, or were they willing tools? How were they recruited, and by whom? What is the source of the weapons?

    Their dramatic capture, as narrated by a member of the vigilance group, Malam Usman Ibrahim, speaks volumes about the providential circumstances, meaning that the women could well have succeeded in gaining entry into the market. Who knows what might have followed?  According to Ibrahim, “We were on a routine checking at the gate when these women came with heavy veil. At first, we did not bother to look at them, but we realised that one of them was shivering, we said something must be wrong.”

    Then, he said, “We found that each of them concealed an AK 47 rifle, a pistol and Improvised Explosive Devices (IED) in their veil. We were surprised at the discovery, so we took them to officials of the Joint Task Force (JTF) on ‘Operation Restore Order’ (ORO) for investigations.”

    Interestingly, the use of women in purdah for such unholy purpose demonstrates how easily debasing conflict situations can be, for the action defeats a sacred idea, in the Islamic sense.  It is sad indeed that these people carried their imagination to such an extent, all in a bid to achieve evil goals. By attempting to employ the sacredness of the veil to further destructive ambitions, they have, regrettably, opened otherwise innocent women to suspicion. For, from now, every woman in purdah would likely be viewed with doubt by security operatives in those areas. Furthermore, when such women routinely become targets of security searches, this could trigger a crisis based on the perception that it constitutes a violation of the very principle of purdah in Islam, which essentially is about seclusion of women from public observation.

    Also, it is ironic that women, who along with children are regarded as vulnerable groups in the context of conflict, have in this case played the undignified role of co-perpetrators of violence. This happening mirrors the extent of the possible radicalisation of women, and even children, in the structures of terror groups. It is a distressing signal.

    Fundamentally, the development compels another look at the terror war, and further highlights the centrality of local cooperation with the security forces, if the desired defeat of the anarchists is to be achieved. It is commendable that volunteer youths displayed effective alertness on this occasion, but there is no doubt that the collaboration should involve the entire communities for even greater results. The unmistakable lesson here is that the enemies of society are thinking, and the security forces must rise to the challenge to outwit them.

  • Again, Nigeria tops from the rear

    Again, Nigeria tops from the rear

    UN report indicts the country for poor showing in mother-to-child prevention of HIV/AIDS

    From the United Nations came another damning report on Nigeria; and, as usual, it is about the bad and the ugly. The issue, this time, is HIV/AIDS, in which Nigeria is rated first in the world with the largest number of new HIV infections among children. In the report titled “2013 Progress report on the global plan: Towards the elimination of new HIV infections among children by 2015 and keeping their mothers alive”, the country was indicted for not doing much, especially since 2009, to improve prevention of mother-to-child transmission that is responsible for the alarming infections.

    According to the report, “Nigeria accounts for one third of all new HIV infections among children in the 21 priority countries in sub-Saharan Africa: the largest number of any country. Progress here is therefore critical to eliminating new HIV infections among children globally.

    What we are talking about in statistical terms is that Nigeria accounts for about 60,000 new cases of infections in 2012. Perhaps more worrisome is the fact that other African countries are making steady progress on the matter. For examples, Botswana, Ethiopia, Ghana, Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, and Zambia, according to the UN report, witnessed a 50 per cent decline in new HIV infections in children, while the United Republic of Tanzania and Zimbabwe are very close to achieving the target.

    Amidst these grim circumstances, the UN has every cause to be concerned about the prevalent state of HIV among Nigerian children. This is especially so as combating HIV/AIDS is an essential component of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) which 189 member nations of the UN agreed alongside some 23 international organisations to eradicate by 2015. And 2015 is just about two years away.

    We wonder why the government should allow this kind of situation. We also note with dismay, the reaction of the Director-General of the National Agency for the Control of AIDS (NACA), Professor John Idoko, to the UN report, to the effect that things are not as bad as painted by the report but that the country’s problem is its inability to collect data that would have shown the progress made as a result of some interventions put in place since 2009.

    We shudder at the NACA boss’ statement that PMTCT (preventing mother-to-child transmission) is one of the greatest challenges of the HIV national response. Why is it not a problem in other African countries that are making progress on it? Again, why would Nigeria be complaining of inability to collect statistics to back up its claim if really it has done much to tackle the challenge since 2009?

    All said, it is clear that lack of education and proper enlightenment constitute the greatest challenges to Nigeria in the fight against children infection by HIV/AIDS. We therefore recommend intensification of these if they are currently ongoing and starting of campaign if this is not being done now. It is also important that the governments begin to find lasting solutions to the question of poverty that is prevalent in the country which is also a contributory factor to the HIV/AIDS mess.

    Of course, the recommendations will not be complete if we do not mention the issue of corruption which is the main reason why the impact of many of the interventions, either by donor agencies or even the governments in the country has not been felt as it should. As President Goodluck Jonathan himself noted, the issue has gone beyond provision of free test kits and anti-retroviral drugs to fight the disease.

    The government should therefore show more concern in this matter if only for the simple fact that the children (unlike adults) infected with HIV/AIDS contributed nothing to their plight. Their only misfortune, perhaps, is the source through which they were born.

  • Obama needs to support democracy, oppose a coup in Egypt

    Obama needs to support democracy, oppose a coup in Egypt

    ONE OF THE FEW things that has been clear about the tumultuous situation in Egypt this week is the plummeting prestige and influence of the United States. Anti-government demonstrators in Cairo’s Tahrir Square have been carrying placards and chanting slogans denouncing the U.S. ambassador; meanwhile senior government officials, anticipating a possible military coup, are already blaming the Obama administration for green-lighting it. A country that for decades has been the the United States’ closest Arab ally — and one of the largest recipients in the world of U.S. aid — appears united only in its disregard and contempt for Washington.

    The Obama administration is not entirely responsible for this situation: In Egypt’s polarized and chaotic political environment, conspiracy theories and false perceptions of the United States have become commonplace. But the administration has helped to foster the growing anti-Americanism — if not the growing chaos in Egypt — through its mishandling of the Islamist government of Mohamed Morsi. For months, as the Morsi government has taken steps to consolidate power, quash critics and marginalize independent civil society groups, President Obama and his top aides have been largely silent in public. No effort was made to use the leverage of U.S. aid to compel a change of policy. Instead, the government was lauded for its help in preserving peace between Israel and the Palestinians, and U.S. policy focused on helping Egypt win aid from the International Monetary Fund.

    An attempt by the ambassador in Cairo, Anne W. Patterson, to “set the record straight” in a public speech two weeks ago only exacerbated the problem. Ms. Patterson bluntly questioned the opposition’s strategy of attempting to organize a popular uprising to overthrow the government, saying “my government and I are deeply skeptical” that “street action will produce better results than elections.” She added: “Egypt needs stability to get its economic house in order.” That could have been an appropriate message if the ambassador balanced it by addressing with equal directness the government’s quasi-authoritarian measures, such as its plans to strip non-government organizations of funding or its attempts to impose one-sided election rules. But there was no mention of Mr. Morsi’s excesses.

    On Monday, Mr. Obama belatedly called Mr. Morsi to say that “democracy is about more than elections” and encouraged him to be “responsive” to the opposition, according to a White House statement. He said publicly that the United States was not taking sides in the standoff. But while saying that “the current crisis can only be resolved through a political process,” the president and administration spokesmen did not take an unambiguous stand against a military coup.

    This was another omission: The White House should make clear in its public statements as well as in private communications that Egypt’s armed forces will put U.S. military aid at risk if they remove a democratically-elected government by force or seek to reconstitute the autocratic regime that misruled Egypt until a year ago. A military takeover will not end Egypt’s political crisis, and the United States should neither be complicit in one, nor allow itself to be blamed for it.

    – Washington Post

  • Words of wisdom from CJN

    Words of wisdom from CJN

    The Judiciary holds the key if the anti-corruption battle is to be won

    To the extent of clearly articulating the problem, Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Mariam Aloma Mukhtar, should be commended for her uncompromising stand against corruption; and her condemnation of the contribution of the Bar and the Bench towards this national malaise. That is highly welcome; for if Nigeria does not kill corruption, corruption will eventually kill it.

    Speaking at a seminar which theme was “Practical Ways to Combat Corruption in the Justice Sector in Nigeria”, organised by the Nigerian Bar Association Anti-Corruption Commission, the CJN pointed at the inappropriateness of the anti-corruption weaponry and called for sweeping change.

    “Anti-corruption war in Nigeria is like a gun-war being fought with bows and arrows,” the CJN declared, underscoring the seriousness of the challenge.

    Adopting the John Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales quip of “if gold rusts, what will iron do?”, she launched a frontal attack on the Judiciary and rued that unscrupulous elements, both in the Bar and on the Bench, aid and abet corruption, insisting such conduct was reprehensible and must stop.

    “It is a war both sides [prosecutor and defence] manipulate to gain personal and political points. It is a ‘world’ of controversies, politics, extensive debates and high public acclamations” she added, in obvious reference to the crass filibustering that daily goes on in the courts, particularly when the high and the mighty are in the dock, all in the bid to: first slow down; and then, subvert justice.

    “It is a war,” she declared, decrying the grave dislocation of mores and societal values in the present cynical and half-hearted war on corruption, “that can turn its fighters into victims and those being fought into heroes”.

    These are indeed words of wisdom from the highest judicial officer in the land. That, for a mess of pottage, a section of the Bar and the Bench demean themselves to subvert justice is all but open secret. Though it is not the first time the CJN would openly criticise corruption in the Judiciary, her persistent repetition of the charge and her call that lawyers and judges clean up their acts not only show the depth of the problems but also the CJN’s burning passion to solve the problem and save her charge, the Judiciary, from public odium.

    Let it be clear: an odious Judiciary is not for the Bar and the Bench alone to bother about. It really could make a difference between peaceful change and a violent one. As independent, fair and just arbiter, the Judiciary is structured as the last temple of peaceful change. Now, when that temple becomes a den of thieves, scammers and allied criminals, the resultant hopelessness and fury turns the society into an avoidable volcano.

    So, the CJN should continue with providing leadership in the anti-corruption war, particularly in the Judiciary, which is her forte. She should put in place more systemic checks and balances to weed out judges and magistrates who are bad eggs; and also checkmate unscrupulous lawyers who see winning and losing a case as just another racket to earn contemptible living.

    It is however heart-gladdening that even the Bar is concerned about judicial corruption. The event at which the CJN spoke was organised by an NBA anti-corruption lobby. That is good: for it shows the CJN is no lone voice crying in the wilderness, while other stakeholders are comfy to luxuriate, like pigs, in the bog of sleaze.

    Still, talk is cheap. If urgent and firm actions are not taken to kill the monster, all these interventions would count for nothing but mere talk shops. That is why everyone should move from mere talks of condemnation and regrets into solid action. Mohammed Adoke, federal attorney-general and justice minister, at the same seminar, spoke of soon to be introduced “National Anti-Corruption Strategy”.

    He should make sure everyone buys into that strategy to strike corruption the death blow it deserves. That virus must die for the rest of us to live.

  • Missing ammunition

    Missing ammunition

    The recent report on Ekiti Police Command reflects a dangerous national trend

    The shades of mystery casing the influx of arms and ammunition into illegal hands may be gradually unravelling.  Recently, the House of Representatives Committee on Public Accounts reportedly beamed its klieg light into the 2010 query raised by the Auditor-General (AG) of the Federation against indiscriminate disappearance of rifles and ammunition allocated to some state police commands. For instance, in Ekiti State Police Command alone, 57,000 live ammunitions were unbelievably declared missing.

    Solomon Adeola, Chairman, House Committee on Public Accounts gave a graphic breakdown of items in the AG’s query to include in Ekiti command: one AK 47 rifle-No. BD359073 with 20 rounds of live ammunition; another AK 47- No. BA 405835; one Berate pistol and two pump action rifles. Also in Jalingo, capital of Taraba State, one pump action gun and cartridges with 30 rounds of ammunition were declared missing in the query. The same loss of firearms was captured in the AG’s query in Edo State.

    Despite the role that the police as an institution is expected to play in protecting the law, it is unfortunate that these losses had been treated with scorn and without deference to the provisions of the law. The query gave the clincher in this regard where it clearly reveals that “…losses had not been reported officially in line with the Financial Regulation Chapter 26,’’ while ‘Treasury Form 146 had not been completed as required by law.’

    This obvious infraction of the law by the police authority, especially on such important issue as that of misappropriation of arms and ammunition is condemnable. More stupefying is the fact that the police were found wanting, through unconvincing explanations, on the matter. The Inspector-General of Police, Mr M.D Mohammed, contemptuously refused to appear, despite summons, before the House committee to answer questions on the damning queries on the police covering a period of four years, 2006-2010.

    The explanations given by Mr. Suleiman Fakai, Deputy Inspector-General of Police (DIG) in-charge of Administration during his appearance before the House committee that two police officers who were involved in the missing  57,000 live ammunitions in Ekiti State had been arrested, prosecuted and dismissed belatedly diminishes the severity of the matter at hand. More condemnable is the fact that the DIG could not provide relevant original documents to back up his claims. This is poor accountability. Does it mean that just two police officers were involved in such huge criminal rackets? Could such act of criminality have been committed without the connivance of other top personnel of the force? Why is the crime of arms and ammunition racketeering becoming incessant in police commands across the country?

    The House of Representatives should pursue this matter to a logical conclusion. At the last count, not less than 134 vital queries, in the last six years, are reportedly standing against the police in the House. The police, as protector of the law, should not intimidate the legislature, a law making organ of government, from carrying out its oversight function on the force. After all, nobody or institution of government is above the law- the police inclusive. At this security challenging period in the country’s annals when armed insurgents’ activities thrive unabashedly, the police force should be prepared to account for every arm and ammunition allocated to it.

    The menace of arms proliferation can only be curbed if there is transparency and accountability in the way and manner ammunition given to the police, and even the military, are judiciously deployed. All those involved in this gun running rackets in the police must be fished out and made to face the full wrath of the law.

  • US spying is not a threat to friendship

    US spying is not a threat to friendship

    – EU should reinforce defences if it wants to stop espionage 

    Lord Palmerston, twice prime minister of Britain, once said that a nation has no eternal allies, only eternal interests. His words ring as true today as they did 165 years ago. Suggestions that the US has been bugging offices of the EU and other western allies should shock no one. Countries have been spying on friends for millennia.

    Europe’s public outrage over the latest revelations from Edward Snowden, the former National Security Agency contractor, is misplaced. There are plenty of examples in recent history to show that espionage targeted at allies is nothing more nor less than business as usual. Twenty years ago the US was discovered eavesdropping on French officials during trade talks. Israel recruited Jonathan Pollard, a US government analyst, to steal military intelligence from its closest ally. And European member states, the French and British among them, have also had their secret services out there listening, gathering and analysing.

    There is a fine balance to be struck when deciding whether to spy on friends. A useful relationship might be spoiled if agents are caught. But it might be legitimate for a country to look after its security interests by, for example, collecting information on an ally’s foreign relationships, including with unfriendly third parties. That has long been the diplomat’s role.

    Those who threaten to derail recently launched trade talks with the US over the allegations are not just worryingly naive. They are playing a dangerous game. A deal promises to deepen economic ties and prolong western influence over global trade. But it will require tough compromises. Any seasoned negotiator knows that in such delicate talks the other side will come to the negotiating table with as much information as possible. If Europe does not want the US or anyone else to know what it is thinking, it should ensure that its defences against such intelligence gathering are more effective.

    There is another risk. The furore has weakened Washington’s credibility just as it is taking a strong stand against a rising tide of cyber espionage from China. EU outrage will only give further ammunition to Chinese critics who accuse the US of double standards. However, European companies and governments have also been targets.

    The EU would be making a grave mistake if it allowed this dispute over unpleasant but hardly surprising US snooping to divert attention from China’s cyber armies. Right now, that is the bigger threat.

    – Financial Times

  • Not yet there

    Not yet there

    •Amnesty has not lived up to its promise as integration programme

    The recent announcement by the Chairman of the Presidential Amnesty Programme, Mr. Kingsley Kuku, that the much-touted scheme has produced 9,912 graduates in a variety of fields may seem to be a success on the surface, but when it is considered in greater detail, it is clear that the programme has clearly failed to live up to its ambitious aims.

    Those aims include the introduction of a comprehensive training programme for ex-militants who laid down their arms, and their integration into the larger society. The integration was to be based on their employment in decent, well-paying jobs which would simultaneously eliminate the joblessness that served to motivate militancy, as well as give them a greater stake in ensuring that their communities remained peaceful and stable.

    It is obvious that, regardless of Kuku’s explanations, the Amnesty Programme has been reduced to a vocational and degree-acquisition scheme instead of a comprehensive reintegration programme. The graduates emerged in fields like medicine, law, agriculture, welding and electrical installation. Others have become licensed pilots, while many have been trained for careers in the oil service sector.

    Laudable as these achievements are, they only amount to the production of individuals whose training is, in many cases, yet to be matched with jobs. In other words, the Amnesty Programme’s main achievement has been to contribute even more young Nigerians to the millions of unemployed school-leavers and graduates currently roaming the streets.

    The inability of the programme to include a comprehensive job-placement programme as an inherent part of the policy is a pointer to the very flawed nature of the Amnesty Programme itself. In spite of the laudable aims of the late President Umaru Yar’Adua, it is clear that far too much money was thrown at the programme than was desirable. While they were in various forms of training, thousands of ex-militants received handsome stipends that rivalled the salaries of many full-time workers. Unnecessary expense was incurred by sending many of them abroad for courses that could have been more profitably done at home.

    Some of the courses, especially those related to the aviation industry, did not take the doldrums of the local aviation industry into consideration. Many ex-militants simply took the cash and returned to illegal activities like petroleum theft and oil bunkering. In some tertiary institutions, such as the College of Education, Akoka, Lagos, militants have clashed with other students.

    To make matters worse, the Amnesty Programme appears to have entrenched a social apartheid that does nothing to solve the underlying problems of the Niger Delta. Those who are in the programme are widely seen as the pampered favourites of the Federal Government, for whom no expense is too much. Those who are not in it complain of being shut out of their entitlements and are furiously agitating to get in. This division has also taken an ethnic tone as some groups believe that it is their entitlements while others feel shut out. Thus, the divisions which the resource control campaign caused remain unsolved, and have indeed been worsened by new grievances.

    Four years into the Amnesty Programme, it is obvious that there is the pressing need to review it, with a view to enhancing its strengths and minimising its weaknesses. Its greatest advantage is the achievement of relative peace in the Niger Delta, and the concomitant increase in the nation’s oil export receipts. This should be built upon by ensuring that the programme is run economically in order to accommodate as many ex-militants as possible. Every effort should be made to reduce cost by ensuring that they are trained in local institutions. Their training should be incorporated into established job-placement schemes which could be gradually enlarged to include youths who are non-militants. Nigeria gains little if Peter is robbed to pay Paul.

  • Owambe abroad

    Owambe abroad

    We welcome FG’s Riot Act because public officials have always been barred from holding it

    Old habits die hard, but top officials of the Federal Government will have to grapple with the challenge of reformation, in the light of the news that President Goodluck Jonathan is concerned about ostentation among them. Specifically, President Jonathan has reportedly barred ministers and high-profile public officers from throwing extravagant   parties, especially abroad, citing the Code of Conduct and Civil Service Rules and Regulations, which are evidently flouted by such unrestrained display of wealth. Interestingly, this development, which came unexpectedly during a Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting in Abuja, has resulted in presidential orders to the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, directing him to write to permanent secretaries, directors and civil servants to act within official bounds.

    It is worrying that such directive had to be given in the first place, for this suggests a deplorable degeneration not only in thinking, but also in morals, in the country’s highest structures of political power. The incident, in addition, betrays a disturbing disconnect between the members of government and the people they are elected to serve. The sheer indecency of the insensitivity of the pleasure-loving public officers in the face of widespread poverty and harsh living conditions in the country belongs to the realm of imagination; it is simply mind-boggling.

    President Jonathan’s apparent hard line on the matter was reportedly triggered by security information exposing how some ministers and public officers had been flying guests abroad for parties connected with birthdays, weddings, chieftaincy installations, house warming celebrations and even funerals.  Such expensive parties were said to have been held in Dubai and Abu Dhabi in the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, South Africa, Ghana and the Gambia.  Furthermore, as if exporting the home-grown practice of showering cash gifts on dancers during a celebration, known as “spraying “ in local parlance, some cabinet members were also  alleged to have scandalously used American dollars for such purpose at these parties. The image of wanton partying known locally as ‘Owambe’ is unmistakable here.

    To go by events, it is noteworthy that Jonathan’s newly projected strictness had apparently claimed a victim before the formal expression in the FEC meeting, with the recent removal of the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Petroleum Resources, Mr. Abdulazeez Musa, for allegedly having a showy wedding party for his daughter in Dubai.  However, it is worth mentioning that reckless spending of the kind targeted by the new posture is, sadly, not unusual in government circles. Indeed, the late President Umaru Yar’Adua reportedly expressed his disapproval in a FEC meeting in 2009, following information that a minister allegedly spent about N125 million to mark his 25th wedding anniversary.

    It is worrying that such frivolous and wasteful pleasures are in fashion among the ruling elite, especially because the bad example sends wrong signals not only to the citizens, but to the international community as well. The whole affair makes it necessary to ponder on the priorities of the country’s public officers; and accompanying such contemplation is the puzzle as to the source of the riches so crudely flaunted by this class.

    Obviously, in a country where high official corruption remains a hot issue on the front burner, with its negative consequences for socio-economic development, the security agencies and anti-corruption bodies need to be more vigilant and operate with greater effectiveness to check possible abuses by government officers.

    While there are positive elements in Jonathan’s move against profligacy by government officials, it is important to point out the narrowness of his vision. Apart from partying abroad, what about ostentation in such areas as the kind and number of houses the officers own, the class and number of cars they possess, among other measures of affluence?

    Above all, however, the President needs to lead by example.  For instance, he has been criticised, with good reason, for expensive junkets to foreign countries, usually with an unjustifiably high number of state officials. There is no room for double standard on this issue.

     

  • Yet another gaffe

    Yet another gaffe

    •President Jonathan’s insensitive remark about Boko Haram killings rankles

    Though Nigerians may have come to accept the now obvious verbal challenges and frequent gaffes of President Goodluck Jonathan as his method but we, as a matter of duty, must continue to point them out with the hope that he and his handlers would be capable of making amends. We had in the past, heard such clangers as “I don’t give a damn”, when the president was confronted as to why he would not declare his assets publicly. He also once said that his cabinet may harbour some members of the Boko Haram sect, in response to the Police Headquarters bombing about two years ago.

    What has the president done this time? A fortnight ago, at the opening session of a meeting with the Honorary International Investor Council at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, President Jonathan told his audience, including Baroness Lynda Chalker and her team that the events in the three northeast states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa confirmed his believe that religion was not the cause of the wave of insurgency spreading through that part of Nigeria.

    According to the president, “People thought the insurgency is about religious issues but the pattern of attacks shows clearly that it has nothing to do with religion. Just as there are threats to churches, so also are threats to mosques. They attack everywhere, killing Muslims and Christians. Even more Muslims have died in the conflict than Christians have.” And if there are no religious undertones to Nigeria’s terrorism, what would it be? Mr. Jonathan suggests that insecurity in Nigeria is as a result of the activities of some nebulous “internationally-backed terror groups.”

    Of course the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), among several other groups, has condemned the president’s comment, describing it as an “attempt to distort facts.” Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, CAN president, has said that no fewer than 2,000 Christians have been killed in the Boko Haram insurgency, reminding that the sect is unambiguous about its targets from the outset. He said though people may have been killed near mosques, that there is no record that mosques have been targeted and bombed during worship the way several churches have been violated by gunmen, torched and bombed, especially on Sundays in the course of service.

    Also, Christians in the north of the country took exception to the president’s remark in very strong terms, describing it as unpardonable statement.

    President Jonathan’s gaffe this time, for that is clearly what it is, exposes the lack of rigour and introspection in the governance and administration of the country today. The Boko Haram insurgency is, without doubt, the most contentious issue being tackled by the Jonathan presidency. If the president was not grounded and hands-on on any issue, it could not be Boko Haram. If there had been proper reckoning of the activities of this sect, including a careful documentation of the victims, the president would have been briefed about the details of casualties. But that does not seem to be the case; this government is lackadaisical about the living just as it is about the dead and the ‘damaged’.

    In his starkly impolitic and insensitive remark, the president was only keen on playing politics with a grave matter of life and death. We do not see what point he needed to score by claiming so flippantly that more Muslims than Christians have died in the conflict, other than to cozy up to one section of the country. We hasten to point out that divisiveness, which is beginning to signpost this administration, does not win laurels for any government. Governance is a very serious issue and we urge the president to brace up for the enormous responsibilities he has elected to bear.

     

  • Mbu Joseph Mbu

    •Is the Rivers police boss a policeman or politician? IGP must call him to order

    From his outrageous comments, this question is imperative: is Mbu Joseph Mbu, the commissioner of Police in Rivers State, a police officer or a politician?

    Mr. Mbu has been blabbing, and blowing hot and cold: Governor Rotimi Amaechi is a dictator; Governor Amaechi has no respect for the Police; Governor Amaechi is Rivers State chief security officer, he (Mbu) is only 2iC [regimental-speak for second-in-command], the governor is my friend, the governor is my boss, the governor is my brother; only that, the press is blowing the Mbu-Amaechi affair out of context, blah, blah, blah!

    In fairness to Mr. Mbu, his utterances have been provoked by grave gubernatorial accusations, that the police commissioner had been remiss in his duty: allegedly partisan in the Rivers State Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) crisis, allegedly leaking security information to those who should not know, being allegedly prompted to mastermind a sinister change in the security details of the governor and his top staff, and aiding and abetting anti-Amaechi protests while allegedly suppressing pro-Amaechi rallies.

    Mr. Mbu perhaps was exercising his right of self-defence, in the face of all these grave allegations; and his not-too-hidden body language, that spoke of a misguided viceroy at Abuja’s pleasure, despatched down to contest the limelight with the elected governor, or even outright boss him.

    But the more Mr. Mbu opened his mouth, the more he sank into the quicksand of one blundering into matters not exactly his forte; and causing himself grave professional embarrassment, in the mind of any right-thinking citizen.

    Indeed, since the President Vs Governor tussle in Rivers State started, no thanks to his unguarded, if not outright reckless utterances, Mr. Mbu has been a classical example of how not to be a police officer: loud, reckless, explosive, partial and outright insufferable.

    Rather than, as his high security office demands, being a dignified official of state, he has turned himself into a wretched serf for occupiers of state offices, no matter how high. Even for a partisan Police, he is an ultra-bad advertisement.

    Mohammed Abubakar, the inspector-general of police (IGP), should call this errant officer to order. But maybe the hammer should start with the IGP himself: from which school are his officers made these days and what orders does he give them? Whatever the IGP’s operational briefs to Mr. Mbu, the police commissioner has exhibited a profound lack of tact and wisdom, that any dutiful policeman must be embarrassed on his behalf.

    But perhaps the IGP and his errant police commissioner are only the symptom, not the root cause of the problem. The root cause is a 1999 Constitution (as amended) that is eminently a mockery of itself. How can a constitution claim it is federal, and yet stipulate such centrist doctrines that border on legal idiocy? How can a constitution claim a governor is chief executive officer of his state and yet the police commissioner in his state takes orders from his IGP, who is not even elected? And yet, there is no state police!

    Even, the amendments in the works point to another legal idiocy. The states, it is being suggested, would take over prisons. Sure, there are state high courts. Soon, if the amendment passes, there would be state-exclusively controlled prisons. Yet, there is no talk of state police! So, how complete is the criminal-justice system at state level, without state police?

    A stop must be put to this constitutional self-mockery. But even before then, something is clear: the constitution, warts and all, does not still provide for a presidential viceroy come to muddle up security waters in a state, even if the state governor does not see eye to eye with the president. That is the ignoble role Mr. Mbu is playing. It is downright ugly!

    Having said that, however, even with the all-too-obvious provocation, Governor Amaechi himself should temper his utterances. Declaring he was ready to be shot by an insufferable police commissioner adds no gloss to gubernatorial prestige and dignity.