Category: Editorial

  • One up for the Police

    One up for the Police

    •Thumbs up for the Nigeria Police for cracking the ‘ABSU’ gang rape case

    It must rank among the most sordid tales out of Nigeria in recent times. Last September, four men had gang-raped a lady. Not satisfied with their fiendish act, they had recorded their atrocity on a video clip, exposing the lady’s face and all, while being careful to conceal theirs. These men from Hades had gone on to post the moving picture on You tube in the World Wide Web. Expectedly, it was an instant hit, going viral immediately as the entire voyeuristic world fed frenzy on Nigeria’s collective shame.

    To further hide their bestiality and mislead investigators who were sure to get on their trail, the four rapists labelled their video to suggest that the lady in question was a student of the Abia State University, ABSU, at its Uturu campus, Abia State. The incident naturally set ABSU – the students, management and the entire university community on a spin. Even the Abia State government was caught in the ensuing opprobrium, taking so much flak for ‘mishandling’ the matter. The ABSU authority insisted that it had no such lady student as exhibited in the video but people thought it was merely living in denial and trying to cover up a sordid episode.

    This gang rape could only have been second to the Aluu-four case in which four University of Port Harcourt students were lynched by a mob and later set ablaze in Aluu community in Rivers State. The manner of killing of these students purported to be violent cultists, which was also immediately posted on the internet would set the chill down the spine of the watching world as people wondered whether such bestiality was still possible in this age.

    While Nigerians had put the ‘ABSU gang-rape’ case behind them, consigning it into the Nigeria Police archive of multitudinous unsolved criminal cases, some cheery news broke out in the bleak horizon. The Rivers State Police Command reports that it has cracked the ‘ABSU gang-rape’ case. According to information contained in the Nigeria Police newspaper, The Dawn (March 11-24, 2013 edition), the matter did not take place in ABSU or Abia State afterall; the crime was committed in Obite, in Etche Council Area of Rivers State. The victim was also found to be a married woman and the suspects allegedly her husband’s cousins.

    The police had unravelled the case through tracing a man who identified and confirmed that the lady in the video clip was his wife and that the suspects were from his community. The police noted that a painstaking tracing established the identity of the suspects, leading to their arrest. Three of them have already been arraigned at the Magistrate’s Court 9 in Port Harcourt, Rivers State. The fourth suspect is reportedly at large.

    Though we are at a loss as to why the police would choose their in-house journal to report a major breakthrough of this magnitude to the public, we must not hesitate to commend their effort and tenacity at unravelling this case that shocked not only Nigerians but the world. Considering that the Nigeria Police lack forensic equipment and sophisticated e-crime know-how, we laud their ability to follow this horrid episode through to the prosecution stage. When the case is concluded, we will expect the police to tell the story in full and we urge the Police authority and the inspector-general to uphold, reward and generally encourage the team that cracked this case, to stand as an example to the officers and men of the Nigeria Police.

     

  • NDIC and depositors

    NDIC and depositors

    Payouts to depositors was long awaited, but it was, in most instances, too little and too late.

    To the Managing Director of the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), Alhaji Umaru Ibrahim, the corporation may well be on course to bringing the saga of failed banks to a closure. Speaking at the 24th Enugu International Trade Fair, he claimed that the corporation had paid N90.13 billion to depositors of 48 failed banks as at December 2012, out of which over N10 billion was paid in 2012 alone. Another N2.50 billion was said to have been paid to depositors of the 103 closed micro finance banks (MFBs). The shareholders of the defunct Alpha Merchant Bank, Nigeria Merchant Bank and Pan African Bank (in-liquidation), got a largesse in the cumulative liquidation dividend of N373.04 million, N620.0million and N293.0million, respectively, during the period.

    For the hordes of frustrated depositors and shareholders it is, no doubt, a case of being better late than never. Unfortunately, the corporation failed to state the amount outstanding in favour of the depositors, which would have provided a basis to evaluate its performance.

    However, the corporation still deserves some credit for pushing relentlessly to bring the unfortunate saga to a closure.

    But the question, of course is – what kind of closure? The question is pertinent because the banks in this category were those that actually had their licences revoked by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) between 1994 and 2006. We consider it unimaginable that a class of depositors would have to wait for nearly 18 years to get their deposits refunded to them. How will the NDIC compensate those that have died? And did the corporation make adjustments for the factor of inflation in the final payment?

    The above, however, nowhere compares to the fact that a definite date is even far from set for closure to the saga.

    No doubt, the larger portion of the blame would go to the intransigent shareholders who tied down the banks’ liquidation process through court actions. The managers who ran the banks aground would also share in equal measure. Litigation of course meant that the NDIC – even if it wished to – could not proceed with the winding down process until the cases were disposed of. Unfortunately, the NDIC itself seems to have been ill-served by its own tardy bureaucracy soon after some of the cases were decided.

    The entire saga cannot but bring to mind the crass delinquencies that typified the era. This was no doubt compounded by the stark inability of the regulators to come to speed with the dynamics of the period, the result of which the process of banking consolidation became an avenue for some smart Alec operators to prey on the system. We saw instances in which capital issues were aborted after which the issuers vanished into the impunity-suffused atmosphere of the era. Till date, no steps were taken by the regulatory authorities to get the issuers to refund prospective investors their money, not to talk of the issuers and their cohorts being brought to book.

    If only for the sake of the industry and the investing public at large, an early resolution of the failed banks saga has become imperative. Settling the depositors is however only one of two-parts to the closure; the other part is for the authorities to revisit and punish the iniquities of the era. Without both, there can be no talk of a closure.

  • CJN and judges

    CJN and judges

    The ax awaiting six judges is a good sign for the Nigerians court

    The Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Aloma Mariam Mukhtar, has shown courage in tackling the rot in the judiciary, and deserves commendation. The praise is in her capacity as chairman of the National Judicial Council (NJC) saddled by the constitution with the responsibility of disciplining judges. Uncharacteristically, the NJC has in the past few weeks sacked two high court judges for complicity in the matters that came before them. Indeed, her predecessor, Justice Kastina-Alu, was severely criticised during his tenure as CJN, particularly for turning into a the NJC into cesspool craven morality, corruption charges, supine subservience to the executive branch, thereby making the supposedly august body ineffective in dealing with cases of misconduct among judges.

    But it appears Justice Mukhtar is set to wield the big stick to clean up the judiciary. Among the two judges, Justice Thomas Naron was sacked for his demeaning relationship with Olagunsoye Oyinlola’s counsel appearing before him, while Governor Rauf Aregbesola sought to reclaim his mandate as governor of the state of Osun. Justice Charles Archibong on his part was sacked for his role in discharging and acquitting Mr. Festus Akingbola, former chief executive of Intercontinental Bank, in scandalous circumstances. The big news is that six other judges would soon be sanctioned for their misconduct in the performance of their duties. It is believed that Justice Abubakar Talba, who recently sent shock waves across the country for a lenient sentence handed over to Mr. John Yusuf who stole N32 billion pension fund, is among those over whom the ax looms.

    In congratulating Justice Mukhtar on her strong leadership of the NJC, we must ask her to show similar strength in rendering justice to Justice Ayo Salami, the removed President of the Court of Appeal. Interestingly, by her own findings as chairman of an investigating panel, Justice Salami deserves to be saved from the meddlesome impudence of the executive arm of government. We also urge her to set clear templates for judicial conduct, especially with respect to election petition tribunals. Such clear standards must also apply to the general conduct of judges, especially in the trial of corruption cases and terrorists’, the two major scourges of modern-day Nigeria.

    We have no doubt that the CJN is experienced enough to understand that the rule of law is critical to the survival of democracy. Whether as individuals or corporations, the rule of law is germane to the protection of life and property, which our constitution has eminently defined as the very essence of government. Judges remain the fulcrum of these noble intentions of a social contract between the government and the people. It follows that they must be incorruptible for the society to be peaceful.

    It is also important that the other arms of government extend the necessary support to the NJC and its leadership. One of the best ways to show support for the judiciary is through obedience to the judgments of the court. Another way is by resisting the temptation to intimidate judges or meddle in their affairs. In spite of the fact that our judiciary is not yet federalised, it is important that the president and governors continue to evince support and understanding to the NJC in its effort to sanitise the judiciary. As shown in the case of Naron and Archibong, the executive has a role to play in the effort to save our judiciary from debilitating corruption.

    We also note that some of the corrupt judges could have been weeded out before appointment if there was thoroughness in the selection process. The selection process must therefore be stripped of cronyism and corrupt influences. One way to help the process is to expose potential appointees to the scrutiny of the public and ask their colleagues for input.

  • Again, another Easter

    Again, another Easter

    Christians worldwide round off the Easter celebrations today. Easter is unarguably the most important of all festivities celebrated in Christendom. Nigerian Christians joined their counterparts in the celebration, for which the Federal Government declared last Friday (Good Friday) and today public holidays, giving revellers an opportunity to unwind and have a break from the usual hustle and bustle of life. It is also an opportunity for devout Christians who observed the Lent to rest and recover from the spiritual exercise.

    Easter is the celebration of the death, burial and resurrection of Jesus Christ as the son of the Almighty God. It marks the end of the Lenten period, during which Christians observed 40 days of fasting. This is in commemoration of the 40 days and nights of fasting that Jesus Christ embarked upon before his death on the cross and eventual resurrection on the third day. During the fasting, Christians were supposed to abstain from ungodly activities like consumption of alcoholic drinks, fornication, adultery, stealing, backbiting and other spiritual and social vices. It is a period in which they are expected to be ‘dead to sin’.

    Easter’s significance lies in the resurrection of Christ from the dead, which is the essential truth of Christianity. This, indeed, is why many see Easter as the most important celebration in Christendom. Yes, Christmas is important, but that is to the extent of celebrating the birth of Christ. However, to stop there is to miss the reason he was born. The reason is he gave his life as ransom, to forgive the sins of humanity. That is the centrepiece of the Christian faith. Without resurrection, there can be no new covenant or relationship with God, for mankind. And whereas every covenant God made with His people was always marked with blood of sacrificial animals; the last and greatest of these covenants was the one sealed with the blood of God Himself (Jesus Christ) on the Cross of Calvary.

    For us in Nigeria therefore, the celebration affords us another opportunity for introspection and penitence. From the leadership to the led, there is something to learn from Easter. Jesus gave the ultimate sacrifice, his life; that we may live. How many Nigerian leaders can do same for Nigerians or the country? How many are even prepared to forgo the most basic comfort of office so that the generality of Nigerians may live more abundantly? With a truly caring leadership, the country’s situation will be far better than it is today. With Jesus’ kind of compassion, those in positions of leadership will not be clamouring for maximum comfort when the majority cannot even boast of one square meal a day.

    The situation in the country today is even the more saddening considering the way life is being taken with impunity by religious fanatics in the pursuit of objectives that are either not feasible or not clearly adumbrated. Let those involved turn a new leaf so that the country can be a better place for us all.

    Above all, we admonish Christians who diligently observed the Lent not to return to their old ways. It is only by continuing to live Christ-like life that they can reap the full benefits of the fasting. It is also by so doing that they will not be nailing Jesus Christ on the cross for the second time. What we are saying in essence is that they should not, like dogs, return to their vomit simply because Lent is now over. Happy Easter.

  • Foreign consultants?

    Foreign consultants?

    Nigeria’s unemployment challenges seem inconsequential to the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and its subsidiary, the Nigerian Petroleum Development Company (NPDC) that recently embarked on a wild goose chase of employing foreign consultants to manage their operations. In their view, the move will engender efficiency and quick service delivery in Nigeria’s oil and gas industry.

    Iyowuna Victor Briggs, Managing Director of NPDC, represented by Malam Hamidu Namtari, the company’s executive director, engineering and technical services division at the 1st NPDC Quarterly Contractors’ Forum in Benin City, Edo State, attributed the decision to the need to face the “challenges of the company’s rapid expansion and the need to effectively manage the large number of assets recently assigned to it.”

    It is doubtful whether NPDC would have embarked on the action without the approval of its principal, the NNPC. But, why would the corporation approve such a move at this point in time when the country is faced with serious graduate unemployment problems? The NNPC started, ab initio, as Nigerian National Oil Corporation (NNOC) on April 1, 1971 through Decree no. 18 of 1971. It is sad that the corporation has departed from its enabling mandate of training indigenous workers; and also that of encouraging indigenous participation in the development of infrastructure for the industry, among others, with its current emphasis on foreign consultants.

    Even after the name NNOC was changed to NNPC on April 1, 1977, the crucial statutory brief of the corporation on local manpower content development in the discharge of exploratory, production, refining, marketing, transportation, and distribution of petroleum products was not altered. Why should a subsidiary of a corporation that is saddled with this important responsibility go to the ridiculous level of employing foreign consultants to manage its operations? Exploration and management of oil by the corporation has spanned over four decades; so, the need for foreign experts to survive teething problems is no longer tenable.

    What has happened to the Local Contents Law? Could it be proved that no Nigerian exists with the requisite competence to handle efficiently the operations of the NPDC? If yes, what this means is that the NNPC has abandoned its responsibility of training indigenous manpower to handle such tasks.

    What is more confounding is that NNPC and its subsidiaries ought to be the driving force behind the country’s economic development. But they are all, sadly, pursuing neo-colonial employment policy that negates the contents of NNPC’s enabling Act. The NNPC, over time, has become renowned for being a cesspit of corruption necessitating its being treated with disdain by many Nigerians.

    The employment of the so-called internationally certified consultants to help upgrade its operations and strategies has confirmed the corporation as a laboratory for fraud. We ask again: what happened to successive budgets of the corporation meant for manpower training and development of Nigerians in requisite areas of operations in the oil industry? If by now NNPC and its subsidiaries still claim not to have competent, internationally recognised local manpower to tidy up its operations, then, there is something wrong somewhere with the entire corporation.

    We believe that NNPC and, by extension, its subsidiaries, have failed the competence and probity tests to manage the country’s oil exploration, marketing and revenue generation. The pointer is that not less than 20 per cent of the country’s revenue is wasted and unaccounted for by the corporation. Perhaps, the controversy over the phantom fuel subsidy would be unnecessary if NNPC is scrapped forthwith. We see no sense in the use of foreign consultants by these oil firms.

  • Israel and Turkey let bygones be bygones

    Israel and Turkey let bygones be bygones

    THE DARKENING situation in the Middle East has produced a silver lining. With Syria’s civil war intensifying and Iran showing no sign of slowing its nuclear program, Israel and Turkey have patched a nearly three-year-old rift. In a March 22 phone call stage-managed by President Obama, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu apologized to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan for the deaths of nine Turks in a 2010 Israeli raid on a ferry attempting to breach the sea blockade of the Gaza Strip. That should open the way for Israel and Turkey to begin sharing intelligence and strategies for managing the common threat they face from Syria — and to increase the pressure on Tehran.

    Rapprochement between Turkey and Israel, two regional powers with stable democratic governments, has a compelling logic at a time when the Middle East is gripped by war and sectarian rivalry and Egypt and Iraq are consumed with internal turmoil. But the incipient makeup will require careful nurturing. Mr. Erdogan, who only a few weeks ago equated Zionism with “crimes against humanity,” has been undiplomatically crowing about Mr. Netanyahu’s apology; more troubling, he has insisted that the deal requires Israel to lift its sea blockade of Gaza, even though the statements issued by the two governments do not say that. Secretary of State John F. Kerry, whose behind-the-scenes cajoling helped to produce the breakthrough, will need to keep working to ensure that the accord does not crumble.

    Both governments, however, have powerful incentives to cooperate. As Mr. Netanyahu explained on his Facebook page, his decision to deliver an apology he had long refused was driven by the growing threat that Syria’s chemical weapons and other advanced arms may fall into the hands of the Hezbollah militia in Lebanon or an al-Qaeda offshoot in Syria. The two governments can now pool intelligence — and they will need to communicate in the event that one or the other is compelled to take action to prevent the transfer of dangerous weapons. Israel can also take satisfaction over the alarm the accord prompted in Iran, which will worry that one constraint on Israeli military action against its nuclear facilities has been eased.

    Mr. Erdogan, for his part, aspires to return to the role of regional statesman that he occupied before the Arab revolutions, when he sought to broker deals among Israel, Syria and the Palestinian Hamas movement. “We are at the beginning of a process of elevating Turkey to a position so that it will again have a say, initiative and power,” he boasted, while promising to visit Gaza next month.

    That may be too much to expect: Mr. Netanyahu’s government is as unlikely to open negotiations with Hamas as it is to fully lift its Gaza blockade. Israel, for its part, has little hope that the strategic military cooperation it nurtured with Turkey before Mr. Erdogan came to power will be revived. Even modestly better relations with Turkey and Israel are nevertheless vital to U.S. interests in the Middle East — and to containing its growing disorder.

    – Washington Post

  • Nollywood at 20

    Nollywood at 20

    Despite obvious drawbacks, a cultural phenomenon slowly comes of age

    As the burgeoning Nigerian film industry christened “Nollywood” attains its twentieth year, there can be no doubt that it has many achievements that it can look back on with justified pride. Building on the pre-existing 35mm movie tradition in the country but adopting a business model and production techniques radically different from it, Nollywood has attained global renown and cultural significance. It has resulted in the creation of thousands of jobs, spawned international superstars, and endowed the country’s often-quarrelsome ethnic groups with a unifying reference point.

    Perhaps more than any other cultural artefact, the Nollywood phenomenon represents Nigeria’s most determined attempt to engage its bewildering contemporary reality. The stories crafted by its writers, organised by its directors and given life by its actors are characteristically Nigerian: the triumph of good over evil, the overcoming of cruelty by kindness, the vanquishing of despair by hope. Nollywood does not have time for the sophisticated meaninglessness of many European art films, nor does it glory in the pyrotechnic shallowness of some American blockbusters. What it seeks to do is to tell the Nigerian story in a manner reflective of its peoples’ distinctive view of the world, and it can generally be agreed that it has done this quite successfully.

    In spite of a less-than-ideal operating environment characterised by institutional indifference, the paucity of finance, the inadequacy of working tools and the shortage of technical expertise, Nollywood has been able to demonstrate the enormous potential waiting to be unleashed if its basic shortcomings are put right.

    Those shortcomings are simply too formidable to be ignored, and have clearly prevented Nollywood from attaining its true heights. The industry’s humble beginnings in value-added video cassettes have resulted in a stubbornly materialistic mindset that afflicts many producers who often take decisions that negatively impact the creative input of writers, directors and actors. The incredibly short production times of many Nollywood films have led to ludicrous errors which do little to enhance the credibility of an industry that needs to be taken more seriously by the rest of the world. Plotting, characterisation and the interpretation of roles are uneven, and can range from very good to extremely poor. Films are produced on an industrial scale, flooding the market and defying all attempts at quality control. There is a worrying tendency to go for stories which pander to the basest instincts of the audience: ritualistic obsessions, violent melodramas, viciously amoral thrillers.

    These challenges conspire to taint Nollywood’s reputation and hinder attempts to make the industry better-known beyond its acknowledged African and black-diaspora audiences. Poor sub-titling makes it difficult for indigenous-language and Anglophone films to be properly understood; the reluctance to explore new cinematic techniques and film genres makes it easy to pigeonhole many films and dismiss them as lazy, unflattering imitations of one another; there has been a surprising absence of co-production, both within and outside the industry.

    In spite of these difficulties, Nollywood’s roaring popularity across a wide range of cultures, preferences and attitudes is a simultaneous testimony to what it has achieved and the heights it is capable of attaining. Thanks to the hard work, dedication and commitment of those who pioneered it, as well as the talent and self-belief of those who came after them, Nollywood has become a genuine national brand, encapsulating much that is good about the Nigerian character: dogged persistence, creativity, innovation, optimism.

    If the Nigerian film industry is to move to the next level, it will require a comprehensive programme of assistance designed to leverage its strengths and minimise its weaknesses. Institutional support is perhaps the most pressing need. Governments and financial institutions will have to develop innovative ways of providing film-makers with the funds that they must have if they are to climb to greater heights of technical and artistic sophistication. It is not simply a question of throwing money at the industry: the failure of similar attempts in the past has shown that it is not a viable strategy. Producers will have to make themselves more open to financing options that allow outside financing to have greater control over how money is spent. Film distribution systems will have to become more efficient. An increased emphasis on professionalism will make it easier for the industry to attract talented and ambitious individuals whose efforts will in turn raise standards.

    Relevant government ministries and parastatals like the ministries of information, youth, sports and culture, as well as the National Orientation Agency must engage Nollywood in a more considered way than has hitherto been displayed. It is not enough to praise the film industry’s achievements as a national image-maker; there must be an attempt to see how the interests of these bodies and those of Nollywood coincide, and what can be done to ensure that their activities complement one another.

    Like all truly great art forms, Nollywood is the joint creation of several distinguished Nigerians whose contributions should never be forgotten: Zack and Fred Amata, Zeb and Chico Ejiro, Kenneth Nnebue, Amaka Igwe, Tunde Kelani, Tunji Bamishigbin, Richard Mofe-Damijo, Kanayo O. Kanayo, Olu Jacobs, Jim Iyke, Emeka Ike, Joke Sylva, Genevieve Nnaji and Omotola Jolade-Ekeinde are just a few of the more prominent names. The massive outpouring of sympathy which greeted the deaths of Sam-Loco Efe, Enebeli Elebuwa and Justus Esiri is a confirmation of the deep affection in which the industry is held. May it witness many more fruitful years of creativity.

  • Okah’s imprisonment

    Okah’s imprisonment

     This is good for anti-terrorism efforts

    The sentencing of Nigerian militant Henry Okah to 24 years in jail for terrorism-related activities by a South African court is heartwarming. It is also interesting, against the background that President Goodluck Jonathan had originally exonerated his (Okah’s) Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) from involvement in twin car bombings at Eagle Square, Abuja, during the celebration of the 50th anniversary of Nigeria’s independence on October 1, 2010. Justice Neels Claaseen, who delivered the sentence in the South Guateng High Court in Johannesburg, said there was “overwhelming evidence” linking Okah with MEND which claimed responsibility for the bombings.

    While reacting to the Abuja bomb attacks, in which 12 people were killed and 36 others injured, Jonathan had said: “Let me also use this opportunity to reassure Nigerians that what happened yesterday (October 1) had nothing, I have to repeat, had nothing to do with the Niger Delta. People just used the name of MEND to camouflage criminality and terrorism.” He also said, while the incident was still under investigation, “What happened yesterday was a terrorist act and MEND was just used as a straw; MEND is not a terrorist group.”

    However, it became clear that Jonathan’s conclusions were based on ethnic sentiment, and perhaps political calculations, when he argued that “It is erroneous to think that my people who have been agitating for good living will deliberately blow up the opportunity they have now.” He was referring to the fact that his ascendancy to the presidency was the first time an individual from the country’s oil-rich Niger Delta would be occupying that seat.

    Interestingly, the incident took an unexpected twist with the arrest of Okah in South Africa. According to Okah in an interview, “On Saturday morning, just a day after the attack, a very close associate of President Jonathan called me and explained to me that there had been a bombing in Nigeria and that President Jonathan wanted me to reach out to the group, MEND, and get them to retract the earlier statement they had issued claiming the attacks.”

    He said further, “They wanted to blame the attacks on northerners who are trying to fight against him (Jonathan) to come back as president and if this was done, I was not going to have any problems with the South African government. I declined to do this and a few hours later, I was arrested. It was based on their belief that I was going to do that, that Jonathan issued a statement saying that MEND did not carry out the attack.”

    Indeed, these conflicting statements by Jonathan and Okah are thought-provoking, and there are observations, not entirely unfounded, that Okah’s trial and conviction were “politically motivated.” However, it is strange that, given the seriousness of the charges against him, Okah declined to testify in his own defence, but claimed that he was innocent and his trial unfair. He alleged that the Nigerian government blocked about 20 witnesses from travelling to South Africa to give evidence in his favour.

    Okah’s conviction for 13-count charges was also related to another two car explosions in Warri, Delta State, in March 2010, for which MEND also claimed responsibility, and alleged “threat to the Nigerian government.” Not surprisingly, the development has generated intense interest across the country, particularly Justice Claaseen’s reasoning that the bombings “were targeted at embarrassing President Goodluck Jonathan,” which sounds like a political statement. Furthermore, although South African law allows trial of alleged terrorists arrested or resident in the country, no matter where their acts were committed, it is amazing and unjustifiable that Okah was also sentenced for threatening South Africa, based on warnings from MEND. The group had, on account of Okah’s trial, threatened to attack MTN Group Ltd and SacOil Holding Ltd, which are of South African origin and doing business in Nigeria.

    While Okah has a right of appeal, which he is likely to exercise, the entire episode seems puzzling in certain aspects. However, the gray areas do not detract from the desirability of counter-terrorism efforts and the need to make the world a safer place.

  • Bayelsa’s rumour mongers

    Bayelsa’s rumour mongers

    •Dickson’s proposed ‘dem say, dem say’ law is anathema to democracy and free speech

    SOME HOW, the anti-rumour law being proposed by Governor Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa State, is eerily reminiscent of the infamous Decree 4 of 1984. Among that decree’s notorious provisions was that truth was no defence for whoever was charged under it. That law, like this proposed Bayelsa one, was a press gag law, tailored to root out from the media, any non-official news, even if the scoop – as it is called in basic journalism – is accurate and more credible than the doctored ‘government news’.

    Now if Decree 4 was outrageous under a military regime with its glorified impunity and outlawry, Governor Dickson’s pet anti-’dem say, dem say journalism’ proposed law must not even be contemplated in a democracy, for it so rudely assaults its key tenets: free speech and free press. That the proposed law was announced with all the conviction at the governor’s disposal only underscores the paradox of running a democracy without democrats!

    But let us get something clear. Our stand in this editorial does not in any way support sloppy, lazy or vengeful journalism which dreams up vengeful rumours and recklessly proceeds to canonise such malice in print, thus subjecting the victim to untold mental and psychological torture. Any journalist guilty of that is a clear and present danger to the democratic order and should face the music after lawful trial.

    But not even the existence of such journalists justifies an omnibus law which, ab initio, ripples through and through with bad faith.

    To start with, from the constitutional point of view, it is doubtful if the proposed law can stand the muster. It only takes someone to test the validity of the proposed law in court, juxtaposed against the constitutional provision of free speech; and the whole experiment could come crushing down. Besides, if our laws have enough provisions to punish libel and allied offences, why does the Dickson government need an omnibus law to punish “rumours”?

    In any case, how does the Bayelsa government prove something is a ‘rumour’ in print?

    That it is not true? But what if it is, does it still remain a rumour? Can the law convict for ‘true rumour’ (in the terminology of a vengeful government) which nevertheless is legitimate news scoops and speculations, as was the case with The Guardian duo of Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor, jailed under Decree 4?

    Or is a news rumour just because it did not emanate from government’s official channels? If that were to be so, what would happen to the usual robust Nigerian press, under a so-called democracy?

    Truth be told: the Bayelsa gambit is nothing but trivialisation of governance and a proposed mockery of the law-making process. It ought to be decried by every right-thinking person that wishes Nigerian democracy well. It should be stopped forthwith.

    In any case, rumours flare when the government wilfully represses information or tries to cover up its seedy news. Instead of embarking on an omnibus and dangerous law therefore, the Bayelsa State government should level with the people on its activities.

    It is a legitimate and patriotic duty of the media to uncover shenanigans in government. Not even the threat of a newfangled gag law can stop that – or else our democracy is doomed.

    Bayelsa State , under Seriake Dickson, is lugging a measure of notoriety when triviality in governance is the issue. The Dickson government, un-blushed, announced with pomp the appointment of a sitting First Lady as permanent secretary, even if that appointment is as absurd as they come. Now, it is on a quixotic mission to punish ‘rumours’ in print, whatever that means. Governor Dickson should get real and quit chasing shadows. There are more pressing issues for a serious and focused government than chasing rumour mongers.

  • Google settlement highlights technology’s vulnerabilities

    Google settlement highlights technology’s vulnerabilities

    BETWEEN 2008 and 2010, Google collected bits of personal data — e-mails, Web sites visited and other sensitive material — from unsecured WiFi networks around the world. All its employees needed to gather it were commercially available antennae and some open-source software.

    The company says that it didn’t mean to collect people’s sensitive information. It was assembling imagery and location data for its innovative Street View feature, which allows users to stand, virtually, on practically any street corner after just a few mouse clicks. It relied on unencrypted WiFi signals to help match images with locations. But, in the process, its roaming information-gatherers dug into unsecured data streams, gathering far more than they needed for Street View.

    This month, Google settled with attorneys general from 38 states and the District, who were jointly investigating the company. It committed to paying $7 million, destroying as soon as possible the personal information it took and implementing a 10-year privacy program. More important than these results, though, is the lingering fact that Google — apparently without meaning to — easily accessed all sorts of information that WiFi users were broadcasting. Technology creates new possibilities — and new vulnerabilities. Americans need to appreciate both.

    Law enforcement can do only so much to keep up, even if the law were heavily weighted toward privacy protection. It’s relatively easy to investigate a big company that has a lot of cars rolling around collecting data. It’s much harder for the authorities to stop a lone antenna-bearing snooper in a van outside your house. The best defense is locking your home WiFi network.

    There is already plenty of hand-wringing about what people put on social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter. Teens share party photos they might find embarrassing — even professionally damaging — years later, if they forget to take them down. College students comment on the severity of their hangovers. Members of Congress accidentally press the wrong button on Twitter, and inappropriate images of themselves zoom around the Internet — in their case, indelibly. But it’s not some mysterious phenomenon when material posted in a public forum becomes subject to public scrutiny. There is only so much privacy any reasonable person — or unreasoning teen — can expect there.

    Critics are preemptively raising similar concerns about Google Glass, a somewhat conspicuous new eyepiece that allows users to take photos, record sounds and take video, perhaps without raising quite the attention that a cellphone camera would. The worry could well be overblown, for now. When the same gadget is small enough to fit onto a contact lens, Americans will have to get used to more of what they do in public being on the (electronic) record.

    Google’s data-gathering provides a slightly different lesson: The most heralded challenges to personal privacy are not the only ones Americans should care about. The advance of technology also results in tools that threaten privacy in less obvious ways, to which most Americans might not pay nearly as much — or any — attention.

    – Washington Post