Category: Editorial

  • That picture isn’t enough

    That picture isn’t enough

    •In spite of his colleagues’ visit, Chime is yet to fulfill all righteousness

    It took a visit to ailing Governor Sullivan Chime in London on Tuesday to draw out some facts about the Enugu State governor’s health. Prior to the visit by the Chairman of the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF), Rivers State Governor Rotimi Amaechi, Benue State’s Gabriel Suswam and Akwa Ibom’s Godswill Akpabio, there had been speculations about Chime’s helpless and alleged hopeless state.

    However, yesterday, the pictures of the visiting governors with their host showed Chime standing without support, and it was suggested that he had pulled through. He reportedly spoke with Vanguard, saying, “I am alive and will be back very, very soon.” His visitors also said he was moving about, eating and in good health.

    That he was alive was obvious. That he did not appear to be in desperate health condition could not be controverted, either. But, the questions raised about the handling of the circumstances of flying him to London for treatment remain unanswered.

    It is unfortunate that it takes speculations and rumours to force leaders of the country to come clean on issues that should interest the people. The Enugu State electorate had elected the governor to run the affairs of the state from 2011 to 2015. If anything were to break the pact, the people are entitled to know.

    Even with the visit of the delegation of governors, Governor Chime and his government still fall below international standards in handling the situation. He is yet to tell his people what ailment took him out of the country, the condition under which he was admitted to the hospital, the course of treatment and the implications. It is not enough to see the governor standing with his colleagues. Standing, and perhaps looking calm, is not an indication that he has fully recovered. Or, that he is ready to take up the assignment he took on May 29, 2011.

    When Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez needed help with his health, he held nothing back from his people. He was down with cancer, and he so declared. His choice of Cuba as destination for treatment was not hidden, either. Why is the situation in Nigeria different? For 136 days, Governor Chime has been away and saw no reason to convey the situation to the people of the ‘Coal City’ State .

    Long after British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher left office, her health was still of public importance. She first suffered minor strokes in 2002. Six years later, she was at a dinner at the Westminster when she took ill and was taken to a hospital. And, in 2010, a bout with sickness made her miss the elaborate arrangements made to mark her 85th birthday. None of these was kept from an inquisitive British public, many of whom regard the former Prime Minister a hero.

    In Israel, Ariel Sharon, a former defence minister, war hero and former prime minister took ill and slipped into coma in 2006. It was at a time he was involved in a campaign to return to office. Neither his aides nor the son thought it wise to deny the obvious. The details were released to the media and no one thought it made the politician any less a human being.

    Having decided to release that photograph taken with the three visiting governors, Governor Chime should discontinue insulting Nigerians by insisting that he is hale and hearty. If he is, why has he been out of the country since September last year? What is he still doing out of his post?

    Nigerians have the right to have information on their leaders. If Governor Chime has pulled through, he should return home immediately and resume work. If he has to wait a day longer, he must make full disclosure about the state of his health. We understand what the governors tried to do for their colleague by their visit, but note that Governor Chime has not fulfilled all righteousness in this matter, in spite of what they might want us to believe.

     

  • Season of anomie

    Season of anomie

    • The umpteenth attempt on the life of Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero, is symbol of a societal meltdown

    The January 19 attack on the Emir of Kano, Alhaji Ado Bayero, from which no less than five have been reported dead, is bad news: both for the Kano community, particularly the sanctity of its traditional institution, and for Nigeria in the seeming forlorn battle against the menace of Boko Haram. It is a rising season of anomie that must be checked.

    First, we congratulate the emir for surviving this heinous attack; and pray that there is no recurrence, given that it was not the first time Alhaji Bayero would face such attacks. We also commiserate with the heroic palace guards that, with their own lives, warded off the attack. We pray that God be with the families they left behind; and give them the courage to bear their huge losses.

    In the North, the emir is more than a traditional ruler. He is also a sacred figure in the theocratic half of the native political system. For a band to therefore attack the emir, in broad day light, even taking a cue from the traditional gun salute to signify the emir’s movement to his palace, was more than a sacrilege.

    It was indeed the closest to insurrection and subversion of the North’s pristine culture that very highly reveres royal fathers. It is also a dastardly challenge to the fundament of the northern traditional system, on which the extant society is erected. That Alhaji Bayero, 50 years on the throne this year, and one of the most revered traditional rulers in the country, is the victim is a rude jolt that should worry everyone. Is it symbolic of a rupturing society, close to a meltdown? We hope not. But the omens are not too good. That is why every step should be taken to roll back what appears a looming disaster.

    Beyond Kano however, the attack on the emir, and the brazen way it was carried out underscores, once again, the general feeling of insecurity in the country. If a revered emir could be so attacked, then who is safe?

    Another worry for security agencies is that Kano appears most prone to terrorist attacks in the North West (a fate it shares with Kaduna, which lags a little behind), after the North East hub of Maiduguri and other parts of Borno State, as well as Yobe State. This is no good news, as far as curtailing Boko Haram is concerned. Though Boko Haram has not claimed responsibility for this attack, the mode of the attack bore its inimitable template. If it was not Boko Haram, then it is even more depressing that the body could have inspired some freelance anarchists to wreak havoc anyhow they like and at any time they chose. That is truly terrifying.

    But even more troubling is this sobering fact: the North’s traditional rulers were being factored into strategies to curb the Boko Haram menace. That much was clear from the January 14 meeting of the Northern Governors Peace and Reconciliation Committee. It was obvious too, from the appointment of Col. Sambo Dasuki (rtd) as national security adviser: that the northern blue blood could help find a solution to the Boko Haram scourge. But with this devil-may-care attack on the Kano emir, these assumptions are becoming shaky. That is no good news at all.

    Besides, the security agencies would have to buckle up. There appears an acute dearth of intelligence to avert terrorist attacks. That explains the annoying pattern of security agencies rushing to a place to cordon it off, only when an attack had successfully taken place. That is not good enough.

    The attack on the Emir of Kano is a disturbing sign of a fragile system close to rupture. The Jonathan presidency and northern leaders must collaborate to ensure that rupture never comes. It would be difficult. But with political will, the situation is not beyond redemption.

     

  • Nigerian troops for Mali

    Nigerian troops for Mali

    •A good move to stave off more militants from reinforcing Boko Haram

    The military insurgency in Mali is surely turning into a major threat for the entire West African sub-region. The hoodlums masquerading as Islamists, the Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa (Mujao),have declared their ambition to unite the so-called jihadists across the entire sub-region. With France spearheading, Nigeria has joined other countries in the sub-region to raise an army to stave off the insurgency. According to news reports, Nigeria will supply 1,200 soldiers, with major Western nations and the United States providing the logistics.

    We support the move by the Federal Government to help fight off militancy in Mali, considering that a destabilised Mali will ultimately compromise Nigeria’s security. As experience has shown in Afghanistan, and the Middle East, insurgency in one country unfortunately spins off to neighbouring countries. Internally too, militancy in any part of the country ultimately threatens the peace and security of the entire country.

    Even in our country, the Boko Haram sect started initially in Maiduguri, but is increasingly spreading across the entire Northern Nigeria, including the seat of government, Abuja. It is to avoid a similar experience that we support the effort by countries in West Africa and the major world powers to help Mali nip in the bud this attempt to create the Afghanistan experience in the West Africa sub-region.

    We hope other West African countries will also supply troops; and that the cost of this military adventure will be borne proportionately by interested parties, including the United Nations. It will be unfair for Nigeria, which is supplying a major chunk of the military personnel, to be made to bear the costs when the benefit of security and stability is for all.

    It is also important to remind the Federal Government and indeed the military leadership that our experience in Sierra Lone and Liberia should not be allowed to repeat itself in Mali. We recall the ugly experience associated with the high casualty and neglect of the soldiers sent to fight on behalf of our country in those countries. For untoward reasons, many of those that went to those wars, ended up being discharged with ignominy, or even court-martialled for asking for their entitlements from the authorities.

    It will be unfair if the military leadership, as alleged in past interventions, turn the Mali venture into a cynical opportunity for self-enrichment at the detriment of the welfare and security of the personnel in the war front. Bickering between the personnel over the release of allowances, or the quality of the kits procured for the fighters must be avoided. In the past, food and other essential supplies were allegedly hijacked as a money-making venture for those in authority. We urge those that will be responsible for the welfare of our soldiers to conform to international best practices, in the interest of our national integrity.

    The soldiers going to the war front have our best wishes and earnest prayers. They must however remember that they are bearing our collective destiny in their hands; as such, they must act professionally throughout their posting in Mali. We urge them to be disciplined in their relationship with Malians. They must look after their health, and avoid legacies that may haunt them when the war is over and they return to Nigeria. Since the Mali venture is merely one posting in their career, they would be unfair to themselves and their families to ruin an entire career by one indiscretion or another.

     

  • Impolite boss

    Impolite boss

    •The president struck an un-presidential note at his Ikeja Police College visit

    President Goodluck Jonathan’s visit to the Ikeja Police College in Lagos last Friday generated much drama because the nation’s first citizen did not display first-rate approach. Rather than openly regret the institution’s squalor and human degradation, he turned it into an excuse to throw blames. He was more worried at the disgrace his government suffered from a documentary that brought it to light than the urgency of action.

    Channels Television triggered the visit with its expose, beaming its searchlight on the feeding, dormitory and sanitary conditions in the college.

    The documentary showed that only N150 is made available for feeding each recruit daily. Consequently, 50 young men are made to share a fish head. It is incredible that the situation could have gone unnoticed for so long until a television station adopted the institution’s rehabilitation as its Corporate Social Responsibility for 2013.

    The President’s intervention in concrete terms remains to be seen. We welcome the probe panel he has instituted to report on what may be done. We however hope that it would not be turned into a mere witch-hunt, with a view to determining how the journalists gained access and earned insights into the sordid state of affairs in the college.

    Really, the journalists deserve commendation. They have brought up, once more, the need for reorientation of the security forces. A police officer raised in an environment like the Ikeja Police College is unlikely to be civil in dealing with the people. What kind of mental energy could be exerted by a man who is constantly so poorly fed and, after graduation, is poorly paid and subjected to a regime of poor kitting?

    It is not enough for the President to express angst at the rot in Ikeja. Has he taken stock of the state of the other colleges in Gwoza and Jos? What about the Police Academy at Kano? There is an urgent need to review the welfare condition of the colleges and academies training the security forces, particularly the police. It should also extend to the welfare of all police men and women and officers. There have been reports that men and officers are sent to confront well-armed criminals without even protective kits. Those who die in combat have little or nothing in form of insurance.

    It is also disheartening that the commander-in-chief of the armed forces is oblivious of previous panels set up to review the situation in the Nigeria Police Force. For a man who became vice president in 2007, it is surprising that President Jonathan appears not to have an idea of the M.D. Yusuf Panel set up by the late President Umaru Yar’Adua in 2008, and the more recent Osayande panel. If previous reports were ignored up to the point that the nation’s chief executive is unaware of their findings and recommendations, what is the guarantee that the new probe panel report would be treated differently?

    With security challenges such as the Boko Haram scourge, the morale that comes from the squalor in the police college can only worsen matters. Treating the Ikeja Police College saga in isolation would be a mistake. The President should muster the resources and commitment to implement the recommendations of the previous panels holistically. Nigeria and Nigerians certainly deserve more than they are getting from the government.

  • Cash trafficking

    Cash trafficking

    •It is a growing epidemic that we must tame

    Last Tuesday’s arrest of a female passenger while trying to board an Emirate Airlines Flight EK 784 to China with $151,205 cash once again highlights the need to tackle the menace of currency trafficking, frontally. The passenger, Akinnuote Abiola Oluwafunke, was said to have declared $100,000 on the Nigeria Customs Service prescribed forms CDFIA and CDFIB; a search by officials of the Nigeria Customs Service would later yield additional $51,205.

    This, of course, was merely the latest in the series of the growing epidemic. On September 27, 2012, one Abubakar Sheriff Tijani, was intercepted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) operatives in Lagos as he attempted to board a Dubai, United Arab Emirates bound flight, with $7,049.444 cash.

    On September 29, 2012, it was the turn of one Nkem Sebastian with $288, 000 cash. He was on his way to China en route Dubai. He had declared only $200,000.

    The very next day, on September 30, 2012, at the Mallam Aminu Kano International Airport, Kano, one Tasiu Ilu Kura would also be held for carrying $700,000 cash. Dubai was also the destination.

    On October 21, 2012, a security guard with the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria, (FAAN), Lagos, Adetula Akinyele, was arrested with two others, Ifeanyi Uramah and Emmanuel Nnanna, over an attempt to ferry $1.4million out of the country.

    And, on November 7, 2012, one Abdulrasheed Ibrahim, a Dubai-bound passenger aboard Ethiopian Airline was arrested for declaring the sum of $45,000 when he actually had $188, 858 on him. Also found on him was 40 British Pounds and 5,753grams of solid gold said to be worth N34, 518,000.

    These are of course the major ones out of the reported cases. It isn’t just the amount involved that is alarming; the trend would seem to speak to the malignancy of the problem of money laundering, a measure of the quantum of hot money – proceeds of crime – in circulation. Of course, the choice of destination must be seen as equally instructive: Middle East and Asia, countries which not only share the same problem of weak foreign exchange controls with Nigeria, but are similarly prone to money laundering.

    For a nation like Nigeria, the challenge posed by the menace can hardly be overstated. First, there is increasing evidence to link the amount of cash available through illicit channels to the menace of smuggling and other illegal trades. Needless to add that it fuels corruption by facilitating the recycling of proceeds from corrupt acts and other illicit activities; and as been established, the practice has been linked to terrorists’ financing.

    The current situation obviously calls for a new thinking in the management of the nation’s foreign exchange. A good way to start is to tighten access to foreign exchange by bureau de change operators. For all its acclaimed merits, it seems to us that the idea of an all-comer foreign exchange market once generously touted as the panacea to the challenge of the parallel market hasn’t quite worked. Indeed, evidence would seem to point at the lax foreign exchange regulations as the source of its sustenance, its staying power. We need to put a mechanism in place to ensure that those who actually need foreign exchange are availed ease of access without necessarily enthroning a free-for-all system as currently obtains.

    Why is the practice common with Middle East and Far East destinations? The answer is not far-fetched: stringent anti-money laundering regulations of North America and Western Europe make the prospects a no-hoper – the same way that the lax regulations in Asia and Middle East make them game. In addition to enhanced surveillance, we expect the Federal Government to explore the possibility of collaboration with the countries to tame the scourge. Only when the risks are seen to be very high will the nefarious practice peter out.

     

  • Sanusi and socio-cultural groups

    Sanusi and socio-cultural groups

    •Blanket ban on them cannot guarantee security

    President Goodluck Jonathan may have to start considering a new role for the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. It does not seem Mallam Sanusi understands that he has a lot to do as CBN governor, because if he does, he will squarely face the challenges of that office instead of gravitating from one controversy to the other. Mallam Sanusi’s activism eminently qualifies him for the epithet ‘Mr. Controversy’.

    On January 15, he chose, once again, to stir the hornet’s nest when he called for the proscription of ethno-religious groups in the country. The associations that Mallam Sanusi wants proscribed are the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), the Jamatul Nasril Islam (JNI), Afenifere, among others. Sanusi spoke at an inter-faith dinner organised by the Northern Reawakening Forum (NRF) in Abuja.

    In spite of the fact that the NRF is itself one of the associations that Mallam Sanusi would want banned, he still found time to attend the event. This means that such groups still have their merits despite what the CBN boss sees as their demerits that he thinks are enough to make Nigerians consign them to history. Perhaps they still serve as vehicles to reach specific audiences. Hear Sanusi; “I almost didn’t want to attend this occasion because I am opposed to regional, ethnic and religious groupings in this country. In fact, I would like the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Jamatul Nasril Islam (JNI), Afenifere and all such other groups to be banned.”

    We do not know who drafted Mallam Sanusi’s speech that he read at the occasion, and in what order the names of the ‘offensive’ associations were listed; but it was clear that the writer was not guided by experience. Otherwise, the CAN should not have led the pack of associations that Mallam Sanusi wants proscribed. The CBN governor should not be surprised if people point attention to the fact that CAN is number one on his list.

    Obviously, Mallam Sanusi did not expect that his speech would go unchallenged. The concerned groups as well as many others have rightly taken him on. Afenifere, for instance, has said his call for their proscription is a huge joke. We think so. Ohanaeze Ndigbo’s National Secretary, Chief Nduka Eya, said Mallam Sanusi should not be dignified with a response because his comments are frivolous. As a matter of fact, the association sees the CBN governor as one of the too many cooks that spoil the broth. CAN, on its part sees Sanusi’s barrage of controversial comments as portending more danger to security than any non-religious group in the country. The ACF sees something positive in what it calls the associations’ “overlapping interests whose countervailing forces reinforce the unity of the country”.

    The country’s constitution guarantees freedom of association, and that is the grund norm. There is nothing in the constitution suggesting that political or socio-cultural (ethnic) associations are necessarily evil. Therefore, whatever ill-feelings Mallam Sanusi or anyone for that matter might have about these associations cannot be a reason for their proscription.

    It is true that there are serious security challenges in the country. But no one has proved that these associations are responsible for them. Therefore, what we need to address are the socio-economic injustices that led to such security challenges, instead of looking for scapegoats in the socio-political groupings.

    Even if Mallam Sanusi is right that some of these associations have been abetting criminals or terrorists, the appropriate thing to do is for the security agencies to penetrate them with a view to uncovering those with ulterior motives. It is those found to be serving dysfunctional purposes that should be made to face the full wrath of the law. You cannot place a blanket ban on the activities of all of them simply on account of the sins or perceived iniquities of a few.

  • Failed strategy in Sahel claims its due

    Failed strategy in Sahel claims its due

    World let roots of Algerian attack grow too deep

    The hostage crisis at the In Amenas gasfield in Algeria should sweep away any vestiges of the complacency that let large parts of the Sahel become a lawless haven for extremists.

    The killing of Algerian and expatriate workers should not simply be put down to the French intervention in Mali. Nor can it be blamed solely on Libyan dictator Muammer Gaddafi’s overdue demise, which sent his Tuareg soldiers back to Mali with battle experience, weapons and long-running grievances against the government in Bamako. These events are proximate factors, but the real roots lie deeper.

    The attack looks too sophisticated to have been planned only after French bombardments began, convenient though it is for the perpetrators to claim this as their cause. Just as likely, the hostage-takers sought – and achieved – a spectacular debut for the new militant outfit of Mokhtar Belmokhtar, the attack’s reported mastermind and until last month a leader of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.

    The rise of AQIM and jihadist extremism in northwestern Africa long predates the fall of Gaddafi. None knows this better than Algeria, whose government fought a bloody civil war against Islamists. Whatever the final outcome of the hostage crisis, it makes plain the incompleteness of the regime’s victory. Just days ago, Algerian, Tunisian and Libyan officials met to address the risk of extremist attacks.

    Until recently, Algeria tried to promote negotiations between Mali’s government and the rebels. Their march on the capital led to a change of heart in Algiers, which facilitated France’s attack. Algeria should now co-operate better with West African states to bring stability to Mali.

    The French have rightly decided the risks of action are preferable to those of inaction. They may have waited too long: Mali’s West African neighbours called for intervention last April. US policy has proved counterproductive. With naive trust in Mali’s democratic institutions, the US supported a military it thought was controlled by friends, only to see the elected government toppled by a US-trained officer. This is not the only echo of Afghanistan: Mr Belmokhtar learnt his trade there when the US was arming the Mujahideen.

    A policy heavy in militarism and light in intelligence and diplomacy left fertile ground for extremism. That balance should be righted as more nations are affected by the hostage crisis.

     

    – Financial Times

     

  • Silent governors

    Silent governors

    We shall not from the outset call them absentee governors, for that will imply that we have already reached a judgment that three governors in this democracy are guilty of gross misconduct. It will mean they have criminally transmuted their personal infirmities into excuses to abscond from their duties or violate the law of the land.

    But questions abound, and at stake is not only our respect for the rule of law, but also the finer issues of decency, honour and constitutionalism. The three governors at issue are Sullivan Chime of Enugu State, Liyel Imoke of Cross River State and Danbbaba Suntai of Taraba State. It is important that we disabuse any Nigerian about government offices and taboos. It is no offence and there should be no opprobrium about anyone taking ill. We are all human and therefore vulnerable to the frailties that the environment, culture, age, the pressures of duty and even heredity impose on us.

    But in our society, which still chafes at the idea of openness in personal matters, the refusal of the three governors to be transparent about the nature and gravity of, and the level of recuperation in, their ailments demonstrates how we have fallen short of an important tenet of democracy: the concept of an open society.

    So the three governors, who are supposed to be icons of this struggle to free our society from ancient stranglehold of culture, reflect how far away we have veered from a set standard.

    But we have no choice in this matter. While the partisans on the side of the governors have cohabited with their bosses to keep the truth out of the public glare, their opponents – both partisan and neutral – have called for transparency. What, for instance, is the nature of Governor Chime’s affliction? He was last sighted in this country reportedly on September 20, 2012. Where has he been? If he is in the hospital, where is that hospital, what country, city or neighbourhood?

    If he is sick, shouldn’t we know whether he is making progress, and what kind of progress? Was it not a disgrace that the state was teased into a tension of expectancy when it was wildly rumoured at the end of last year that he was returning home but it became an elaborate hoax? We had the same drama of lies in former president, Umar Yar’Adua’s sad days of infirmity. He was expected every other week until the spin-meisters’ resourceful imagination came to seed. When he came home, we realised by hindsight that he came to die.

    We do not want to play out this sort of drama again. But that seems the story playing itself out in the southeast state.

    In Cross River, Governor Imoke handed over and proceeded to the United States reportedly for a treatment, stating he is away for two months’ accumulated leave. But that is all we know. If he is out of the country, we still need to know the specifics. What is the hospital? Where in the United States is it located? What kind of progress is he making? If he is not making progress, we need also to know. Just as in the case of Governor Chime, Governor Imoke has not lived up to the billing of law and decency on this matter.

    Governor Suntai, whose illness arose from injuries associated with the plane crash late last year, reportedly is in a German hospital. But that is the much we know about him. He had circulated a few weeks back picture of himself and his family of twins with a view to presenting himself as in good health. In the late Yar’Adua saga, we witnessed similar public relations moves. In his case, the former president’s voice was transmitted to the public to demonstrate, with nowhere close to success, the virility of the first citizen. Suntai’s family picture was no doctor’s report and there is no art to tell a person’s health in a photo.

    One of the ironies of this matter is that all three are presumably receiving medical care on the sponsorship of their states. They are not using private funds but taxpayers’ who hardly enjoy such privileges when they suffer afflictions of presumably less seriousness.

    The most tragic part of this saga is that the steps that the law, in spite of its inevitable ambiguities, prescribes have been ignored. One of them is that the speaker of the state house of assembly should set up a medical panel, according to section 189(4) of the 1999 constitution.

    Why have we not had that? The constitution stipulates that it should comprise five persons, including a personal physician of the governor. So serious is the matter that in Enugu State, a group that calls itself Save Enugu Group, is in the vanguard for transparency, although it has canvassed a few wild options. What that group can do is to ask the court, through a motion of mandamus, to compel the speaker to appoint a medical panel. We need similar steps in the other states.

    One of the fears of the governors and their votaries is the impeachment sword. But that does not come until it can be proved that the governors have committed gross misconduct, which is a difficult charge. But other than that, the law also sees permanent incapacity as a ground for a governor to vacate the seat. Also, we do not know enough.

    We are in cloud over these affairs because the principals and their minders have shown lack of transparency. This is a principal bane of our democracy. We crave its grand ideals but are not willing to abide by some of its simplest pleas.

    It is about transparency; but more than that, it is about the rule and sanctity of law. It is about constitutionalism; but more than that, it is about honour and decency.

    The three governors should realise that it is not about politics. It is about running a good society.

  • Sultanic candour

    Sultanic candour

    Sultan: The North must solve its security problem, in the context of federal Nigeria.  But how? 

    Alhaji Muhammed Sa’ad Abubakar III, the Sultan of Sokoto and President-General of the Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), hit the nail on the head on January 14 in Kaduna, the North’s political capital, saying northerners were to blame for that region’s retardation. The sultan spoke at a meeting of the Northern Governors Peace and Reconciliation Committee.

    Referring to the Boko Haram insurrection that has rendered a large swath of the North prostrate, Sultan Abubakar declared that no Muslim group could Islamise Nigeria any more than any Christian group could Christianise the country. He therefore called for dialogue for mutual understanding, pledging traditional rulers were ever ready to play their parts in finding solutions to the North’s – and the country’s – problems; as they had always done in the past. He further stressed that dialogue, never violence, would solve the problem, in an apparently subtle appeal to both the Federal Government and Boko Haram insurgents.

    At that same meeting, John Cardinal Onaiyekan, Catholic Archbishop of Abuja, Nigeria’s latest cardinal and foremost Christian leader from the North, fingered poverty as the core of that region’s problems, and called on the authorities to do something fast about it. That was well said.

    But between Sultan Abubakar and John Cardinal Onaiyekan’s diagnoses, how does the North start fixing its problems? And how can it be done in the context of a federal Nigeria, since the North’s problem is clearly a Nigerian problem, just as the problem of any part of the country is ultimately a national problem?

    Northern leaders need to go back to the basis. To start with, it is an open secret that the Northern ruling elite has been anything but altruistic. It is on record that the North has been heavily represented in the Federal Government since independence, whether as head of those governments or very influential parts. Yet, poverty has been all pervading in that region, with the North East virtually a poverty arid zone. That the North East is home to the root of the Boko Haram insurgency is therefore hardly surprising. Only those with the least hope to live find comfort in mass murderous religious dogmas that Boko Haram sickeningly epitomises.

    But even beyond the North East, more disturbing has been a recent survey that found Sokoto as the poorest state in the country. Sokoto is part of the more privileged North West, which for a time produced streams of Nigerian leaders. The northern ruling elite therefore need to do some radical introspection; and change from the innate selfishness that has turned their region into a desert of want instead of a spring of opportunity, given the wealth of the region. That admonition falls squarely within the Sultan’s declaration that North’s problems are self-inflicted. It rankles but it is the bitter truth. But redemption is as simple as changing tack. What is needed is a will to make a change.

    Beyond elite selfishness, however, is the region’s pristine conservative feudal system that tends to limit developmental opportunities to the privileged elite, rather than the general masses of the northern people. The situation, to be sure, has marginally improved over the years, with conscious efforts by northern governments to make access to education far more liberal.

    Still, contrasted to the situation in the South, the efforts have been too little, too late. Indeed, as golden as the Sardauna era had been, when the best brains in any part of the North were identified and trained, no matter what their faith or ethnic groupings were, it could not be compared to the Awolowo free primary education campaign in the West, and the raw determination of the Igbo in the East to self-train themselves, even if there was no systematic success by the region’s government doing so. That explains the gulf between the North and the South in education; and much of the so-called religious riots in the North often emanated from raw xenophobia against “strangers” (southerners) who had come to snap up limited opportunities; and were almost always victims of those riots’ mindless killings.

    It is high time, therefore, the northern system was re-jigged to create mass opportunities for the talakawa. If the Sultan, the religious head and prime symbol of that political system, has said the North suffers because its leaders had left what they should have done undone, then the time for positive change cannot be better than now. If, therefore, members of the Northern Governors Peace and Reconciliation Committee could achieve a developmental template change that would be binding on all northern states, that would really be the beginning of progress.

    Even then, far-reaching investments to turn the North from a sprawling cost centre to a massive profit centre, with the concomitant development, cannot be attained with Nigeria’s present over-centralised structure, wherein the North cannot even mine the rich minerals in its bowels, except an ever hesitant Federal Government is ready.

    The Sultan rightly suggested that talks should be encouraged among traditional rulers, to find a solution to the North’s problem. But these talks should not be limited to the conclave of northern traditional rulers alone.

    Rather, the Northern Governors Peace and Reconciliation Committee should nudge the North towards accepting the inevitability of a grand All Nigeria Constitutional Talk that would break up the present unitary constitution posing as a federal one.

    The resultant restructuring would free the creative impetus of all sections of the country and place the development of every part of it in the hands of the people domiciled there. The North can mine its minerals for the development of its people and the Niger Delta can mine its petroleum, with both, and other areas, paying tax over their economic activities to the Federal Government.

    That is the most logical way to solve the North’s pressing problems in the context of a federal Nigeria.

     

  • AFCON 2013

    AFCON 2013

    Africa’s soccer showpiece begins

    As the 29th African Cup of Nations kicks off in South Africa tomorrow, it will bring in its wake all the glamour and excitement of the African continent’s most prestigious soccer tournament. The championships will feature several of Africa’s acknowledged superpowers, including Nigeria, Cote d’Ivoire and Ghana, as well as formidable contenders like Zambia, Tunisia, Algeria and South Africa.

    In many ways, AFCON 2013 will be a watershed for African soccer. It is coming at a time when several of the old assumptions about the continental game have changed. For example, the absence of countries like Egypt and Cameroon for the second time in succession has clearly shown that nothing is to be taken for granted. Similarly, the increased prominence of Zambia, the current AFCON champions, is an indication that the fielding of prominent players is no obstacle to success on the field of play.

    What this means is that the Cup of Nations tournament is likely to be one of the most open in recent times. Even though the powerful Ivorien team is still favoured for the title, there is no doubt that Zambia’s feat, has encouraged many other competitors.

    In the particular case of Nigeria, the Super Eagles will certainly be seeking validation in South Africa. The country was shocked by its failure to qualify for last year’s edition of AFCON in Equatorial Guinea and Gabon. The subsequent recriminations spurred a great deal of soul-searching, with many fans and administrators coming to the conclusion that too many things had been left undone in administration, player selection and team management.

    Part of the fallout of the non-qualification debacle was the sacking of Samson Siasia, the erstwhile coach of the Super Eagles, and his replacement by Stephen Keshi. The new coach has sought to reinvigorate the team by bringing in new players, mostly from the local league. He has made the competition for places more competitive by emphasising current form rather than considerations of whether a player is based at home or abroad. In addition, he has placed great emphasis on team cohesion and discipline.

    The pressure on the Super Eagles to do well is reinforced by its status as one of AFCON’s most consistent participants. Even though it has only won the tournament twice, it has more third-place finishes than any other country, as well as several silver medals. The team’s vociferous supporters are also insisting on a good performance. The Nigerian Football Federation (NFF) has made a semi-final appearance a condition of Keshi’s contract; the coach himself and several players have expressed confidence that the team will do well.

    While it is not unreasonable to strive for the trophy, it is more important that the Super Eagles put in a performance that has positive indications for the long-term. The team has to evolve playing patterns that are reflective of indigenous tactics and strategies rather than a weak imitation of other nations; young players must be permitted to come through, regardless of where they ply their trade; local coaching must be given the opportunity to flower at the highest levels; administrative back-up should be more responsive to the requirements of national teams.

    Fortunately, it appears that the Minister of Sports and Chairman of the National Sports Commission (NSC), Bolaji Abdullahi, has stressed that he is not putting pressure on the Super Eagles to become champions at all costs. The team should do its best to win the trophy, but greater emphasis should be on ensuring that Nigeria’s flag is flown with honour and commitment in South Africa by a Super Eagles that is well on its way to becoming the soccer powerhouse that it once was.