The nation’s political atmosphere may look somber, but the reality is the days of President Muhammadu Buhari in power are constitutionally numbered. By May 29, 2023, the president would vacate the seat for a successor. With the leading parties set to pick their flagbearers in a matter, 2022 becomes pivotal. In this piece, YUSUF ALLI, MANAGING EDITOR, NORTHERN OPERATION looks at the pretenders and contenders in the race to produce the next occupant of Aso Rock.
Former President Olusegun Obasanjo focused attention on the fact that the administration of President Muhammadu Buhari is winding down, when he declared on December 14th, 2021, that the president has nothing to offer anymore.
How do we prepare for post-Buhari? Buhari has done his best. My prayer is that God will spare his life to see his term through,” he said. “What should we do to make post-Buhari better than what we have now? That is our responsibility now, because it concerns all of us.”
Obasanjo’s comments is one of the most overt signlas that the race to install the next president is already engaged. Having had a hand in ‘installing’ and ‘rejecting’ successive administrations since 2007, it is uncertain if he and his ageing gang of powerbrokers will succeed in their twilight.
Just like him, former President Ibrahim Babangida in August 2021 tried set parameters for what the next president must possess. He said: “That is a person, who is very versed in economics and is also a good politician, who should be able to talk to Nigerians and so on. I have seen one, or two or three of such persons already in his sixties. Those are the major qualities the new Nigerian President must possess.”
FACTORS THAT WILL SHAPE 2023 PRESIDENCY
Some of the factors that will shape 2023 presidency include power shift, state of the economy, security challenges, religious balancing, a free and fair electoral system, age, mode of party primaries, voting strength of geopolitical zones and Buhari’s influence.
ZONING/ POWER SHIFT DEBACLE
With the North completing an eight-year tenure, the unwritten rule adopted over the years suggest a power shift to the South. Until the death of President Umaru Yar’Adua in 2010, the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party(PDP) religiously kept to power rotation between the North and the South from 1999 to 2007.
The alleged abuse of the Doctrine of Necessity by ex-President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015 to retain the presidency in the South made him to lose his re-election bid to President Muhammadu Buhari.
A Northern governor from PDP came out openly to accuse Jonathan of not honouring an agreement on power shift from the South to the North which brought him to power after Yar’Adua’s death.
Even after restoring the presidency to the North for eight years, parties, governors and key actors have been singing discordant tunes on whether power should shift to the South. Ambitious political leaders and presidential aspirants have also compounded the North-South zoning agitation by tilting arguments in their favour
The zoning debacle is further clouded by lack of consensus on which part of the South (South-West, South-East and South-South) should produce the next president.
For making Buhari’s victory possible, the Southwest has a sense of entitlement to get the presidential seat back. But the Southeast, which has not produced a civilian president since 1999, wants the ticket served a la carte.
Governor Okezie Ikpeazu says the Igbo deserve the presidential slot. Speaking at Aso Rock on Thursday, he said: “I think that Southeasterners have a right to take a shot at the Presidency of Nigeria and I dare say that our qualification starts from the fact that we understand and know Nigeria better than the other states of Nigeria. I dare say, this is my opinion. We go everywhere, we are everywhere, we invest everywhere, we are a pan-Nigerian people.”
For its part, the South-South, which lost power to Buhari in 2015 wants it back to sustain the age-long political ties between it and the North. In the Second Republic, the defunct National Party of Nigeria (NPN), which produced late President Shehu Shagari, was more at home in a North-South-South alliance than with any other part of the country.
While late Chief Obafemi Awolowo of the defunct Unity Party of Nigeria(UPN) held on firmly to his political fortress in the Southwest and Mid-West, late Nnamdi Azikiwe’s Nigeria Peoples Party(NPP) was in firm control of the Southeast.
But the 2015 general election changed the equation with a new romance between the North and Southwest riding on the political vision of former Lagos State Governor, Bola Tinubu and other progressives in the country. The same faith was extended to Buhari in 2019 when the South-South and the Southeast pitched tent with the opposition PDP.
Since July 6, 2021 when the Southern Governors Forum stirred the hornet’s nest and reopened debate on power shift, there have been varied arguments bordering on the constitutionality of zoning.
The drama is more interesting in the APC. Kaduna State Governor, Nasir el-Rufai, said his party has no rotational clause or power shift term in its constitution. But his Borno State counterpart Babagana Zulum argues it is morally trite to allow the South to take the presidential slot in 2023.
The PDP Committee on the Review of 2019 elections, headed by Governor Bala Mohammed also recommended in March 2021 that zoning be discarded.
The governor, who has now declared interest in 2023 presidential race, summarized the findings of his committee. He said: “In line with certain unwritten conventions of the nation’s history, many people think that, for fairness and equity, the North East and South East geo-political zones that have had the shortest stints at the presidency should be given special consideration in choosing the presidential flag bearer of the party for the 2023 elections,” Bala Mohammed said.
“While we admit that this is a strong argument, we should not lose sight of the fact that Nigeria is endowed with many capable and very experienced leaders in every part of the country. Moreover, the exigencies of the moment demand that nothing should be compromised in choosing the leader with the attributes to disentangle the country from the present quagmire.
“Therefore, we think that every Nigerian, from every part of the country, should be given the opportunity to choose the best candidate through a credible primary election, as a way of institutionalizing a merit-based leadership recruitment process, for the country.”
Until a palace coup ousted him, former National Chairman of PDP, Prince Uche Secondus and his National Working Committee (NWC) did not consider Mohammed’s panel’s report. It is still gathering dust on PDP’s office shelves.
For APC, there is no consensus yet on its position on zoning. The suspense over the party’s convention has been attributed to the delay in fashioning out modalities for navigating the situation.
A former Chairman of INEC, Prof. Attahiru Jega follows a different path. He asked Nigerians to forget rotational presidency. He said: “The way Nigeria is now, we need the best person with competence, capacity, experience to be the president to get this country out of the challenges we have presently. That person can come from the north, south, east or the west, but the important thing is that even if political parties decide that a candidate should come from a particular area, what we need to do is that Nigerians must interrogate the capacity of that person to lead this country appropriately.
“This idea of rotational presidency cannot take us out of the challenges we have in this country, presently.”
ECONOMY
The next president will not only shoulder Nigeria’s N38trillion public debts (inching towards N50trillion) but tackle 33.3% jobless rate; humanitarian crisis; poverty; corruption; bad roads; rot in education and health sectors and social problems.
So, will Nigerians demand a technocrat or an economist as their next president or the run-of-the-mill politician? Certainly, any aspirant with resourcefulness and capacity to find practical solutions to the myriad of problems facing the nation may appeal more to Nigerians than anyone mouthing his or her plans.
SECURITY CHALLENGES
The Boko Haram insurgency, banditry, attacks by gunmen have not only increased the cost of conducting elections, they have heightened fears over a free and fair poll in 2023.
Apart from states with perennial security problems, the Kano State Governor, Abdullahi Ganduje, a few days ago raised the alarm that bandits were massing in Falgore forest.
The insurgents and bandits have always targeted communication facilities which could hamper electronic transmission of results. This may be compounded by the government’s admission that about 301 out of the 774 local government areas in the country don’t have internet access.
The INEC National Commissioner and Chairman, Information and Voter Education Committee, Festus Okoye, said the country must break the circle of impunity, violence and identity theft to have peaceful polls.
Without doubt, the central theme of the 2022 /2023 campaign will be on how to end the lingering insecurity because Nigerians are looking for solutions to the siege.
Unless Buhari lives up to his promise to end terrorism and banditry before leaving office, the Achilles Heel of APC in 2023 might be the inability of its government to address the security stress nationwide.
VOTING STRENGTH LIKELY TO SHAPE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION/ALLIANCE
A group that has emphasized this is the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) which does not care if the next president comes from the North. Although the workability of the North-Southwest alliance in 2015 set a template for national unity, it also paved the way for a new electoral calculation which can make the North to retain power.
According to INEC voters demographic spread for 2019 poll, 84,004,084 registered with about 44,813,463 voters from the 19 Northern states and the FCT. The Southeast, with profound voter apathy as witnessed in the recently-concluded governorship poll in Anambra State has about 10,057,130 voters compared to the Southwest’s 16,292,212 and South-South’s 12,841, 279.
With the increasing activities of IPOB, the statistics makes any presidential aspirant from the Southeast politically vulnerable if he or she does not build bridges across the Niger. For any aspirant from the North-Central, the zone’s voting power of 12,021,214 may look attractive but the landscape is more heterogeneous than any geopolitical zone in the country. A source described North-Central as a “zone without meeting point.”
Addressing the inaugural edition of Maitama Sule Leadership Lecture Series, organized by the students wing of the Coalition of Northern Groups (CNG) at the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) Zaria, the spokesperson of the Northern Elders Forum, Dr. Hakeem Baba-Ahmed laid bare the voting strength factor.
He said: “We will lead Nigeria the way we have led Nigeria before; whether we are president or vice president, we will lead Nigeria. We have the majority of the votes and democracy says vote whom you want. Why should we accept a second-class position when we know we can buy forms and contest for first-class and we will win?
PARTY PRIMARIES
The fallout of the conduct of primaries in APC and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) (essentially the obvious party choices) might lead to realignment of political forces by aggrieved aspirants.
The battle for the souls of APC and PDP is still raging with the powers that be scrambling to hijack all structures ahead of 2023. In PDP, which just concluded a national convention, the party’s governors have retained the tradition of controlling the party structure to the discomfiture of some presidential aspirants.
In APC, the plot to outwit each other has made the Caretaker/Extra-Ordinary Convention Planning Committee shift the date for its convention in February. Yet, some forces are pushing for the conduct of primaries at all levels before holding the convention.
The politics of the primaries and the aftermath may force some politicians to dump their parties. A few others may stay put for sabotage if they lose out in the scheme of things. The development in the two main parties will define the 2023 race.
Having rejected the Electoral Act Amendment Bill because of the clause on direct primaries, the president has forced the parties to adopt indirect primaries, which may seal the fate of many aspirants at all levels. At the presidential level, the governors in APC and PDP may install their candidates as standard-bearers.
BUHARI’S INFLUENCE
Judging by the way he has been micro-managing APC from the Presidential Villa, Buhari is a strong factor on who gets his party’s presidential ticket this year. Unchallenged, he has unilaterally extended the tenure of APC Caretaker Committee and as the leader of the party, he is fully aware of where the party is headed.
All those seeking to lead APC have been heading for his doorstep, tapping his friends/ strategists for consideration. On the surface, he seems taciturn but those familiar with the inner workings of the Villa said the President knows those who will not succeed him.
There was a story of a former governor wielding influence to lead APC because of free cash at his disposal. When Buhari heard, he purportedly said: “That one…” The ex-governor has since toned down the tempo of his campaign because of the presidential signal.
Another former governor said: “Buhari will surely play a key role in the choice of a new chairman and the presidential candidate of the party. The truth is that every incumbent is always interested in his successor not only for continuity of programmes but not to rock the boat. The masses will, however, decide whether they like his presidential preference.”
The next few months will shed further light on what transpired between Buhari and some politicians during the negotiation for merger of political parties into APC. One former governor said there was “an understanding among stakeholders that power will shift to the South after Buhari’s tenure.”
THE AGE FACTOR
Young elements in different parties have been canvassing for a youthful president. However, the emergence of ex-President Donald Trump and President Joe Biden in the US, has thrown wrench in such arguments – showing that age is not always the most important factor in a democracy.
WHO DOES THE CAP FIT?
While awaiting the schedule of elections from INEC, a motley crowd of presidential aspirants is growing from the six geopolitical zones across party lines. While some are strong contenders, others are pretenders and a few clever ones bidding for other offices or only seeking attention with their aspiration.
The list includes Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, ex-Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Governors Kayode Fayemi, Yahaya Bello, Nyesom Wike, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, Bala Mohammed and Dave Umahi; Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi; ex-President of the Senate, Bukola Saraki; a former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Anyim Pius Anyim; ex-governors Ibikunle Amosun, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Sule Lamido, Peter Obi, Ahmed Sani Yerima, Ogbonnaya Onu and Orji Uzor Kalu.
Others are Rochas Okorocha; Minister of State for Education, Dr. Emeka Nwajiuba; a former CEO of Neimeth Pharmaceutical, Sam Ohuanbuwa; and a former Deputy Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria, Dr, Kingsley Moghalu.
A recurring name being propped up for the presidency is ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, who not unforthcoming on his plans.
YEMI OSINBAJO
The incumbent Vice President, Yemi Osinbajo, is yet to openly declare his ambition but he has not disowned all the groups pushing for him, including Osinbajo Grassroot Organization (OGO) which visited ex-President Ibrahim Babangida last week.
Although, he is a product of Tinubu’s political platform, Osinbajo has never been a politician until circumstances threw him up in 2015. During the countdown to 2019 election, he showed some traits of emerging a populist politician by selling politico-economic products like Tradermoni and Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT).
His marketing of some government’s micro-credit schemes earned him the wrath of some members of The Cabal, who decided to cut him to size when Buhari earned a second term ticket. He has retreated to the shadows.
His strength lies in his intellectual endowment, strong ethics, ability to appeal to and get backing from the Christian community in the country. His weakness is being perceived as something of a religious zealot – may be because he is a pastor.
So far, Osinbajo is an underdog and a David facing many Goliaths.
ASIWAJU BOLA TINUBU
A gifted leader whose ability for mentoring others is unequaled. He combines both political and economic vision judging by the sustainable development foundation he laid in Lagos. His political network is as huge as his large heart. Since 1991/92, he has been an issue in the nation’s political space.
He is also blindly loyal to a cause as he was to the late Chief M.K.O Abiola during the June 12, 1993 election crisis and Buhari in 2015 despite losing vice presidential ticket to intra-party conspiracy.
No Nigerian politician is as prepared for the 2023 presidential race as Asiwaju and key players in APC detected this early. This accounts for the desperation to stop him at all cost including alleged sponsoring of political rebellion against him in the Southwest; seizure of APC structure from him with the coup against ex-APC National Chairman, Comrade Adams Oshiomhole and the latest plot to retain presidency in the North. T
Though being ambushed everywhere, Tinubu has a can-do spirit which has made him to survive many tribulations including going on exile to be able to outlast the oppressive military regime of the late Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha and fight for the restoration of democracy in the country.
The body language of President Buhari will define to a large extent, the political journey of Tinubu in 2023. If APC allows power shift to the Southwest in the next dispensation, he is likely to be the candidate to beat. If the party decides otherwise, the former governor as a loyal party (he’s never been one to flit from platform to platform) man will sit with other leaders on how to address the challenge. Definitely, the Jagaban of Borgu has many battles to fight between now and 2023.
What is really between Buhari and Tinubu? Was there any unwritten or unseen agreement? The pioneer National Chairman of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) Rufai Hanga said there was an agreement which made Tinubu to support Buhari. In an interview with Daily Trust, he said: “This is an open secret. There was an implied agreement. Even in law, there is an implied and expressed act. If something is expressed, there are no two ways about it. There was an implied agreement that he would take over. That is why he didn’t back out after the first tenure. If Tinubu knew that he would not benefit, he would have backed out during Buhari’s first tenure. But he knows there was an agreement.”
ATIKU ABUBAKAR
Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar is aware he’s on the last lap of his political career. Since 1992, he has been a serial presidential aspirant and candidate. He emerged flagbearer of the defunct Action Congress in 2007, Northern consensus candidate for PDP presidential primaries in 2011; lost to Buhari at the APC primaries for the 2015 election; and was candidate of PDP for 2019 poll.
A cosmopolitan politician and a long distance runner, the 75-year old has a rich network across the length and breadth of Nigeria.
Atiku’s has two major hurdles to cross to get the PDP mandate for 2023. He needs to earn the confidence of the party’s governors, some of whom are aspiring to be president too. Atiku, who beat the governors to their game at the convention in Port Harcourt is now at their mercy for the next ticket. There were doubts that he can get the slot in view of the desperation of some governors.
Also, the zoning policy of the party may end his career. With the new National Chairman of PDP, Dr. Iyorchia Ayu from North-Central, the party may concede the ticket to the South. But if Ayu is prevailed upon to step down for a Southern chairman, Atiku will have to slug it out with Sokoto State Governor, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, former Senate President Bukola Saraki, former governors Sule Lamido, Rabiu Kwankwaso and other aspirants from the North who may emerge later.
IBIKUNLE AMOSUN
A political confidant of President Buhari, ex-Ogun Governor Ibikunle Amosun is secretly oiling his presidential ambition to the knowledge of members of the Aso Rock kitchen cabinet. A top source described him as “the most likely last joker of The Cabal if there is no other option.”
In the last few months, Amosun has been consulting some national leaders and party stalwarts, including some APC presidential aspirants. His attitude is that “it can be anybody, no animosity.”
Apart from coming from the same state with the Vice President, Amosun is not even in control of the party structure in Ogun State where Governor Dapo Abiodun has a grip.
Some strategists in the presidency expressed fears that “he might be difficult to sell to the people of the Southwest with Tinubu’s looming influence.”
But a reliable source said: “I think Tinubu and Amosun have reconciled their political differences. They are now on good terms. His quiet, achievements-oriented tenure and loyalty to the party after losing the party structure have endeared him to Buharists.
Going by nature of politics, Amosun is presently like a shepherd without flock. Yet, he is a dangerous underdog.
KAYODE FAYEMI
Ekiti State Governor, Kayode Fayemi, has grown from being a guerilla activist of NADECO era to one of the key players in Nigerian politics.
His rise to the office of the Chairman of the Nigeria Governors Forum(NGF) has earned him more mileage in terms of access to the powers-that-be and scheming in the Presidential Villa.
He is rated as one of those who has the ears of Buhari. The president reportedly developed interest in him for not taking bribes during the conduct of the 2014 presidential primaries. Not necessarily a member of The Cabal but he’s a rallying point with some of the bigwigs.
With June 18, 2022 for the election of his successor looming his time as governor is nearly up. It is widely believed he’s eyeing the presidency. But he has left all his supporters and admirers to read between the lines.
He has also made it clear in a recent interview that he is qualified for the job. He said: “I will like to think I have the requisite qualifications to be the President of Nigeria. ”
ROTIMI AMAECHI
A two-time Director-General of the APC Presidential Campaign Organization, Minister of Transportation, Rotimi Amaechi, is yet to declare interest in the 2023 presidential race but feelers indicate he is interested.
Besides regaining the APC structure in Rivers State to solidify his home front, Amaechi was a key force in setting up the Buni-led National Caretaker Committee of APC, especially the choice of the Secretary, Sen. John Akpanudoedehe, who is from the South-South with him.
Without declaring his interest, the rate at which many groups have floated structures for him in the 36 states and FCT is foretelling the battle ahead in 2023.
Amaechi’s greatest strength is his performance in office, especially railway development.
The challenges before Amaechi are the PDP and Wike’s threats in Rivers State and the zoning factor – especially the pressure by the North to retain power. His acceptance by the core north is an issue. Amaechi may end up with a vice presidential ticket depending on the disposition of the president.
BUKOLA SARAKI
Since 2011, Saraki has been trying to be Nigeria’s president. Twice he has failed to get the ticket. In 2011, he lost the bid to Atiku at the consensus level and in 2018, he came distant third behind Atiku at the Port Harcourt convention of PDP. He later became the Director-General of the PDP Presidential Campaign Organization for 2019 poll.
More than any aspirant in PDP. Saraki appears to be the early bird but he is a troubled leader because APC snatched his Kwara State platform from him in 2019 through ‘O To Ge’ revolution. He is no doubt distracted for the presidency in 2023. If Saraki is given a choice, he will want to regain Kwara from APC.
Notwithstanding, the ex-governor has built a bridge which has improved the political heritage from his father, whose presidential bids in the Second, Third and Fourth Republics crashed because of mistrust by the North.
A smart politician, Saraki’s setback, however, will be PDP governors who may not endorse him. Although Governor Seyi Makinde is actively supporting him, others are not too keen. He has to contest again for the ticket with some of those who defeated him in the past including Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal.
NYESOM WIKE
It is difficult to know the mindset of Governor Nyesom Wike, who has been speaking in parables of late. But he is one PDP’s influential governor with the party in his pocket. According to sources, Wike single-handedly shopped for and installed Iyorchia Ayu as the party’s national chairman.
There are speculations of Wike running a joint ticket as Vice Presidential candidate with Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal as PDP flag bearer.
Recently in Yola, Wike said: “I am not a supporter of those who are calling for zoning of the presidency. I am for those that are calling for good candidate that can bring this country together, and improve on the potentials that abound in both human and capital of Nigeria”.
But it will not be an easy ride for Wike in 2023 because of Amaechi’s rejuvenated machinery. As an outgoing governor, APC will capitalize on his leaking home. Wike had muzzled intra and inter-party opposition. This may be his undoing in 2023.
ANYIM PIUS ANYIM
A former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Anyim Pius Anyim, has proved all bookmakers wrong with his miraculous resurgence in the nation’s politics. And his push for presidential ticket is gaining momentum.
For a leader who has always depended on providence, Anyim cannot be underrated in any form. He is blessed with humility and a divine touch to follow his dream. He is not ready to waver on his ambition.
His advantages are his ability to speak truth to power and resist despotism. His weakness is making his ambition a quest for the liberation of the Igbo. He needs to operate within a national prism which he was known for as the President of the Senate.
He has a match in Governor Dave Umahi who he bankrolled but now eroding his empire. The ex-SGF is reorganizing PDP in Ebonyi State in a stifled environment.
RABIU KWANKWASO
Kwankwaso is an old political war horse who has a way of bouncing back into reckoning after defeat. In 2014, he came second with 974 votes to President Muhammadu Buhari’s 3,430 votes. But he lost Buhari’s favour for allegedly being so “daring.” He bolted to PDP in 2018 for greener pastures.
He was, however, defeated at the PDP primaries by Atiku who garnered 1,532 votes to his insignificant158 votes. Since 2018, he has restricted himself to the Kwankwansiyya movement in Kano.
Except for living on the old glory of backing by ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, Kwankwaso doesn’t have the sort of resources to contest the primaries. This is why he is preoccupied with rapprochement politics with his hitherto sworn enemies.
He does not have the support spread nationwide like when he was in power.
SULE LAMIDO
The ambition of a former governor of Jigawa State, Sule Lamido is taken with a pinch of salt due to his pariah political status. APC has not given him breathing space since he completed his tenure in 2015.
Presently standing trial for alleged N1.35billion fraud, the ex-governor has to remove the corruption yoke before moving to another level. PDP is unlikely to give him its ticket.
He is probably on the presidential quest to build up his confidence.
YAHAYA BELLO
An apostle of Not-Too-Young-To-Run politics, Governor Yahaya Bello’s presidential aspiration is seeing by many APC leaders as a consequence of youthful exuberance. Armed with a huge war chest, he’s an early starter who is trying to spread his political wings to all parts of the country.
His early unfolding of his presidential aspiration has however backfired with some forces conspiring against him.
Bello’s recent face-off with EFCC may hinder his ambition unless he gets reprieve from the court.
PETER OBI
Former Anambra State Governor, Peter Obi, was PDP’s vice presidential candidate in 2019. He is still interested in the race but says he does not want to jump the gun.
In spite of a recent invitation by the EFCC, Obi is trusted by many as an astute politician and shrewd manager of resources. His ongoing invitation by the anti-graft agency may slow down his aspiration.
AMINU WAZIRI TAMBUWAL
Sokoto State Governor, Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, is one of the top contenders for the PDP’s presidential ticket. A former Speaker of the House of Representatives, he lost the same prize to Atiku in 2018.
A political soul mate of Wike, Tambuwal enjoys the confidence of prominent Northern monarchs and progressive elements in the Southwest. He is a mix of conservatism and a bit of radicalism.
Tambuwal’s problem is impatience due to his overt presidential ambition. He has shifted political tent between APC and PDP since 2014 and the best he got was a gubernatorial offer.
BALA MOHAMMED
Governor Bala Mohammed is a cosmopolitan politician. He was in the vanguard of those who invoked the Doctrine of Necessity which led to the emergence of ex-President Goodluck Jonathan as Acting President in 2010 before winning the main election in 2011.
His strength borders on fairness and equity. He was careful in piloting the activities of the PDP Committee on the Review of 2019 elections which later claimed that zoning was unnecessary. There were speculations that he seized the advantage of the committee to lay the foundation for his aspiration.
Apart from his landmark achievements as FCT Minister, Bala was the first governor in the Northeast to domesticate Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act. He has a suspended case with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission(EFCC) which may be an issue during the campaign if he gets PDP ticket.
As a Fulani, his promotion of religious harmony between Muslims and Christians in the state has made him unique in a zone with religious fundamentalism problem.
During a Christmas celebration at the Government House in Bauchi, the Chairman Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Reverend Abraham Damina Dimeus, said the governor should forget about running for President. He said “Though we are ready to go with you anywhere you go, for now, we still need you to remain here in Bauchi State to complete the good job you started.
More aspirants may join the race and even more may drop out in coming weeks and months. But for now attention shifts to INEC to release the schedule of electoral activities for the 2023 poll.
