Category: Editorial

  • The wrong option

    The wrong option

    •Nigerians resorting to suicide need mental health education and support

    Two similar tragic incidents occurred same day on July 6. One was the suicide by a man, Femi Apantaku, who jumped into the Gbodofon River in Osogbo, Osun State, at about 10.30 a.m. The second involved an unidentified lady who reportedly jumped to her death from the Ekpan flyover in Uvwie Local Government Area of Delta State, later in the day.

    A vulcaniser who witnessed the first incident said: “I was at a spot close to the bridge working on a customer’s tyre when I looked towards the Gbodofon bridge and I saw a man walking down from Old Governor’s Office end of the Osogbo/Gbongan Road.

    “He stood right in the middle of the bridge and took a plunge into the Gbodofon River. People around were seized with fear after the incident.”

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    The spokesperson of Osun State Fire Service, Ibrahim Adekunle, said their men were called for an emergency rescue operation when the victim jumped into the river.  “We responded, but the river is overflowing at the moment. We made efforts and we are still looking for the person, but we are yet to recover the body. From what we were told, the person involved is a man,” Adekunle said.

    Also, the Public Relations Officer of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps, Osun State Command, Kehinde Adeleke, said Apantaku had earlier made an attempt to commit suicide, but was chased away by some people who suspected his movement on the bridge. Adeleke added that Apantaku, a native of Ilesha in the state, was the only son of his parents.

     “According to an eyewitness, before he jumped into the river, he kept saying that a group of people had beaten him mercilessly at a (fast food joint) in the OgoOluwa area, which led him to decide to end his life’’.

    Delta State Police Command Public Relations Officer, SP Bright Edafe, confirmed the incident of the lady to Vanguard.

    “We heard of the incident but before our men got there, they took the corpse of the woman away.”, the police reportedly told the newspaper.

    These incidents are saddening. They are the more so when it is realised that they only represented two of such incidents that were reported in recent times.

    We agree that times are hard, but ending it all abruptly cannot be the solution.

    In these two incidents, poverty and hopelessness would seem to have led the victims to the suicidal path. But other reasons like societal pressure, bullying by schoolmates, academic pressure, and other mental health challenges had led many Nigerians to commit suicide. The problem becomes the more complex when it is realised that suicide is not committed only by the poor. Celebrities and rich people are sometimes involved, thus suggesting that it is not only about money or material attractions.

    We cannot afford to be complacent on the issue of suicide, especially with Nigeria’s rating as one of the  countries with the highest suicide rates in Africa. We need to promote mental health awareness and education. There is need to allocate more resources to support people with mental cases.

    Of course, governments at all levels must also address the country’s economic challenges in a way that many of the youths who constitute the greatest number of suicide victims can have hope of a better tomorrow.

  • New approach

    New approach

    •This is what the poverty war now requires

    When ‘Saturday Sun’ disclosed in a report it published on July 7 that the Federal Government spent about N2.38trn on poverty alleviation in five years, Nigerians must be wondering where the huge amount went into. They must have been asking themselves why they are not feeling the impact, especially in view of the multidimensional poverty in the country.

    The newspaper reported that this was the total budgetary allocation to the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Poverty Alleviation from 2020 to 2024.

    A breakdown of the allocations showed that in 2020, the ministry got N453.3 billion, in 2021, it got N456.1 billion; this increased to N507.9 billion in 2022; while in 2023 and 2024, it was N426 billion and N532.5 billion, respectively.

    But the impact is yet to be felt, as about 153 million Nigerians are still living in multidimensional poverty.

    This is why we are happy with the order by the Federal High Court sitting in Lagos to a former Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Disasters Management and Social Development, Sadiya Umar-Farouq, to account for payments of N729bn to 24.3 million poor Nigerians in six months.

    The court also ordered the former minister to provide the list and details of the beneficiaries, the number of states covered, as well as payments per state.

    There have been no serious efforts to probe how the funds are spent, despite widespread fears that the ministry is a conduit for siphoning public funds. There is hardly any reliable data to show how disbursements are made. As a matter of fact, this was why the present government was initially reluctant to work on the data bequeathed to it by its predecessor.

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    The court’s order was made, sequel to a suit brought by the Socio-Economic Rights And Accountability Project (SERAP), to compel the minister to release details of how the monies were spent. SERAP had asked for the details under the Freedom of Information Act which compels governments’ ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) to release such information to members of the public who need it.

    But the ministry, like most other government establishments, refused the request.

    We once again commend SERAP’s tenacity of purpose in helping to deepen the democratic process. The body had won several significant court cases against agencies of the government that still live in the past by keeping public information close to their chests.

    We wonder why it would take court cases to resolve matters of significant public interest like the one under consideration, with loss of valuable time and resources on both sides.

    Maybe it has got to the point where there have to be sanctions against public officials who hide public information and ultimately make the government to waste scarce resources on unnecessary court cases. Information such as the details of funds spent by the ministry should ordinarily be on its portals such that whoever needs it could have unhindered access to it.

    We also commend the court for giving verve to the FOI Act. Without such orders, the act would remain a worthless legislation, which is bad for accountability and transparency in spending of public funds.

    We urge SERAP to critically look into the details of the disbursements when they are eventually released.

    Many people have criticised this idea of giving hand-outs to people by the government as unsustainable. Muda Yusuf, CEO, Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise feels that “Empowering these people through a properly structured programme will empower them better than giving them bags of rice, noodles and other forms of support that cannot tackle the actual poverty.”

    It is sad that every attempt by successive governments to ameliorate poverty, including the Poverty Alleviation Programme (PAP), to its successor, the National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP), designed in 2001 by the Obasanjo government, have always been abused. Even now, the minister in charge of the ministry that was appointed by the present government, Betta Edu, has been on suspension since January, barely five months after her appointment, to pave way for investigation into disbursements of funds.

    It is high time the government learnt from the failures of these schemes and rethink its response to the poverty challenge.

  • Fault line

    Fault line

    •Presidential panel on livestock reforms has its job cut out

    Local security operatives in Ondo State recently got a raw taste of the fault line that open grazing of cattle across Nigeria constitutes. They were attacked and battered by suspected herders for stopping grazing cows from ruining some farmlands.

    The suspected herdsmen on July 5 attacked operatives of the Ondo State Security Network Agency, codenamed Amotekun Corps, in Igoba community, Akure North council area, as the operatives were enforcing the anti-open grazing law operational in the state. Reports said the Amotekun operatives had just rounded up some 120 cows in response to distress calls by tomato farmers on whose farmlands the cows were let lose to graze.

    It was as the corpsmen were taking the cows to the state headquarters of Amotekun in Akure that they were intercepted by suspected herders who reportedly attacked them with stones, bottles, daggers and guns, leaving many badly injured and one in a coma. The assailants apparently aimed to prevent the Amotekun operatives from taking the cows away, but the corpsmen as well fought back at the attackers. State commander of the corps, Chief Adetunji Adeleye, was cited saying the clash left many of his men hospitalised.

    Spokesperson of the Ondo State agency, Jimoh Adeniken, detailed the encounter in a statement. He said operatives of the Amotekun Corps acted on complaints from farmers in affected communities about recurrent destruction of their farmlands by grazing cows. “Upon frequent complaints from many farmers in Igoba and Osi areas of Akure North Local Government since the 6th of May, 2024, the agency of Amotekun Corps from the headquarters in Alagbaka, Akure, responded 5th of July, 2024, at about 1600 hours,” the spokesman said.

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    “During the operation, the corps surveillance team was led to the farms by the owners. On getting there, they met over one hundred and twenty cows ravaging the farms and there was nobody with the cows,” Adeniken further stated, adding: “Determined to enforce the anti-open grazing law of the state, the operatives of the Amotekun Corps moved the cows out of the farms, and while passing by the Sango area at Igoba, along Ado Road in Akure, groups of armed Fulani herdsmen attacked the officers with stones, bottles, cutlasses and guns.” According to him, the corpsmen had to quickly retreat to base on orders from the command, as the attackers continued throwing stones and bottles till the operatives escaped to the main road.

    The Amotekun spokesperson further said the suspected herdsmen continued throwing stones and bottles till they hit the main road where they hacked one of the corpsmen to a coma while trying to disarm the operatives. “The officers of the Amotekun Corps shot into the air to dislodge (the attackers) and move back to the office. Unfortunately, other officers sustained varying degrees of injuries during the attack and are currently receiving medical attention in hospital,” he stated. According to him, investigation has been launched into the incident and the cow owners identified. “Government will continue to pursue strict compliance with the law, with a view to ensuring that efforts of farmers are not truncated through destruction of their farmlands by herders and their cows,” he added.

    This incident resonates against the backdrop of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s inauguration, last week, of a presidential committee on livestock reforms, which he co-chairs with former Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman, Professor Attahiru Jega. The committee has the mandate to deliver sector-focused solutions to age-long farmer-herder conflicts and optimise potential benefits of the livestock trade for Nigeria’s economic prosperity, drawing from recommendations by Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje-led National Conference on Livestock Reforms and Mitigation of Associated Conflicts in Nigeria that was submitted to the presidency some 10 months ago. Under the unfolding reforms, President Tinubu has given approval for creation of a new Ministry of Livestock Development that will oversee maximisation of the livestock value chain as a revenue spinner, as well as facilitate holistic action by government towards ending farmer-herder conflicts and ensuring security and economic wellbeing of all Nigerians.

    The Ganduje-led conference had, among its recommendations, proposed a reform agenda that includes establishment and resuscitation of grazing reserves and other methods of land utilisation. It also proposed a ministry of livestock resources in line with the practice in many other West African countries, or in the alternative that the federal and state governments should expand the scope of existing departments of livestock production to address the broader needs of the sector.

    Conflicts between farmers and herders over the years have resulted in loss of lives and livelihoods, undermined food security, encouraged proliferation of arms and displaced many people. With fresh incidents like the one in Ondo State, all eyes are on the Jega committee to steer reforms towards earnestly turning the tide.

  • The way out

    The way out

    • Govt must address the lingering fuel scarcity by fixing distribution networks and ensure local refineries work

    Last week, Nigerians were again forced to wonder whether the cycle of spasms in the fuel supply chain would ever end. It started with fuel queues suddenly springing up in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, penultimate weekend. Days after, it spread to the nation’s commercial capital, Lagos, and some parts of the southwest, and then some other parts of the country.

    From FCT to Minna, the Niger State capital, where major outlets did not open, with minor players filling the gaps

    with their exploitative play, to Kano where majority of the filling stations, particularly those owned by major marketers were shut down, or Akure, the Ondo State capital, where petrol price reportedly hit N750 per litre down to Lagos where panic nearly became the order, motorists’ anxieties were palpable, especially with no credible explanations coming forth.

    There were of course silent whispers about “adverse weather conditions” and “logistics” being at the heart of it all. On his part however, the national president of the Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria (PETROAN) –Billy Gillis-Harry – would put the problem to the inability of his members to source petrol from NNPCL as in his words – ‘the only source from which his members lift the product is the NNPCL and so when there is no fuel, it means the state-owned oil firm has not supplied’.

    The much that his Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN) counterpart, Abubakar Maigandi, could say was that “Loading is very slow at the depots”.

    The bottom-line: there was insufficient product to go round.

    So much for the supposed transformation of the national oil corporation; Nigerians cannot but wonder if truly anything has changed between the old NNPC and the NNPCL. And what could be new outside of those factors that Nigerians and the government are already aware? Thunderstorms? How? NNPCL surely owes Nigerians more explanations than it has managed to put out.

    What is apparent is that the NNPCL, even after its so-called transition to a commercial entity, is yet to understand its rationale as a provider of a critical service, one in which failure continues to exert unimaginable tolls on the Nigerian economy, both in terms of the massive disruptions of businesses and, more particularly, in the man-hours lost by motorists on fuel queues. That the corporation remains hung on the archaic business-as-usual model which

    has proven disastrous time and time again is most regrettable. Years after its transition; when are we going to see the corporation begin to push aggressively towards the realisation of the lofty ideals of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA)?

    We have said it before: the problems in the downstream persist because the nation’s four refineries and the allied distribution infrastructure are not working. They are not working because those charged with the duty of getting them to work are yet to demonstrate the needed resolve to make the difference.

    Take the refineries for instance. Based on its initial promise, the Port Harcourt Refinery ought to have come on-stream by December 31, 2023. Some six months after it announced its ‘mechanical completion’, Nigerians are still at a loss on what to make of the announcement, particularly with no guarantees of the refinery releasing refined products into the market anytime soon.

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    The same applies to Warri and the Kaduna refineries, all of whose turn around maintenance was initially scheduled to be completed by year-end. It has been excuses and more excuses, with no signs of the NNPCL ever delivering on its promise. Even the long-awaited entry of Dangote Refinery into the segment has proven to be something of a damp squib. 

    Important as it is, the fact is that getting the refineries up and running is only one half of the fuel supply equation. Even when the refineries eventually come on-stream, the country will still have to contend with the obsolete fuel distribution infrastructure. Whether it is System 2E (Port Harcourt to Aba), System 2D (Kaduna to Kano) or System 2B (Atlas Cove to Mosimi to Ore depot and from Ibadan to Ilorin depot and then Suleija), none of the pipelines network which the country has invested billions of naira to build is in any shape to receive, let alone transport fuel. While most have been vandalised by criminal elements, the rest have been left to rot under the NNPCL’s regime of institutional indifference. As it does appear, the owners of the operating entity – the Pipelines and Products Marketing Company Limited (PPMC) – seems to have long given up on their possible restoration.   

    These are the issues behind the perennial hiccups. Getting the local refineries up and running means that the NNPCL will have no further excuses about the crippling forex issues, import cycle delays, and missed turnaround delivery timelines. With functional pipelines network, Nigerians will be spared the perennial rationalisations about the factors of logistics and adverse weather conditions playing any significant role in the fuel distribution mix. It is precisely why Nigerians have long said that they cannot wait to have the NNPCL deliver on them.

    If merely for their manifold benefits to the economy which are unquantifiable, government’s assistance in getting those pipelines in particular restored in the quickest possible time will surely be worth the sacrifice. With the government’s avowed resolve to re-write the nation’s energy narrative, it seems to us that there can be no better time than now to slay the twin dragons of non-functional refineries and obsolete pipelines that have kept the segment of the industry down.

  • Wole Soyinka at 90

    Wole Soyinka at 90

    We salute this great man of letters and democracy activist, and wish him more fruitful years in good health

    Nobel laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka’s much awaited 90th birthday celebration, on July 13, was predictably preceded by various events, locally and internationally, celebrating the great man of letters and the historic milestone.

    President Bola Tinubu, on behalf of the Federal Government and an appreciative country, renamed the National Theatre, Lagos, as Wole Soyinka Centre for Culture and the Creative Arts. “I am pleased to join admirers around the world in celebrating the 90th birthday of Nigeria’s iconic son,” Tinubu said in a statement, adding, “It is also fitting we celebrate this national treasure while he is still with us.”

    Notably, the Royal Academy of Morocco and the Pan African Writers Association (PAWA) jointly organised an event, titled ‘Africa Celebrates Wole Soyinka in Morocco,’ where he was described as a “defender of African cultures.”

    The release of his third novel, ‘Chronicles from the Land of the Happiest People on Earth’, in September 2021, after a nearly 50-year break from novel writing, demonstrated his staying power as a creative writer. He was 87 at the time. It also showed his consistency as a vocal campaigner for a better society. The book was described in the ‘Financial Times’ as “a brutally satirical look at power and corruption in Nigeria, told in the form of a whodunnit involving three university friends.”

    Soyinka’s existence continues to emphasise the critical message of universal justice. He has gone to great and admirable lengths in pursuit of this philosophy, which is best encapsulated by his famous one-liner, “Justice is the first condition of humanity.” He has consistently played the important role of a defender of human freedoms, especially in Nigeria but also internationally. According to him, “The greatest threat to freedom is the absence of criticism.” His conscientious antagonism to the agents of darkness is recognised and respected to the point that his voice is constantly anticipated in response to reactionary forces.

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    True to this characterisation, he has an impressive history of courageous interventions in his country’s trajectory, including, in particular, his sensational and mind-boggling mediation in the combustible 1960s political crisis in the then Western Region, his effort to avert the civil war that raged from 1967 to 1970, his committed opposition to dictatorship, and his unequivocal insistence on a truly democratic, accountable and participatory form of government.

     It is a testimony to his indomitable spirit that unjust imprisonment, and forced exile on account of unmistakable life-threatening danger, proved to be weak restraining forces in his lifelong expression of the possibility of a better society.

    Indeed, in Soyinka, there is a rare conflation of the artist and the activist at a superlative level. The portrait of the fighter is brightly coloured by creative essence. Undoubtedly, in his literary career, the icing on the cake must be the 1986 Nobel Prize for Literature, an honour he received in the same year he was awarded the Agip Prize for Literature. For the Nobel decoration, which is indisputably regarded as the world’s biggest recognition for literary excellence, he was painted as a master of form and content “who in a wide cultural perspective and with poetic overtones fashions the drama of existence.” He was the first African to win the prize.

    There is no question that the accomplishment had the quality of a redeeming feature for the black man in a world corrupted by racism. He received the Special Prize of the Europe Theatre Prize, in Rome, in 2017, for “his art and his commitment,” and “bringing, in English, richness and beauty to literature, theatre and action in Europe and the four corners of the world.” 

    In 2014, he made the headlines following his rejection of the centenary award by the Goodluck Jonathan administration. The Federal Government had named 100 individuals to be honoured for their contributions towards the progress and unity of Nigeria, as part of the country’s centenary celebration, and he was recognised as an internationally acclaimed artist and literary icon. However, he described the inclusion of the late military dictator, Gen. Sani Abacha, “on the nation’s Roll of Honour,” as “this national insult.” He delineated Abacha as “a murderer and thief of no redeeming quality,” adding, “I can’t think of anything more grotesque and derisive of the lifetime struggle of several on this (Honours) List and their selfless services to humanity.”

    This episode not only demonstrated Soyinka’s heightened sense of decency; it also instructively showed that he was not uncritical and indiscriminate in his acceptance of honour.

    At the core of his expansive canonical oeuvre, which significantly reflects the influences of his Yoruba roots and covers drama, poetry, prose, music and film, are the human condition in the social context and the imperative of truth.

    He is better known as a playwright, and his dramatic works include ‘The Swamp Dwellers’ (1958), followed a year later by a comedy, ‘The Lion and the Jewel’; ‘A Dance of the Forests,’ the official play for Nigerian Independence Day, October 1, 1960; ‘The Trials of Brother Jero’ (1960), ‘Kongi’s Harvest’ (1964), ‘The Road’ (1965), ‘Madmen and Specialists’ (1970), ‘Jero’s Metamorphosis’ (1973), ‘Death and the King’s Horseman’ (1975), ‘Opera Wonyosi’ (1977), ‘Requiem for a Futurologist’ (1983), ‘A Play of Giants’ (1984), ‘King Babu’ (2001) and ‘Alapata Apata’ (2011).

    “Books and all forms of writing are terror to those who wish to suppress the truth,” according to Soyinka, a product of the University College, Ibadan, Nigeria; Leeds University, UK; and the Royal Court Theatre, London. He studied English Literature; and taught in universities at home and abroad. While at university in Ibadan, he co-founded the Pyrates Confraternity, a student organisation to fight corruption and promote justice, the first confraternity in Nigeria.

    In the almost 40 years since he won the Nobel at age 52, he has not gone cold artistically and remains warm politically, which validates his well-garlanded distinction. 

    His awesome multidimensionality extends to his role as a former head of the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), with the vision “to eradicate road traffic crashes and create a safe motoring environment in Nigeria.” His continuous interventions in the issues of the day are proof that the public intellectual can make a profound social impact. 

    A true hero, he remains a voice of global significance. His distinctive luxuriantly white Afro and beard complement the substance of his erudition and wisdom.

    We congratulate him as he enters his nonagenarian years.

  • British-Nigerian MPs

    British-Nigerian MPs

    • Lessons from British polls

    The July 4 British election has come and gone and Rishi Sunak has exited the stage for Keir Starmer as the new Prime Minister. As one of the most stable democracies in the world, the elections went as predicted. The 14-year dominance of the Conservative Party was brought to an end, with the landslide victory of the Labour Party.

    Labour has already formed the new government, with promises to regain the trust of the British people.

    The former PM has apologised to the people for not meeting all their expectations, congratulated his successor and wished him well.

    The new PM has hit the ground running. No fanfare, no lobbying for appointments, etc.

    Expectedly, Starmer announced his cabinet immediately. Interestingly too, of the 19 cabinet members, 11 are women. This is very instructive to a country like Nigeria where patriarchy still holds sway and women don’t even make up to five per cent of people in government. In fact, in some Northern states, there is no woman in the state houses of assembly. Nigeria remains in the underdevelopment radar with grinding poverty and exclusion of women in politics.

    Eight British-Nigerians won parliamentary seats. The feat by these politicians of Nigerian descent is being applauded by Nigerians home and abroad, even as many analysts question whether Nigerian politics can rise to the occasion of electing people based on pure merit, the electoral body being efficient and the absence of influences of money and party financiers/leaders amidst other sundry hurdles in the line of the practice of democracy in Nigeria.

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    It is instructive to note that each of the members of parliament (MPs) won on their personal merit and not because some influential party leaders installed them. The system is one that recognises the rights of each citizen to vote and be voted for. There is respect for the power of the voter in the British system. Incumbency has nothing to do with winning elections, rather it has everything to do with losing elections. This is because the voters have the power and they exercise same at the polls.

    There is no room for gender exclusion as six of the eight British-Nigerians are women. Each won on her merit and unlike the 2023 elections in Nigeria, their ancestry did not affect their electoral value. They got votes across all races, religions and gender in their constituencies. Interestingly, the oldest of them is Chi Omwurah that was born in 1965. In Nigeria, sadly, the average age of most politicians stands at more than 60 years.

    Leading the pack of the victorious British-Nigerians is Kemi Badenoch, a veteran politician that even aspired to the office of Prime Minister after the resignation of Liz Truss. Despite the abysmal performance of Badenoch’s Conservative Party in the election, she won her seat back. She has degrees in engineering and law. She served as Shadow Secretary of State for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities since

    2024. She was appointed Secretary of State for the Department for Business and Trade on February 7, 2023.

    The other British-Nigerians; Taiwo Owatemi, Chi Onwurah, Kate Osamor, Bayo Alaba, Josh Babarinde, Florence Eshalomi and Helen Grant are all professionals in different fields and have been in the political space for a while. This is at variance with the system in Nigeria where most of the politicians are ‘professional politicians’ with no visible means of livelihood and no distinct educational qualifications. Winning their parliamentary seats was not a gift, they all have earned it through their professional and personal pedigree. Badenoch was re-elected as a Conservative Party member.

    While we congratulate these worthy citizens with Nigerian ties, their political successes should be lessons to the Nigerian dysfunctional democratic system. Citizenship comes with privileges and responsibilities. There is inclusion unlike in Nigeria that is still stuck in the mundane sentiments of tribe and religion. Competence should be key and performance the criterion for electoral victory.

    The electoral body did its job and there was transparency; no candidate has headed to court. Nigerian elections are the most litigious in the world and it is wrong for the courts to continually be saddled with deciding electoral victories. There is often no intra-party democracy to start with. Reason godfathers and cronies exist in the Nigerian political system. Politicians must be held to account by citizens and votes must count.

  • Maina pension loot

    Maina pension loot

    • Forfeiture of 20 properties is good to discourage people who might want to toe similar path

    The Abdulrasheed Maina saga has become akin to a tragic-comedy, with the recent order of the Federal High Court for the final forfeiture of at least 20 properties, linked to the convicted former Chairman of the defunct Pension Reform Task Team (PRTT). Maina, who while at the helm of affairs, had projected himself as an innocent public servant who was appointed to stem fraud in the pension sector and who had saved the Federal Government billions of naira, was actually the termite that was eating the woods, earmarked for a reformed pension structure.

    A Federal High Court sitting in Abuja presided over by Justice Joyce Abdulmalik made the order of forfeiture upon reaching the conclusion that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has proven beyond reasonable doubt that the named properties located across the country were acquired with proceeds of crime. Maina was in 2021 sentenced to 61 years’ imprisonment, to run concurrently for eight years, for money laundering and other related offences. He was ordered to forfeit several sums, traced to him, which he could not account for.

    Justice Abdulmalik held that the “various individuals who responded to an earlier interim forfeiture order, requiring interested parties to show cause why the properties should not be permanently forfeited, failed to establish their ownership of the affected properties with credible evidence.” The court left out three out of the 23 listed properties which could not be linked to the proceeds of crime. Maina’s wife and some persons who claimed to be relatives, had tried in vain to lay claim to the forfeited properties.   

    When the bubble burst, we recall that Maina was given official protection by some fraudulent government officials, while the EFCC was projected as persecuting instead of prosecuting him. There were claims that he travelled with police escort to prevent arrest by the EFCC. When the heat became too much, he ran out of the country, allegedly with the help of high-ranking government officials. There were stories that he used diplomatic cover to travel, while he maintained that he was being prosecuted for saving the country from buccaneers scamming the pension fund.  

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    When he was apprehended, he pretended to be sick, and he tried all manner of shenanigan to frustrate his trial, but the prosecution and the courts were steadfast, and eventually the case was concluded and judgment delivered. His case, we hope, will serve as a lesson to those entrusted with public office, and who are tempted to abuse same, while hoping that they can pool wool over the eyes of anti-graft agencies and other Nigerians. As in Maina’s case, a day will come when the bubble will

    burst, and the façade cleared.

    We commend the tenacity of the EFCC and their prosecution team for the effort to recover what was fraudulently taken from the common treasury of Nigeria. While stealing of any public fund is condemnable, the tragic consequences of stealing pension funds, meant for the weak and vulnerable, makes it the more disheartening. While Maina was busy buying properties with the stolen pension funds, old men and women, who are unable to buy food and medicine, may have died from hunger and diseases because of the non-payment of their pensions.

    Sadly, public officials are encouraged to steal because of the societal tolerance of such actions. To complicate simple cases of stealing, ethnicity and religion are brewed into the mix, and where care is not taken, those who bear the brunt of the criminal acts complained of, take up placards to defend their tormentor. We wish that those who falsely claimed to own the forfeited properties, could be made to face the consequences of lying on oath, and seeking to obstruct the course of justice.

  • Bago’s largesse

    Bago’s largesse

    •Corps members posted to Niger State to receive N200,000 bonus for encouragement

    The National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) Scheme was created barely three years after the Nigeria/Biafra civil war. It is one of the legacies of the then head of state, Gen. Yakubu Gowon (Rtd.) under Decree No.24 which stated that the scheme was created “with a view to the proper encouragement and development of common ties among the youths of Nigeria and the promotion of national unity”.

    In the past 51 years, the scheme has had its positives and negatives. Like all human constructs, it is expected and there are expectations that, as the years go by, adjustments can be made to suit the circumstances of the time. For instance, the initial allowance was N200 at a time the Nigerian Naira was exchanging almost at par with the British pounds and higher in value than the American dollar.  Some companies paid some extras and even provided accommodation for some.

    The essence of the scheme was to inculcate the sense of service and patriotism in the young graduates who, as a matter of policy, were posted to states other than their home states, and away from the states of their studies.  Many of them went on to achieve outstanding social and economic feats over the years and received awards or gained immediate employment for being outstanding.

    There have been intermarriages and cross-cultural integration. The economic input has been huge too as they contributed to national productivity, given that the participants are always in their most productive years. Government parastatals and some corporate bodies make sure the certificate was a prerequisite for employment.

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    However, over the years, socio-economic situation in the country began to impact on the general efficiency and goals of the scheme. The allowances became unrealistic, given the economic realities. Insecurity around the country scared parents and most parents insisted on relocating their children and wards to their states of residence because of the litany of tragedies that affected some of the corps members.

    Some of them had accidents on their way to their states of primary assignment, some were either kidnapped or killed and successive governments had calls to rethink the scheme. Some even advocate total scrapping, given the myriad of complaints, especially about the remuneration. The insecurity, especially in the Northern region, with bandits and murderous herdsmen killing and maiming at random scared some parents.

    Slowly but surely, the NYSC began to lose its verve for its existence. There are calls for either a total scrapping of the scheme or a serious reorganisation to give it more value and make it more attractive and valuable to the youths and the country. Many are even arguing that the scheme still exists just because some people are gaining but not the youths for who the scheme was created in the first place.

    It was therefore an exciting news from the governor of Niger State, Mohammed Umar Bago, who announced a bonus of N200,000 to each corps member in the ‘Batch B’ corps members posted to the state, and , a gift of 20 cows and a trailer-load of rice from the Niger Farms during their inauguration, last week. There are about 1,600 corps members posted to the state. He promised to credit their accounts so that they would be comfortable serving in the state. He also promised to build a N5b worth of ‘new NYSC camp’ in the state and assured them of their security and comfort.

    The governor encouraged those who can to be part of the agricultural revolution in the state, with the attendant reward from the state government and providing more food for Nigerians. This call by the governor reinstates the reason for the scheme in the first place. The youths are expected to acquire the spirit of hard work, creativity and self-reliance.

    We commend the governor for the gestures which would boost the morale of the corps members and encourage them to do their best. The lethargy across the country over the service year can be traced mainly to the lack of motivation. We however wish that while the gesture is commendable, the governor must not exaggerate that with seeming white elephant projects with a camp that would set the state back by N5b at a time the country is going through harsh economic times, with minimum wage oscillating between N18,000 and 70,000 (only Edo State is paying N70,000 at the moment). He can minimally renovate the existing camp.

    While we want the youths to be encouraged, we believe that the incessant strikes by civil servants in the state over minimum wage should get the attention of the governor too.  The governor is on the right track by investing in agriculture, given the vast lands in Niger State, and in tractors he showcases all the time; moderation in expenditure is also advised. He must not make Niger State the go-to state for youth service, given that there might be a risk of graduates scrambling to be posted to the state just to partake in the bonuses.

  • Drug party

    Drug party

    •NDLEA’s efforts are yielding more results, with the arrest of 60 suspects at the occasion

    Drug party? Yes, drug party. That was what the organisers reportedly called what they held on June 28, at an apartment in Sun City Estate in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). Unfortunately for the organisers and their invitees, the information got to the least expected quarters; the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA). Expectedly, the agency’s officials swiftly moved in, stopped the party and arrested 60 suspects — 25 males and 35 females.

    NDLEA’s spokesperson, Femi Babafemi, said in a statement, “The suspects comprised 25 males and 35 females; they were arrested at an apartment in Sun City Estate in the Federal Capital Territory.”

    Even the theme of the party was scary. How many people would have attended a party dubbed: “Go hard or Go Home, Pick Your Poison”?

    Babafemi added that the raid on the venue followed credible intelligence about the party said to have been organised by one Stanley Ikechukwu, who was among the 60 suspects arrested.

    Different quantities of ecstasy and cannabis were allegedly found on six of the suspects arrested while the agency’s chairman, retired Brig. Gen. Buba Marwa, directed that 20 of them who tested negative for drugs be released unconditionally.

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    The six on whom drugs were found were: Victoria Adoga, Hamza Yari, Joanne Essein, Socchima Valentine, Jago Imole and Charles Indobuibisi.

    “Thirty-three others, who tested positive to illicit drugs, were to be released on bail and will report at the FCT Command of the agency on Monday to begin treatment and counselling,” the agency’s spokesman said.

    The drug party arrests would only be one of the strings of successes that the NDLEA recorded in recent times.

    On the same day, the agency also recovered about 40.32kg of Loud, an imported strong strain of cannabis, in a vehicle along Lekki-Ikoyi Road in Lagos State.

    According to Babafemi, the driver of the vehicle conveying the drugs jumped out and took to his heels after noticing that NDLEA operatives were on his trail.

    A day after the arrests at this Lagos incident, precisely on June 29, the agency’s men also arrested four suspects in a forest at Ugun, Igueben Local Government Area of Edo State. The suspects, Endurance Okon, 24, Joseph Michael, 23, Ovoco Bright, 43, and Goday Abanum, 23, were arrested “when NDLEA operatives raided and destroyed 18,632.22 kilograms of cannabis on a 7.452 hectares of farmland.”

    We commend the Marwa-led NDLEA for these strings of successes. We have seen a marked improvement in the anti-narcotic war since he assumed office in January 2021.

    We recollect the largest cocaine consignment haul it recorded in the agency’s history in February, 2024.

    The agency under Marwa had uncovered ‘419’ schools in several parts of the county where very young Nigerians are being trained on how to dupe people and commit all manner of internet frauds. The agency had busted several drug cartels. Now, it has added raid on drug party to its achievements.

    We urge the NDLEA not to rest on its oars. It should continue to make the country a ‘bad market’ for those who have chosen illicit drugs as their vocation.

    We commend, in particular, NDLEA’s carrot-and-stick approach to reducing the incidence of drug and drug addiction in the country. Even in the drug party incident, Marwa directed that suspects arrested who did not test positive to narcotics should be released unconditionally. In addition, the agency has intensified counselling as well as campaign against drug and drug addiction through its War Against Drug Abuse (WADA).

    This is the way it should be. Those who are ready to forsake drug addiction should be assisted to do so while those who are steeped in the economic benefits and are not ready to be reformed should get their due comeuppance. The drug problem compounds the security situation in the country and therefore deserves to be fought and defeated at all cost.

  • Heroic but sad

    Heroic but sad

    • A sad tale of what Nigerian graduates go through these difficult times

    Her story, heroic but sad, reflects the experience of thousands of Nigerian youths whose potential and life opportunities are stunted largely because of the ineptness, lack of vision and venality of successive administrations over the years. We refer to the unsavoury tale of Gloria Effiong Ekanem, a graduate of Animal Science from the University of Calabar who has had to resort to selling sachet water, soft drinks and biscuits on the streets of Uyo in Akwa Ibom State, 25 years after obtaining her university degree. According to a feature story in the Nigerian Tribune, Gloria, a 43-year-old mother of four said she took to hawking wares on the streets and on campuses of higher institutions to support her husband, a civil servant, in providing for their family.

    There are large numbers of graduates of our higher institutions who remain unemployed for several years after leaving school because of the protracted economic crisis that has made it impossible for an otherwise tremendously endowed country like Nigeria to provide jobs for her teeming youths. They are the victims of the large- scale corruption, monumental cost of governance, avoidable waste and inefficiencies that have been a common feature of governments at all levels in Nigeria.

    In Gloria Ekanem’s case, she has been unable to secure employment after graduation since the commencement of this democratic dispensation in 1999. What then do the often-touted ‘dividends of democracy’ mean to her and thousands of others in her situation? She told her interviewer that she wrote the recruitment examination for her state’s Fire Service but was not selected despite coming third. In another institution where she sought employment, Gloria said she was asked to pay N300,000 to get the job and rightly wondered where an unemployed person could raise such an amount. Again, these are hindrances faced by scores of qualified applicants in the country in their quest to be gainfully employed. When she eventually got a teaching job in a private school, she was forced to quit because of her paltry monthly salary of N20,000 despite her being a graduate, which was not reflective of the cost of living.

    Gloria’s story is, however, heroic because she refused to give in to despair, use her situation as an excuse to indulge in social vices or engage in criminality. Rather, armed with the sum of N10,000 raised for her by a relative, she started her sachet water, soft drinks and biscuits hawking business in 2022, enabling her to contribute to her family’s upkeep. Beyond this, she also engages in farming by the side, which helps to reduce her family’s expenditure on food. In her words, “I have a plantain farm and also a pineapple farm. So, most times, I make ‘gari’ from my cassava farm and keep in the house for my family and that is how God is sustaining us. If not, it would have been very difficult to feed six mouths with the increasing price of ‘gari”.

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    Gloria laments that the degree of modest profitability from her petty hawking business has declined sharply, especially given the current high inflation rate. According to her, “Fuel is the major problem we are facing in this country. If the price of petrol can be reduced. things will become better. The government should do everything possible to reduce the fuel price so that poor people can afford basic food in order to survive”.

    She is obviously echoing the view of millions of people struggling heroically to survive in difficult conditions, and this makes it imperative for government not to condone any excuses for our local refineries not beginning to refine and sell petroleum products according to schedule. Furthermore, it is obviously those in the category of Gloria Ekanem that should benefit from monetary transfers by governments to vulnerable Nigerians. But do these funds running into billions of Naira get to them? That is the critical question.