Category: Editorial

  • HIV-AIDS alarm

    HIV-AIDS alarm

    • That one million Nigerians living with HIV cannot access drugs should worry everyone

    That 1.5 million Nigerians are medically certified to live with HIV and about one million of this number (two-thirds) do not have access to anti-retroviral drugs, should worry the Goodluck Jonathan presidency. It should worry it enough to crank up its HIV-AIDS policy.

    Prof. John Idoko, director-general of the National Agency for the Control of AIDS (NACA), made this disclosure in his 2012 Pre-World AIDS Day media briefing.

    The NACA chief said though Nigeria in the past three years had received US $151.6 million under Phase 1 of the Global Fund HIV grant and another US $228 million from the Global Fund Phase 2, for 2013-2015, the result is still a two-third shortfall in the drug need of the patients infected. Aside, from the Global Fund, the Department of International Aid (BFID) of the British government has also made available a grant of N40 million to facilitate the National Call Centre for HIV, beside a four-year World Bank credit of US $225 million, approved for Nigeria in 2011.

    The sheer prognosis of this dire situation is that a good number of the affected could develop AIDS (acquired immune-deficiency syndrome, which knocks out the body’s disease-defence system) and, as a result, die avoidable deaths – avoidable deaths because HIV need not lead to AIDS, if well managed. People living with HIV, all over the world, have been known to live normal lives, so long as they keep to good nutrition; and the strict regimen of the prescribed antiretroviral drugs.

    Without access to the drugs, therefore, the Nigerian HIV-AIDS community would appear doomed. That would be a developmental disaster that should not even be contemplated.

    Despite the drug access shortfall, however, it has not been total bad news. According to the NACA chief, HIV testing facilities are increasing in the country, with a target of testing the HIV status of 20 million to 24 million Nigerians yearly. But even if patients’ HIV-AIDS status is known, what is the good if there is not enough access to drugs?

    From the high points of the Olusegun Obasanjo years, when anti-HIV-AIDS campaign received the highest presidential attention, the campaign appears to be flagging. That presidential activism on HIV-AIDS cleared the initial misconception that HIV was an automatic death sentence. It also changed the even greater misconception that it was a personal health crisis, instead of a mass developmental problem that it is.

    This it did through mass enlightenment, which not only tackled the taboo surrounding the HIV infection, but also attacked the stigma and discrimination that made family members and communities of those living with HIV to shun them out of fear and loathing, so much so that quite a good number of citizens living with HIV were encouraged to go open on their status, and receive treatment to manage their health.

    Unfortunately however, things are flagging. The question is why? Is it campaign fatigue? Or corruption as many have alleged, for in truth, some HIV-AIDS non-governmental organisations have been accused of misappropriating donor funds?

    Whatever it is, an urgent presidential intervention is called for – and President Jonathan must rise to the occasion. But that does not necessarily entail throwing money at the problem. NACA must be further primed to push out more anti-HIV/AIDS enlightenment to put the campaign back to the front burner; and effective measures must be put in place to plug loopholes and checkmate corruption.

    It is absolutely unacceptable that two-thirds of Nigeria’s HIV-AIDS population have no access to antiretroviral drugs. That is tantamount to bating an avoidable developmental disaster.

     

  • Not so, Sanusi

    Not so, Sanusi

    •CBN boss’ controversial style often blunts the soundness of his message

    IT is just as well that organised labour and some influential opinion moulders have heavily descended on Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor, Mallam Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, for his call to slice the federal civil service by half, scrap non-viable states and do away with cost centres that are 774 local governments nationwide, and their mimic bureaucracy. He spoke at the 2nd Capital Market Committee retreat in Warri, Delta State.

    For this outburst, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), in a reaction that President Abdulwaheed Omar signed, asked President Goodluck Jonathan to sack the CBN governor. Trade Union Congress (TUC) President-General, Peter Esele, hit Sanusi for his undue loquaciousness – a charge not at all unfair. Delta State Governor, Emmanuel Uduaghan, dismissed Sanusi as reckless, since his remedy of mass sack would plunge an uneasy country into further troubles. Femi Falana, SAN, declared Sanusi’s call “irresponsible”.

    This flak is not unjustified – and not on the basis of loquacity alone. The CBN governor, in this latest controversy for instance, called for the complete removal of petroleum subsidy. But he also canvassed, as a prelude, the punishment of those who stole subsidy money.

    If some people indeed stole “subsidy money” – and the allegedly stolen funds have been traced to ruling party barons and big time supporters and donors, lending credence to suppositions that the so-called “subsidy” was no more than slush campaign funds that the government is arm-twisting Nigerians to pay back – where in lies the soundness of that call? How can Sanusi call for subsidy removal when there is no incontrovertible proof that there was ever any subsidy?

    Recall: Sanusi, with Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, finance minister and Diezani Alison-Madueke, petroleum minister, were the vociferous triad, goading the president to remove the “subsidy”, which he tried to do in January with disastrous consequences. After the explosion of peaceful protests, Sanusi lost his voice and slithered into uncustomary silence. With another January approaching, might this be another Sanusi goading the president to commit political suicide?

    But be that as it may, Sanusi broached some home truths which not even his loquacity could negate. The current 36-state structure is simply a developmental nightmare: it makes the Federal Government too big to be responsible and the states too puny to be viable. To quash 70 kobo out of every one naira available to service this sink hole is not only criminal and ungodly; it is also a recipe for explosion that may well consume the polity. No less disastrous is the paradox of centralised local governments, 774 of them, structured less for development but more to extract nourishment from the federal revenue pool. All these need radical and sweeping restructuring – Sanusi’s loquacity or no.

    But the CBN governor erred by picking on a soft target: civil servants. Yes, the civil service is bloated. To that extent, a section of it, particularly the lower cadre, would appear unproductive. But the real drain pipe would appear clearly the political bureaucracy, which in fairness, Sanusi also attacked.

    Still, the solution to trimming the bloated civil service is certainly not throwing half of its present size into sudden unemployment, in a country already crippled with massive joblessness. That is unwise and harebrained. A better result would emerge from clinical audit to weed out ghost workers and careful recruitment policy to engage only needed hands, after easing off deadwoods through statutory retirements. That, at best, is a long term plan.

    But beyond everything in the Sanusi saga is the impropriety of a government chief banker turned newspaper activist, pillorying the same government he serves. If that is CBN autonomy, it is decidedly ugly and irresponsible. That is why Mallam Sanusi must put his garrulity in check, as long as he remains CBN governor.

     

  • Profligate leaders

    Profligate leaders

    • Incredible! N1.3bn not enough for ‘chop chop’ in Aso Rock

    EMMANUEL Ogbile, State House, Aso-Rock Villa Permanent Secretary must have jolted the nation with his argument before the Senate Committee on Federal Character and Inter-Governmental Affairs when he said that the N1,305, 292, 050 allocated for the Presidency in the 2013 budget for refreshments, meals and other miscellaneous expenses was insufficient. This is in a country where millions live on less than a dollar per day. The revelation was the fallout of his defence of the 2013 Presidency budget of N14.7 billion.

    Ogbile was adamant in his laughable justification: “I have taken pains to explain that this money is not just to fund the residence of the President and the Vice President…The experience I have had is that this fund is grossly insufficient. It’s not enough… The Federal Executive Council (FEC) holds every Wednesday and we take care of them through this budget.”

    He erroneously believes that his inclusion of the National Economic Council (NEC) meetings, presidential retreats, National Merit Award, hosting of dignitaries, Council of State meetings, among others in the menu list, would sway uncontrolled outrage. But it is a good thing that Senator Dahiru Kuta, committee chairman, corrected his claim that the Merit Award ceremony is a beneficiary as he pointedly told him that the award has its own separate budget. Obviously, some of the other headings might be a ruse too!

    The Presidency budget also has few horrendous proposals, including the N107, 412,768 for honorarium and sitting allowance. We ask: To be paid to whom? Then there is N37, 277, 825 for publicity and advertisement; N50, 308,546 medical expenses in a country that lacks basic medical facilities for the people; N32,910,730 for sporting activities when there is a National Sports Commission in place; N4,589,793 for subscription to professional bodies; N144, 788,555 for National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), IT, LOCUM, houseman-ship and contract staff allowances. Overtime is also to cost N250, 455,589 just as animals feeding and supplements for the veterinary clinic will cost N30, 584,144.

    The financial impiety of the government is becoming legendary. The lesson from President Jose Mujica of Uruguay who has maintained a Spartan life as current leader of his country might be instructive. This former guerrilla soldier and political prisoner spent 14 years in jail under harsh conditions before his election into office in 2009. Despite this, he does not vent his spleen on the system by emptying the public till to make up for his past sufferings, whether in the prison, with wife or as a member of Tupamaros, the radical Uruguayan leftist militia guerrilla group.

    Mujica, 77, shunned the splendour of his Presidential Palace in the capital city of Montevideo to live an ascetic life on his wife’s half-dilapidated farmhouse where he fetches water from a well in a yard overgrown with weeds and hangs out his clothes on a line to dry in the open. Mujica, a vegetarian, drives a 1987 VW Beetle. He takes home $775 a month since he donates 90 percent of his monthly salary of $12,000 to the poor and small entrepreneurs. In his 2010 mandatory wealth declaration, his entire possession was $1,800 plus the realisable value of his old VW Beetle. Contrast this with what happens in Nigeria? Unbelievable!

    Nigeria is indeed a power debauched country with avaricious leaders. Mujica’s message to them all: “I’m called ‘the poorest president’, but I don’t feel poor. Poor people are those who only work to try to keep an expensive lifestyle, and always want more and more….This is a matter of freedom. If you don’t have many possessions then you don’t need to work all your life like a slave to sustain them…..”

    We cannot agree more that our leaders’ profligacy has enslaved them to power. They have lost their freedom to insatiable urge to retain power at all cost. What an absurdity!

     

  • Press freedom at risk

    Press freedom at risk

    Millions of Britons were justifiably outraged over last year’s serial revelations of illegal and unethical behaviour by the powerful and influential tabloid press in Britain. But the regulatory remedies proposed Thursday by an official commission of inquiry seem misplaced, excessive and potentially dangerous to Britain’s centuries-old traditions of a press free from government regulation.

    In a nearly 2,000-page report, the commission, led by Lord Justice Sir Brian Leveson, catalogued the glaring misdeeds of Rupert Murdoch’s sensationalist tabloid, The News of the World, which is no longer published.

    Noting, among other things, the tabloid’s “reckless disregard for accuracy,” and “lack of respect for individual privacy,” it called on Parliament to create an independent regulatory body with the authority to fine newspapers up to $1.6 million for violating its guidelines. This new organization, which newspapers could join voluntarily, would replace the largely ineffective Press Complaints Commission, run by the news industry itself, which is supposed to uphold a code of ethical journalistic practices agreed to by participating publications.

    Creating an independent regulatory body would require new legislation. To his credit, Prime Minister David Cameron seems opposed to proceeding in that direction. Conscientious members of all political parties should oppose it as well.

    British newspapers operate in a harsher legal environment than the American press. They must navigate an Official Secrets Act, which criminalizes the publication of classified information and a plaintiff-friendly libel law, which lacks American-style exceptions for public figures. But they have been free from government licensing since 1694. A regulatory panel backed by law is a big step in the wrong direction.

    Press independence is as essential a bulwark of political liberty in Britain as it is everywhere. That independence should not, and need not, be infringed upon now. Much of the conduct described in the report on Thursday — hacking into voice mail messages of ordinary citizens and illegally obtaining medical records — is not news gathering. They are illegal acts under British law. So are bribery, corrupt relations with police officials and political figures and other abuses attributed to the tabloid press.

    In such instances, newspapers can claim no shield against civil lawsuits or criminal prosecution. Those remedies, not government regulation, are the right ways to stop the kind of behaviour alleged against The News of the World, and good deterrents against misconduct by other papers.

    – New York Times

     

  • Unconscionable country

    Unconscionable country

    IT must be a symptom of a decadent institution and a failing state when a citizen is pushed to the point where he has no other recourse than to wish for death. Such is the case of 53-year-old Olubiyi Odunaro and 14,000 other former banker colleagues who were yanked off their bank jobs about seven years ago for no fault of theirs, and without requisite severance benefit. Frustrated that nothing was being done by the relevant authorities to pay him and his colleagues their dues, Odunaro embarked on an indefinite hunger strike on November 12, to press home their collective grievances.

    Uncannily, two weeks after he made his home on a lawn along the busy Mobolaji Bank-Anthony Way, Ikeja, Lagos, none of the three concerned entities that ought to act – the Federal Government, the Federal Ministry of Finance or the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), did as much as notice Odunaro lying waste out there in the open. If they did, they never showed it.

    Notably, Odunaro had made direct and indirect appeal to the Presidency to look into his plight but with nary a word from Aso Rock. He had made a bold banner which he hung over his mattress by the roadside where he put up for two weeks. The inscription on the banner reads: “I am on hunger strike to press home (the) request of 14,000 ex-staff of non-consolidated banks for their terminal benefits. President Goodluck Jonathan, please show you care for the welfare of all Nigerians…”

    Not a wink from Abuja. It took the intervention of the Lagos State Public Advice Centre to reach him, to mediate and to seek to lift him from his prostrate, debilitating and sub-human state. A perspicacious Lagos State Government has managed to rescue Odunaro from self-starvation and possible death, but the reason for the action remains.

    During the era of banking consolidation and recapitalisation when the CBN had drastically reduced the number of banks in the country from about 100 to 25, many banks which could not merge had been hastily de-licensed and wound down. In that exercise, most workers of the defunct banks had been left in the lurch. For many of those banks that could not recapitalise or merge, it was convenient for their sponsors to allow them go through the process of mercy killing because they were mere hollow shells. Most of the sponsors, directors and top management had become more affluent than the banks anyway. It was the workers and depositors who suffered in that hastily executed banking reform policy.

    Up till now, the CBN never resolved the issues of disengaged workers and the depositors. While thousands of staff lost their jobs without terminal benefits, most depositors whose funds were trapped never recovered them. All their entreaties to the CBN, the Federal Government and even their recourse to the courts ended up in utter frustration.

    Apparently, it is because the CBN is culpable, that is why it would watch Odunaro go on hunger strike for two weeks and it maintained a callous silence. Perhaps the CBN wished that Odunaro would pass on so that the matter would be forgotten for good. But we do not think that is going to happen. The CBN would have to show Nigerians how it resolved issues arising from its consolidation and recapitalisation policy of 2005.

    Apart from the fact that some of the reform policies of that era are being reversed today, and again with attendant casualties, we urge the CBN to endeavour to initiate a concrete policy about the status of bank staff as it goes about its endless experimentation in the name of reform. The CBN must revisit the matter of depositors and bank staff who were casualties of that whirlwind reform. They must be met some way.

  • Shocker from PPPRA

    Shocker from PPPRA

    THE joint Committee of the Senate and House of Representatives on Petroleum (Downstream) is correctly scandalised as to how a whopping sum of 5.7 billion naira can be spent on the emoluments of the staff of the Petroleum Products Pricing and Regulatory Agency (PPPRA). This incredible budget expenditure was shared as salaries of merely 249 members of staff, for the payment of their Pay As You Earn (PAYE), and National Health Insurance Scheme, according to the Executive Secretary of the agency, Reginald Stanley.

    He made the revelation when he appeared before the joint committee in Abuja, to defend the 2013 budget.

    But for this revelation, many Nigerians would not know that the PPPRA is deeply racketeering in-house just as it aligns with external accomplices in the subsidy regime, in terms of fleecing the national treasury. It is incredible that such amount of money can be spent as the budgetary need of that small, but notorious agency.

    Our curiosity is furthered by the fact that its 2012 and 2013 budgets were supposed to have passed through the scrutiny of the Federal Ministry of Finance. Specifically, we ask the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister for the Economy, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, how such a scandalous pay packet passed through her brief. It appears that despite the hullabaloo about scrutiny and coordination, budgetary process is still devoid of rigour.

    The proposed entitlements show that the PPPRA members of staff may be among the top earners in the country, in addition to their other sundry incomes. When it is factored in that the PPPRA is the primary agency presiding over the biggest corruption scandal in our recent history, commonly called the subsidy regime, there is a need for the anti-corruption agencies to look more closely at its modus operandi. In seeking responsibility for this in-house scandal, it may be necessary to find out how the agency arrived at the salary structure, vis-a-vis the approving authority, and the extant regulations guiding such acts. Or is the agency independent of the extant Federal Government’s regulations on salaries and emoluments?

    It is necessary for the National Assembly to conduct a thorough probe into this scandal, to see whether the budgeted money is a conduit for other higher interests. It needs to find out, what impact and leverage the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) have over the PPPRA and its budget process. Considering the predilection of the petroleum sector to act as conduit for state corruption, there is the need to spread the enquiry to find out who was responsible for this audacious rip-off of our national resources. Obviously this revelation explains why the NNPC did all it could to avoid its budget passing through the National Assembly.

    The claim by the PPPRA that it has saved 671.706 billion naira in subsidy payments, if indeed true, is a further confirmation that what happened last year as subsidy regime was unabated criminality. It is unbelievable that the same agency that shares, even if partly, the blame for the previous year’s scam and outlandish payments of phantom subsidy for products that were never supplied, would regard any form of restraint in this criminal act as saving the government money; when none of its staff has been indicted or punished for the confirmed malfeasance.

    If we may ask, what has happened to those responsible for those payments that the agency is claiming to have saved the nation, or is the claim enough restitution for criminality? By the time the joint committee receives the agency’s payroll; it would be interesting to find out what the huge pay amounts to per person. This issue and all similar queries raised since the budget defence started must be pursued to logical conclusion, in the country’s interest.

  • Declaration of assets

    Declaration of assets

    We need judicial intervention to know what the law says

    The Code of Conduct Bureau’s (CCB) recalcitrance to requests for public release of the assets declaration form filed and submitted to it by President Goodluck Jonathan is curious. The bureau is superfluously claiming protection under the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

    Sam Saba, CCB chairman, during his recent ministerial press briefing disclosed that despite demands for the President’s document by several civil society organisations, relying on provisions of the Freedom of Information, FOI Act, the bureau “… cannot do that.” In Saba’s opinion, the FOI Act conflicts with the nation’s grundnorm regarding the issue of public disclosure/release of submitted assets declaration forms of politically exposed persons, the president inclusive. He wants the National Assembly to enact an Act prescribing the terms and conditions under which the bureau could make assets declared by public officers available for inspection by any citizen of Nigeria as provided for in Section 3(c) of the Third Schedule of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    The provision of section 3(c) relied upon by the bureau empowers it to;”retain custody of such declarations and make them available for inspection by any citizen of Nigeria on such terms and conditions as the National Assembly may prescribe.” The same Constitution under the Fifth Schedule, Part 1, makes it mandatory for specified categories of elected and appointed public officers to declare their assets to the CCB.

    Obviously, the CCB leadership, in its bid to avoid stepping on powerful toes grossly displayed naivety of constitutionalism and its operation. Rather than aid its position of not wanting to release to the public, the president’s assets declaration form, its quoted section exposed the lack of rigour in the legal reasoning process that is at the bureau’s disposal.

    The section stipulates that the CCB can release assets declaration forms to the public on such ‘terms and conditions as the National Assembly may prescribe’. As far as we are concerned, such terms and conditions need not be incorporated in the constitution. It suffices if they are enshrined in other Acts duly passed by the national law-making body. In practice, provisions of the constitution are given legal impetus through various statutes and Acts that have passed through the rigours of the law-making process.

    The FoI Act is one of such Acts of the National Assembly that give effect to constitutional efficacy in the system. The questions to ask are: Did the group asking for release of the president’s assets declaration form meet the conditions and requirements spelt out by provisions of the FoI Act? If yes, which other imaginary demand does the bureau want the national legislature to come up with before the president’s assets could be released for public consumption?

    Unfortunately, the bureau believes the greatest challenges facing it include unwillingness of the public to provide it with critical information by way of petitions, whistle-blowing, as well as the problems of inadequate funding and manpower. Again, even if the public avails it of desirable information, especially on the president or his deputy, it is obvious that the bureau would still not act dutifully as expected. In view of its current stance on the issue of the president’s assets declaration form, public’s confidence in it is fast eroding.

    During a session on Governance, Transparency and Integrity at a recent Nigeria-US Bi-national Commission (BNC) meeting in Washington, the thrust was on how to help restore accountability and probity among Nigeria’s public officers. Maria Otero, US under Secretary, who represented Hillary Clinton, U.S. Secretary of State, at the forum enjoined the Nigerian delegation, including Abdullahi Yola, the Solicitor-General of the Federation and Ibrahim Lamorde, Chairman, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) to tell its government to handle with seriousness, public declaration of assets by elected and senior public officers.

    But the contrary is what the CCB is promoting. The nation must strive to develop a culture of respect for its laws and not for the powerful or government agencies to give scandalous interpretations to those laws as the CCB is doing. The current trend whereby elected and senior public officers with CCB’s connivance treat assets declaration as top secret, even with the passage of the FoI Act is bad.

    With the obstinate stand of the CCB on the matter, we call on the groups demanding for release of the president’s assets declaration form to approach the court for judicial interpretation of the combined effects of the relevant provisions of both the Constitution and the FOI Act. We do not see the sense in assets declaration shrouded in secrecy.

  • Ironic security breaches

    Ironic security breaches

    It amounted to a daring statement of defiance and reflected a somewhat morbid sense of humour when the terrorist Boko Haram Islamist sect carried out twin suicide bombings at the St. Andrew Military Protestant Church located inside Jaji Military Cantonment in Kaduna State, killing no fewer than 30, according to reports. Only two days earlier, the Joint Task Force, Operation ‘Restore Order’, Maiduguri, had declared 19 alleged senior members of the extremist group wanted, and offered a reward for information leading to their capture.

    The N250million bounty on the heads of the sect leaders affected the five-member Shurra Committee, which is its highest decision-making organ, with N25million on each head; the overall leader, Abubakar Shekau, with N50million on his head; and various “commanders” with N10million on their heads.

    If the government’s intention was to indicate that it was taking the Boko Haram insurgency more seriously, the sect’s calculated response suggested that it was not intimidated. This time, its choice of target was unmistakably strategic. The attack on Jaji represented an assault on the psyche of the military, being the home of the prestigious Command and Staff College, revered as the base of military intellectualism, where officers of the Nigerian Armed Forces receive training. It is a telling irony that Jaji also reportedly houses a counter-terrorism facility, which made the attack all the more demystifying.

    The murderous strike not only took the battle to the military, it exposed a vulnerable underbelly. It is a matter of conjecture how the security of the high-profile military cantonment fell to the bombers, even when it was expected that the activities of Boko Haram should have prompted a red alert situation in the volatile circumstances. After all, this is a rebellion that has grown in intensity since it began in 2009, with more than 640 people killed so far this year, in attacks blamed on the group.

    It is disturbing that the group scored another bull’s eye this time, right under the nose of the military. The apparent ease with which it carried out such an otherwise high-risk operation highlighted a lamentable failure of intelligence, about four years down the line; it was expected that by now, the state intelligence gathering capacity should be able to rise to the occasion. It is a scary possibility that the sect has infiltrated the military, and there might be insiders working for the interest of the group. At least this much was implied by President Goodluck Jonathan’s famous quote sometime ago, to the effect that the extremists have probably penetrated even the institutions of government, thereby introducing complications into the anti-terrorism campaign. With the latest audacious attack, obviously, no one can be sure where the next hit might be as the sect seems not to have ‘no-go’ areas.

    It is noteworthy that following on the heels of the Jaji bombing was the early morning attack on the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in the Federal Capital Territory by unidentified gunmen, which has prompted a 24-hour security alert nationwide. The gunmen killed two policemen and freed more than 30 suspects, although the police said they caught two of the attackers and rearrested 25 of the fleeing detainees. Regrettably, this seems to be a season of ironic security breaches.

    Surely, it is a measure of the security crisis that some embassies, especially the United Kingdom, consequently issued travel advice to their citizens in the wake of the Jaji bomb explosions and the attack on SARS. The import of this development is that there is an urgent need to give priority to tight security nationwide.

    We hope the panel of inquiry set up by the military authorities would come up with far-reaching recommendations that would be useful in checking a recurrence of such serious security breaches.

  • Eko 2012

    Eko 2012

    •Lagos enhances its potential via the National Sports Festival

    In the wake of Nigeria’s disastrous outing at the London Olympics, it became clear to all that new paradigms for sports development had to be found. While some have opted for sports retreats and other forms of brainstorming, the Lagos State Government sought to take the issue a step further by embarking on a comprehensive sports development policy, starting from the grassroots and ending at the highest level of elite competition.

    The 18th National Sports Festival currently taking place in Lagos State is both a cause and a consequence of this far-sighted policy. It marks the extent of the Fashola administration’s determination to enhance grassroots sports development, create high-quality facilities, acquire top-level coaches, and provide fair but keen competition.

    Tagged Eko 2012, the three-week sporting fiesta will showcase those elements that have made Lagos Nigeria’s unquestionable ‘Centre of Excellence’. After months of meticulous planning, sporting venues, residential accommodation, media accreditation, logistics and other aspects of the competition have been fine-tuned, test-run and put into operation.

    Making full use of the wealth of sports facilities which have been established across Lagos over the years, and utilising the state’s comprehensive road network, Eko 2012 has been designed as a fully-interactive competition that will enable athletes, officials, fans and visitors to enjoy the state’s many attractions to the fullest.

    This guiding philosophy is further enhanced by the presence of large numbers of trained volunteers whose duty it is to ensure that participants in the games are not unduly inconvenienced and have a good time. All of the pre-competition arrangements came into glorious fruition with the awe-inspiring opening ceremonies in which the rich culture of the state was celebrated.

    It is symbolic that the Teslim Balogun Stadium, which is Eko 2012’s main venue, is just across the road from the dilapidated National Stadium. Standing almost side-by-side, the once-great Sportscity and its fast-rising successor are symbolic of widely-divergent approaches to the development of sports in Nigeria. The Federal Government’s arguably fickle approach to issues of sports can be seen in its steadfast inability to rehabilitate the National Stadium and return it to its past glory. Even the new National Stadium in Abuja is beginning to show tell-tale signs of neglect.

    On the other hand, the Teslim Balogun Stadium has become the nation’s sports venue of choice, and regularly plays host to major football and other sporting tournaments.

    It is clear that the nation’s sports potential will not be developed through the dubious expedient of throwing money at sports. Nor will it be achieved by the win-at-all-costs mentality which has so tainted past sports festivals and other tournaments. As the Lagos State Government has consistently argued, the state’s perception of a successful hosting is one in which world-class talent is identified and nurtured, rather than its presence at the top of the medals table.

    That is not to say that Lagos is not determined to win; it has certainly spared no effort to achieve this aim through fair means. The state hired six foreign coaches for athletes in track and field, swimming, weightlifting, boxing and rowing as part of its preparations. It has ensured that grants and other payments to athletes and coaches are paid when they fall due. It has also made extensive efforts to see that the sports festival is comprehensively publicised and marketed in a manner worthy of an international tournament.

    As athletes and fans savour the joy of victory and the pain of defeat, and as the various states anxiously track their progress on the medals table, it is to be hoped that Lagos continues along its commendable path of sustainable sports development. There is little doubt that the state will begin to reap the fruits of its wisdom and foresight sooner than later.

  • The trillion-euro question must wait

    The trillion-euro question must wait

    The EU budget is such an unholy messthat the inability of European leaders to agree one this week would almost be a source of satisfaction – were it not for clear signs that a deal will ultimately be struck by sacrificing the bits of spending that the EU does best.

    One consolation was the lack of political melodrama, unlike the clash that accompanied the UK’s wielding a veto of the fiscal compact last year. Many feared that the scene of a solitarily obstructive British prime minister would repeat itself in the budget negotiations. David Cameron was under strong pressure to take an unrealistically hard line from both his own EU-bashing backbenchers and an opportunistic Labour opposition in Westminster. Yet the inconclusiveness was of the workmanlike kind: all parties needed more time to overcome their differences.

    Angela Merkel, Germany’s chancellor, had already indicated she was in no hurry to agree. She was right: within limits, it is better for a club to take its time to decide how a trillion euros of common funds should be spent from 2014 until the turn of the decade.

    This does not, however, excuse the disappointing constellation of interests that pits net contributors to the budget against those defending their particular sacred cash cows. Those who care about the overall size of the budget fight less over how that total is spent; those who care where the funds go – especially that they go to them –have no interest in shrinking the pie. The result is that the most worthwhile projects lose out to compromises between general cost-cutting and specific boondoggles. Thus the last draft proposed by Herman Van Rompuy, European Council president, took money away from cross-border infrastructure and research spending to prop up farm subsidies.

    The principles that would govern EU budget allocations in an ideal world are straightforward. First, restrain the growth of the total pot. Inflating EU-level spending while insisting on belt-tightening in national budgets is at best hypocritical, at worst politically incendiary. The UK’s insistence on budget discipline, backed by Sweden and Germany, won important gains in the acceptance of the broad need for restraint.

    Second, apply that general principle specifically to EU staff spending. National public sector workers are bearing the brunt of austerity policies across the union. Even if administrative costs make up a tiny fraction of the EU budget, it is foolish to add insult to injury.

    Third, protect genuine European public goods, including research and development, and cross-border infrastructure – especially when national capital investment is being slashed. Both were raided in Mr Van Rompuy’s last compromise attempt. He must insist on more common sense when talks resume.

    – The Financial Times