Category: Inside Africa

  • FULL LIST: Top 10 African countries with highest minimum wage in 2026

    FULL LIST: Top 10 African countries with highest minimum wage in 2026

    Minimum wage represents the lowest legal remuneration that workers can receive, intended to ensure they can meet basic living needs.

    Across many parts of the world, including Africa, employees often earn far below what is necessary for a decent standard of living.

    Nevertheless, several African countries have developed robust policies that prioritise worker welfare, guaranteeing fair compensation and providing a framework for improved livelihoods.

    Below are the top 10 African countries with highest minimum wage in 2026

     1. Morocco – Minimum Wage: $374

    Morocco tops the list with a minimum wage of about $374 per month, supported by a diversified economy spanning agriculture, manufacturing, and tourism. Strong trade links with Europe and the Middle East help sustain economic activity and worker incomes. GDP grew 4.4% in 2025.

    2. Mauritius – Minimum Wage: $371

    Mauritius offers one of Africa’s highest minimum wages at approximately $371.75 per month. The economy is underpinned by tourism, finance, and technology sectors, which support stable employment and higher wages. GDP grew 3.2% in 2025.

    3. Tunisia – Minimum Wage: $185

    Tunisia’s minimum wage stands at around $185.54 per month, with a mixed economy of agriculture, manufacturing, and services. Economic reforms and moderate growth help maintain this wage level. GDP growth was 2.5% in 2025.

    4. Algeria – Minimum Wage: $185

    Algeria’s minimum wage is about $185.25 per month, largely supported by oil and gas exports. Public sector wages and social programs also reinforce the minimum wage framework. The country recorded 3.4% GDP growth in 2025.

    5. Egypt – Minimum Wage: $149

    Egypt has a minimum wage of roughly $149.79 per month. The economy is supported by agriculture, industry, and services, with reforms aimed at boosting investment and employment. GDP grew 4.3% in 2025.

    Read Also: Nigeria calls for global economic reset

    6. Botswana – Minimum Wage: $142

    Botswana’s minimum wage averages $142.62 per month, backed by diamond-driven revenues. However, the economy experienced a contraction due to weak global demand. GDP contracted by −0.9% in 2025.

    7. Cape Verde – Minimum Wage: $139

    Cape Verde offers a minimum wage of about $139.41 per month, with tourism, services, and remittances driving the economy. GDP grew 5.2% in 2025, among the highest in the top ten list.

    8. Lesotho – Minimum Wage: $139

    Lesotho’s minimum wage is around $139.40 per month. The economy relies on manufacturing, agriculture, and remittances from migrant workers. GDP growth was 1.4% in 2025.

    9. Kenya – Minimum Wage: $118

    Kenya’s minimum wage stands at approximately $118.20 per month. A diversified economy driven by agriculture, manufacturing, and services supports employment and wage floors. GDP grew 4.8% in 2025.

    10. Mozambique – Minimum Wage: $104

    Mozambique has a minimum wage of about $104.92 per month, reflecting its lower-income status. Investments in agriculture and energy are helping the economy gradually expand. GDP growth stood at 2.5% in 2025

  • Press freedom, intelligence power, and Nigeria’s democratic signal to West Africa

    Press freedom, intelligence power, and Nigeria’s democratic signal to West Africa

    By Ademola Oshodi

    West Africa’s democratic breakdowns have increasingly followed a predictable sequence. Civic space narrows, dissent is reframed as a security problem, and coercive institutions begin to set the boundaries of permissible speech long before constitutions are suspended. 

    In that context, the decision by the Nigerian National Committee of the International Press Institute to confer a Press Freedom Commendation Award on the Director-General of the Department of State Services, Mr. Oluwatosin Ajayi, deserves attention beyond the familiar cycle of praise. 

    The award provides a lens for assessing how Nigeria is governing the relationship between intelligence power and democratic accountability, and what that posture signals about Nigeria’s leadership and soft power diplomacy in West Africa.

    The International Press Institute, founded in 1950 and headquartered in Vienna, operates as a global network of editors, media executives, and senior journalists focused on press freedom and the rule of law. Its national committees, including Nigeria’s, are designed to scrutinise state conduct where security power intersects with civic space.

    When such a body recognises the head of a domestic intelligence service, the recognition functions as a public judgement about institutional behaviour. It is an assessment that an institution traditionally associated with secrecy and coercive authority has exercised restraint, legality, and dialogue in its engagement with the press.

    This framing matter because West Africa’s democratic stress has increasingly been shaped by the securitisation of governance. For instance, in Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Niger, intelligence and military establishments became arbiters of political order long before coups were announced. Civic space narrowed early, and the press faced pressure as a precursor to broader democratic reversal. The erosion of press freedom in these contexts accompanied the securitisation of governance and the narrowing of civic space under the pretext of national survival.

    Against this backdrop, the leadership approach adopted by the Department of State Services under Mr. Ajayi represents a deliberate departure from a regional pattern that treats the media as an adversary to be contained. Since his appointment in August 2024, the DSS has recalibrated its engagement with journalists and media organisations, emphasising dialogue over intimidation and lawful process over discretionary force. The IPI’s citation explicitly notes this shift, describing an “unmistakable commitment to press freedom and respect for journalists and media organisations.” Such language is not casually deployed by an organisation whose legitimacy rests on scepticism toward state power.

    The significance of this recognition extends beyond domestic governance. Nigeria’s foreign policy posture in West Africa has historically relied on normative leadership as much as strategic capacity. Whether mediating political crises, enforcing regional protocols, or advocating constitutional order within ECOWAS, Nigeria’s influence depends on credibility. That credibility weakens when internal security institutions are perceived as instruments of repression or political management. When intelligence authority is aligned with constitutional limits and civic rights, Nigeria’s position strengthens in regional diplomacy because credibility becomes easier to defend.

    From the perspective of international diplomacy, intelligence governance has become a determinant of trust. This is where soft power diplomacy enters the analysis. Soft power depends on perceived legitimacy, institutional discipline, and the coherence between domestic practice and external advocacy. Foreign governments, multilateral institutions, and international media organisations assess how Nigeria’s security agencies interact with civil society and the press, because those interactions reveal the operational meaning of democratic commitments. An international press freedom commendation directed at an intelligence leader therefore affects Nigeria’s reputation in a measurable way: it provides an external reference point that can be cited in diplomatic engagement, cooperation frameworks, and narrative competition across the region.

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s public endorsement of the award reinforces this link between institutional conduct and democratic identity. By encouraging other security agencies to emulate the DSS approach under Mr. Ajayi, the Presidency situates press freedom within a wider governance agenda, with consequences for Nigeria’s external posture. Nigeria’s regional advocacy for constitutional order requires internal consistency, because West African audiences evaluate Nigeria’s arguments through Nigeria’s behaviour. Nigeria cannot plausibly argue for the restoration of constitutional order in neighbouring states while tolerating practices at home that mirror the very abuses it condemns.

    There is also an operational logic that connects press freedom to intelligence effectiveness. Open media ecosystems surface grievances, corruption risks, social fractures, and local conflict dynamics that formal reporting channels often miss. When journalism is suppressed, state agencies lose information density and reduce their capacity for anticipatory analysis. When journalism is respected within the law, intelligence assessment gains an additional layer of societal visibility. Press freedom therefore supports democratic accountability and improves situational awareness for security planning.

    Read through this lens, the IPI commendation of the Director-General of the DSS is evidence of an institutional posture that understands security as a protector of democratic order. In a West African environment where security institutions increasingly claim political guardianship, such an example carries regional relevance. It offers a counter-model to the securitised governance frameworks that have normalised coups and civic repression under the banner of stability.

    The future of democracy in West Africa will be shaped by how intelligence power is exercised, restrained, and held accountable. Nigeria’s ability to project influence, mediate crises, and sustain diplomatic authority depends on this balance. This award matters because the conduct it highlights has consequences that extend beyond one office and one event. It is a statement about institutional choice, democratic intent, and the kind of leadership Nigeria seeks to project in a region searching for democratic bearings.

    -Oshodi is Senior Special Assistant to President Tinubu on Foreign Affairs

  • FULL LIST: Nigeria, Egypt, Algeria, others top African countries with strongest naval fleet in 2026

    FULL LIST: Nigeria, Egypt, Algeria, others top African countries with strongest naval fleet in 2026

    African naval capabilities often receive less scrutiny than land and air forces, yet maritime power across the continent is steadily advancing. With thousands of kilometres of coastline and sea lanes critical to global commerce, coastal states have expanded their fleets to defend territorial waters, protect offshore assets and curb piracy.

    From the Mediterranean corridor to the Gulf of Guinea, naval forces are playing a growing role in strengthening maritime security and underpinning economic stability. Governments have invested in platforms and surveillance systems aimed at securing borders and safeguarding natural resources.

    Modern African navies now extend beyond conventional defence roles. They support trade protection, conduct sea patrols, escort commercial vessels and participate in multinational exercises that foster regional cooperation and peacekeeping.

    Global Firepower’s 2026 naval assessment indicates that several African countries operate increasingly capable fleets, including submarines, offshore patrol vessels and advanced monitoring systems configured for both combat readiness and search-and-rescue operations.

    Here are the top 10 African countries with the strongest naval fleets in 2026:

    1. Nigeria – 152 naval vessels (22nd globally)

    2. Egypt – 149 naval vessels (23rd globally)

    3. Algeria – 111 naval vessels (34th globally)

    4. Morocco – 100 naval vessels (38th globally)

    5. South Africa – 63 naval vessels (52nd globally)

    Read Also: 2,000 doctors shut out of housemanship yearly, MDCN tells Senate

    6. Tunisia – 37 naval vessels (61st globally)

    7. Mozambique – 36 naval vessels (62nd globally)

    8. Angola – 32 naval vessels (65th globally)

    9. Kenya – 27 naval vessels (72nd globally)

    10. Eritrea – 23 naval vessels (76th globally)

  • New pan-African podcast explores how women are driving reforms in law

    New pan-African podcast explores how women are driving reforms in law

    A six-part series hosted by Adelle Onyango on the Legally Clueless platform has sought to explore how women in law are driving reform, shifting institutions, and building intergenerational solidarity across Africa.

    Partnering with Legally Clueless, “Difference She Makes” will launch a bold new six-part podcast series that centres on a critical truth: when women lead in law, societies change.

    The weekly series brings together leading women legal voices from Kenya, South Africa, and Nigeria to explore how justice evolves in real life and what it takes to make reform credible, inclusive, and lasting.

    The series also moves beyond legal theory to examine law as a lived system shaped not only by constitutions and policies, but also by culture, relationships, workplace realities, and intergenerational leadership.

    Across six episodes, the podcast would highlight the practical levers that shape institutional change, from strategic litigation and professional ethics to movement building, legal leadership, and the everyday ways women are expanding access to justice.

    Guests on the series include Anne Ireri, outgoing Chief Executive Officer, Federation of Women Lawyers in Kenya (FIDA Kenya); Zikhona Ndlebe, lawyer and researcher (South Africa);

    Ruth Tanui, Founder and Managing Partner, Ruth Tanui and Co. Advocates; and Natasha Ali Errey, Advocate of the High Court of Kenya, Chairperson, Mombasa Law Society and LSK Coast Branch, who is also Vice Chair, Chairs’ Caucus (LSK); Chairperson, Ethics and Practice Time Committee, East Africa Law Society.

    Others are Odunoluwa (Odun) Longe, Partner and Co-Founder, TLP Advisory, and Sibongile Ndashe, Founder and Executive Director, Initiative for Strategic Litigation in Africa (ISLA).

    The series would be hosted by Adelle Onyango, an acclaimed Kenyan media personality, social activist, and entrepreneur recognized by global gender equality platforms, including UN Women.

    Onyango’s leadership reflects a core premise of the series: storytelling shapes who is seen as credible, whose work is valued, and how societies imagine justice, leadership, and power.

    “This series is much more than women succeeding in law,” said Adelle Onyango.

    “It is about what happens when women are trusted with power; when their voices shape institutions, culture, and the future of our societies.”

    Olivia Maina of “Difference She Makes” said: “It reflects a core truth across Africa: reform only becomes real when women are part of shaping, interpreting, and sustaining it.

    “By bringing together women across generations and legal traditions, the podcast shows how progress is built cumulatively.

    “At ‘Difference She Makes,” we see this as an essential step toward justice systems that are credible, inclusive, and future-ready.”

    Episodes would be aired every Friday for six weeks on Legally Clueless platforms, supported by a coordinated multi-country amplification campaign across Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa.

  • Adeboye outlines actionable framework for structured youth inclusion

    Adeboye outlines actionable framework for structured youth inclusion

    The International Forum for Peace and Diplomacy (IFPD) convened its Council of Emissaries Assembly on 27 January, bringing together senior envoys and stakeholders to deliberate on strengthening global peacebuilding, diplomacy, and multilateral cooperation.

    Discussions at the Assembly placed strong emphasis on the evolving role of young people as strategic partners in peace, governance, and sustainable development, particularly in regions facing demographic growth, economic transition, and complex security challenges.

     Participants underscored the need to move youth engagement beyond symbolic representation towards deliberate, policy-driven inclusion within diplomatic and peace frameworks.

    During the Assembly, Ambassador (Dr.) Alan Peter Adeboye, Special Envoy on Youth Affairs, presented a clear Youth Action Agenda aimed at institutionalising youth participation across peace and diplomatic processes. 

    Read Also: Adeboye attributes life, ministry to God’s mercy

    The agenda prioritises structured youth inclusion in decision-making, expanded capacity-building and leadership development programmes, increased youth participation in policy dialogue and conflict prevention initiatives, and the creation of cross-border youth networks to promote innovation, dialogue, and social cohesion. 

    Emphasis was placed on transitioning from ad-hoc youth initiatives to formal mechanisms with measurable outcomes, accountability, and long-term sustainability.

    The Assembly further highlighted the importance of aligning youth-focused interventions with broader international peace, security, and development objectives, while strengthening partnerships among governments, multilateral institutions, civil society organisations, and the private sector to maximise impact.

    Concluding deliberations reaffirmed the position that sustainable peace and effective diplomacy are unattainable without the intentional, strategic, and sustained inclusion of young people. 

    The IFPD Council of Emissaries reiterated its commitment to advancing youth-centred frameworks that translate dialogue into concrete action and long-term societal resilience.

  • Keyede Heidel-Ajakaiye champions African animation through foundation

    Keyede Heidel-Ajakaiye champions African animation through foundation

    Keyede Heidel-Ajakaiye, a Nigerian raised Visual Artist based in Canada, is steadily carving a niche at the intersection of visual art, photography, and animation advocacy.

    She is using her foundation, The Colored Anime, to support young African animators and expand the continent’s storytelling footprint on the global stage.

    Keyede is a professional artist and photographer who studied at the Vancouver Institute of MediaArts, following earlier years of living and studying in Calgary. 

    She is also an abstract expressionist painter, working with diverse media to translate inner imagination into vivid forms and colours. 

    Her multidisciplinary approach, shaped by a deep love for music, dance and the tranquillity of nature, continues to inform both her personal practice and her philanthropic vision.

    “I’ve always enjoyed art in general and I’ve always been interested in art forms and animation,” she said in a recent media chat. 

    “Music, movement and nature bring a sense of peace that reflects in how I approach my creations.”

    Her professional creative business dates back to 2021, while The Colored Anime Foundation was established in 2024. 

    Though relatively young, the foundation has already made a notable impact within the African animation ecosystem, most prominently through its partnership with the Africa International Film Festival (AFRIFF), where it sponsors the animation category for the second consecutive year.

    Keyede explained, “For me, it still goes back to what my basis is for starting the foundation in the first place. 

    “I see a lot of animation globally, but I didn’t necessarily see a lot of Africans doing it. 

    “When I looked closer, I realised there are Africans,  and specifically Nigerians, who are interested in animation. What they need is support and encouragement.”

    Through AFRIFF, The Colored Anime provides not only cash prizes but also skills development opportunities for award winners, a combination Keyede believes is crucial to nurturing sustainable creative careers.

    She said, “I just wanted to see if I could come in and give a little bit of support and encouragement in my own little way.”

    At the heart of her advocacy is a strong belief in the untapped potential of African storytelling. 

    According to her, animation offers a powerful medium for translating indigenous narratives into formats that resonate across generations.

    “I feel like African storytelling is a space that hasn’t really been tapped into,” she noted. “If you look at the Japanese style of anime or how other cultures animate their stories, they draw deeply from their history. We have that depth of story from our ancestors, but we’ve never really zoomed into it.”

    She added that animation could bridge generational gaps. “Kids obviously like watching animation, and adults like it too. If the stories reflect who we are as Africans, it makes them more relatable and engaging.”

    On what distinguishes a promising animator, Keyede emphasised a balance between creativity and technical execution. 

    She said, “There are two definitive things I look out for: creativity and storytelling, and audio production. 

    “If you don’t have great audio, no matter how good your story is, it takes people out of it. And if the audio is great but the storytelling isn’t, it still won’t work.”

    Music, particularly Afrobeat, also plays a significant role in her creative philosophy. “Music conveys emotion,” she said. “Sometimes you don’t even need words. Movement and music can speak louder than actual conversations.”

    Looking ahead, she remains cautiously optimistic about the future of animation in Africa, noting that growth will require patience and sustained investment. 

    “It’s not going to happen overnight,” she said. “We need more effort and more resources for it to work.”

    On whether government or private investors should lead the charge, Keyede believes both have a role to play. 

    She said, “Either one works. They just have to see the potential and zoom out to understand where it can go. If they don’t, even if the creators are talented, it won’t thrive.”

    Technology, she added, will only be transformative if matched with genuine support for creators. 

    “No matter how much talent there is, if the resources and encouragement don’t get to the creator, it won’t pan out,” she said.

    Keyede has been involved with AFRIFF since 2024, making this her second year supporting the animation category. 

    While she leaves impact assessment largely to her management team, she draws encouragement from the enthusiasm surrounding the awards.

    She said, “When I see how excited people are that there is an actual category for animation, it makes me happy. It helps creatives feel seen and encouraged to keep going.” 

    Some of the past winners from the categories that Keyede has sponsored are Dami Solesi, the Creative Director of Smids Animation Studios, and Adeoye Adetunji of 2thpick Art, who won the awards for best animation in 2024 and 2025, respectively. 

    Her advice to emerging African creatives is rooted in adaptability and conviction. 

    She said: “Always be open to learning new techniques and striving to be better.

    “Be open-minded, but also know when to stand your ground.”

    As The Colored Anime continues to grow, Keyede Heidel-Ajakaiye’s vision remains clear: to help African stories find animated life and to ensure that young creatives receive the encouragement and tools they need to bring those stories to the world.

  • Command intent to coordinate roll out of digital regulation

    Command intent to coordinate roll out of digital regulation

    • By Kike Gbajumo

    Nigeria’s first encounter with the digital frontier of finance was reactive rather than strategic, expressed through episodic controls instead of institutional design. That era of “episodic constraint” and “shadow regulation”—through circulars restricting bank and telecommunications access—has given way to a comprehensive legal and regulatory framework grounded in statute, fiscal oversight, and coordinated supervision. In its place, a new architecture of “sustained supervision” is being bolted together. But as any witness to the grinding gears of bureaucracy knows, the distance between enacting a law or promulgating regulations and a functioning system on the street is measured in friction, deadlines, and the cold reality of the calendar.

    By formally bringing virtual asset regulatory coordination under tax administration by the future of Section 79 of the Nigeria Tax Administration Act 2025, the authorities have made a pragmatic calculation: digital assets are now too economically material to ignore. It is the classic sequence of power—first, you make the market observable; only then can you hope to stabilize it. Once observability is established, regulatory pressure typically shifts toward market hardening rather than suppression. But visibility is a double-edged sword. While the Securities and Exchange Commission has seen its jurisdiction clarified and constrained by Section 79, what emerges by statutory design is a model of “distributed supervision,” in which no single agency has eyes on the whole board. In such a system, coordination moves from being a nice-to-have to the difference between a functioning market and an administrative breakdown. What this architecture now requires is not further policy elaboration, but clear command intent to ensure that agencies whose mandates intersect act in sequence rather than at cross-purposes.

    The pincer movement

    It is against this backdrop of fragmented authority and tightening timelines that regulatory measures have begun to stack. The true story of this stage of the reforms is therefore in the dates. In effect, we have been witnessing a pincer movement, as fiscal, market-supervisory, financial-access, and security pressures converge under overlapping and time-bound regulatory calendars.

    On January 16, 2026, the Securities and Exchange Commission issued Circular No. 26-1, materially raising the cost of entry into Nigeria’s digital asset market. Minimum capital requirements for Digital Asset Exchanges and custodians now stand at ₦2 billion, with a compliance deadline of June 30, 2027. Operators must recapitalise, consolidate, or exit.

    This hardening coincides with parallel domestic and international pressures. Nigeria was removed from the FATF Grey List on October 24, 2025, following implementation of a 19-point action plan, but with continuing obligations to strengthen monitoring of virtual asset transactions and inter-agency intelligence coordination. At the same time, banks face a March 31, 2026, recapitalisation deadline under the Central Bank of Nigeria, while a December 2025 Memorandum of Understanding with France’s DGFiP underscores the growing international coordination of digital tax enforcement.

    The ghost in the machine

    The tragedy of poorly coordinated reform is that it doesn’t explicitly address the ghosts in the bureaucratic machine. These include procedural gaps and conditionalities that sit outside the direct permitting pathway. Consider the virtual exchange that clears the SEC’s ₦2 billion hurdle, only to find that banks refuse to host their accounts because CBN has not lifted the ban prohibiting banks from hosting accounts. A licence from the SEC risks becoming operationally meaningless if the banks, wary of risk and waiting for a “comfort” signal from the Central Bank isn’t forthcoming with the license. This is where the coordination imperative becomes a matter of survival. Fortunately, the Central Bank of Nigeria is a critical agency in regulating virtual assets.

    Agencies such as the National Communications Commission (NCC) are not. They do not have direct oversight of virtual assets, but they play a key enabling role. Telecommunications pathways—the digital arteries that allow a customer to reach a platform—are pivotal. Unlike banks, which are regulated directly by the CBN—making the lifting of restrictions on bank accounts largely self-enforcing—the restriction on telecommunications access requires devolved action by the NCC, following direction from the wider security and financial-integrity apparatus.

    The tax authorities, the securities regulator, the banks, and the telcos, therefore, need to move in a single, synchronised formation. Without this, the reform risks losing credibility. In a low-trust environment, gaps where an activity is legal in law but blocked by infrastructure are read by the market as a lack of institutional will, even where policy intent exists. Coming on the back of the controversy over the proper passage of the tax reform statutes and the MOU with France, getting this part of the operationalisation of Section 79 to roll out without a glitch is essential.

    The final countdown

    Calendar and coordination now converge, creating their own urgency. The foundational laws are—however controversially—on the books, and institutions are adjusting to the new Section 79 reality. What remains unannounced is the institutional mechanism to operationalise that coordination, even as sectoral reform implementation reaches a critical point in banking, capital markets, and international fiscal cooperation. Capital is being raised, and external scrutiny has intensified. But the final test will be found in whether a newly licensed digital firm can actually open a bank account and reach a customer via the internet. Coordination has become an essential condition for credibility. With overlapping regulatory calendars now in motion, the space for informal sequencing narrowed materially when the Nigeria Tax Administration Act came into force.

    Since the formal lifting of CBN restrictions in late 2023, Nigeria has enacted at least three major pieces of legislation incorporating digital assets into multiple regulatory and fiscal regimes. Capital gains taxation, securities licensing, financial and compliance reporting, and revenue-led coordination are now grounded in statute. Yet despite this legislative momentum, residual access constraints have persisted in practice. The result has been a prolonged and expensive period of legal limbo for compliant operators, including firms admitted into regulatory pilot programmes, even as unregulated actors continue to serve the market. This divergence underscores what challenges remain. Simply put, it is the alignment of execution.

    Ultimately, the Gordian Knot here is not legal but coordinative. The policy intent is clear, the statutory foundations are in place, and the relevant institutions are aligned. What remains unresolved is the authority to translate that intent consistently across organisational boundaries at a moment when mandates overlap, and institutional incentives diverge. In such moments, Nigerian reform has historically moved fastest when clear presidential direction reinforces sequencing and inter-agency alignment. Where the Commander’s intent is understood, execution follows.

    – Kike Gbajumo, a Crypto Analyst, writes from Lagos

  • Aremu to deliver keynote address at Africa Unity for Renaissance conference

    Aremu to deliver keynote address at Africa Unity for Renaissance conference

    The Executive Director of Research Enterprise Systems (RES) Professor Fatai Aremu is set to deliver a keynote address at Africa Unity for Renaissance Conference (AURC) in South Africa.

    The conference scheduled for February 24 in Pretoria, South Africa, will bring together leading scholars, policymakers, heads of think tank institutions and innovation stakeholders from across Africa and beyond.

    The invitation extended to the erudite political and development scholar by the Human Sciences Research Council (HRSC), organisers of the conference, underscores Aremu’s influence and contribution to Africa’s research and policy ecosystem.  

    The 2026 AURC is with the theme “Harnessing Digital Technology and Artificial Intelligence for Sustainable Development in Africa,” resonating  with the robust, intellectually stimulating conversations over the past decade about the impact of digital technologies and artificial intelligence on African societies.

    According to HSRC, the theme reflects the urgent need to strategically leverage digital technologies and artificial intelligence (AI) to drive inclusive economic growth, strengthen governance, and address Africa’s development challenges.

    As a keynote speaker, Professor Aremu is expected to contribute to high-level conversations on the policy, infrastructure, ethical considerations and practical applications of digital technology and AI in Africa’s sustainable development agenda.

    Read Also: Seven weakest currencies in Africa in January 2026

    His participation at the event strongly aligns with RES’s mission to advance evidence-based research, innovation, and policy engagement at national, regional, and continental levels.

    RES views this invitation as a strong affirmation of its commitment to research excellence, global collaboration and thought leadership, particularly in emerging areas such as digital transformation and artificial intelligence for development.

    RES is a pan-African leader in knowledge, innovation, and impact, empowering  decision-making through policy advising, strategy development, and capacity building for public, private, and civic sectors.

  • Seven weakest currencies in Africa in January 2026

    Seven weakest currencies in Africa in January 2026

    Africa’s weakest currencies are assessed by their exchange rates against the United States dollar, offering a snapshot of economic pressure across the continent and highlighting countries grappling with currency fragility.

    These rankings are subject to change, driven by inflation, currency devaluation and economic or political shocks, particularly in countries heavily dependent on imports for essentials such as fuel, food, medicines and industrial machinery.

    However, if current trends of marginal improvement persist, it could ease inflation, boost consumer confidence, and open the door for interest rate cuts by central banks.

    Using the Forbes currency calculator, here are seven African countries with the weakest currencies this month.

    1. São Tomé & Príncipe – The country holds the weakest currency on the continent, with the São Tomé & Príncipe Dobra trading at 22,282 to the US dollar.

    2. Sierra Leone – The Sierra Leonean Leone stands at 20,970 per dollar

    3. Guinea – The Guinean Franc follows with a rate of 8,700 to one US dollar.

    Read Also: FULL LIST: Top 10 African countries with largest military aircraft fleet as of January 2026

    4. Madagascar – The Malagasy ariary is the currency of Madagascar with a rate of 4,483 to one US dollar.

    5. Uganda – The Ugandan Shilling trades at 3,541 per dollar, placing the country fifth on the list.

    6. Burundi – The Burundian Franc is valued at 2,938 per US dollar.

    7. Tanzania – The Tanzanian Shilling is exchanging at 2,548 per dollar

  • FULL LIST: Top 10 African countries with largest military aircraft fleet as of January 2026

    FULL LIST: Top 10 African countries with largest military aircraft fleet as of January 2026

    African countries are stepping up investment in aerial defence in 2026, with air power increasingly emerging as one of the continent’s most decisive military assets.

    In regions where conflicts can erupt rapidly and national borders span vast distances, air assets provide speed, reach and deterrence beyond the capacity of ground forces alone.

    From counter-insurgency operations to regional peacekeeping missions, military aviation has moved to the centre of national security planning across the continent.

    Against this backdrop, Egypt, Algeria and Angola have emerged as Africa’s leading air powers in 2026, according to the Global Firepower Index, reflecting how sustained investment in aircraft fleets has become a key measure of military influence.

    Global Firepower assesses a country’s total air service strength in its annual rankings, covering fixed-wing and rotary-wing aircraft operated by the Air Force, Army Aviation, Navy and Marine units.

    The inventory includes fighter jets, interceptors, training aircraft, transport planes, helicopters, bombers, ground-attack aircraft and special-mission platforms, while aircraft still under development or on order are excluded from the assessment.

    Below are the African countries with the largest military aircraft fleets:

    1. Egypt (1,088)

    Egypt operates Africa’s largest and most formidable military aircraft fleet, ranking ninth globally with 1,088 aircraft. Its air force forms the backbone of national defence, built on decades of sustained investment and strong military partnerships with the United States, France and Russia. The fleet includes advanced platforms such as F-16s, Rafales and MiG-29s, alongside attack helicopters and transport aircraft. Given Egypt’s strategic position linking the Middle East, North Africa and the Red Sea corridor, air superiority remains central to its security doctrine.

    2. Algeria (620)

    Algeria ranks 16th worldwide with 620 military aircraft, cementing its status as one of Africa’s leading air powers. Its fleet is largely shaped by Russian military hardware, including Sukhoi fighter jets, MiG aircraft and advanced air defence systems. Between 2018 and 2022, Russia accounted for about 73 per cent of Algeria’s arms imports. Air power is critical to securing Algeria’s vast territory, protecting energy assets and sustaining regional balance across North Africa and the Sahel, with the air force playing a key role in surveillance and counterterrorism along its lengthy borders.

    3. Angola (278)

    Angola fields 278 military aircraft, placing it 35th globally. Much of its air capability stems from Cold War-era acquisitions, mainly from Russia and former Soviet allies. The fleet comprises fighter jets, transport planes and helicopters deployed for territorial defence and internal security. Angola’s air force reflects long-term military investment shaped by decades of civil conflict and post-war stabilisation efforts.

    4. Morocco (271)

    Morocco ranks 37th globally with 271 military aircraft, boasting one of Africa’s most modernised air forces. Close defence cooperation with the United States and European partners has strengthened its fleet, which includes F-16 fighter jets, transport aircraft and surveillance platforms. Air power is central to Morocco’s security strategy, particularly amid tensions over Western Sahara and its wider regional ambitions.

    5. Sudan (183)

    Sudan holds 183 military aircraft, ranking 47th worldwide. Its fleet, largely sourced from Russia and China, includes fighter jets, attack helicopters and transport aircraft. Historically, the air force has played a major role in internal conflicts, border disputes and troop mobility across Sudan’s expansive terrain. However, prolonged political instability, sanctions and ongoing conflict have affected maintenance and operational readiness, even as air power remains vital to its military structure.

    Read Also: Five strongest currencies in Africa as of January 2026

    6. South Africa (181)

    South Africa ranks 48th globally with 181 military aircraft. Once home to one of the continent’s most advanced air forces, its current fleet includes Gripen fighter jets, transport aircraft and helicopters. The air force remains central to peacekeeping missions, disaster response and regional security operations conducted under the African Union and United Nations frameworks.

    7. Nigeria (159)

    Nigeria operates 159 military aircraft, ranking 54th worldwide. The Nigerian Air Force has expanded in recent years to support counter-insurgency campaigns against Boko Haram and other security threats. Its fleet includes fighter jets, attack helicopters, drones and transport aircraft acquired from the United States, China and Europe. Air power remains critical to Nigeria’s internal security strategy, given its size, population and complex security challenges.

    8. Tunisia (155)

    Tunisia ranks 56th globally with 155 military aircraft. Though relatively small, its air force is strategically focused on border security and counterterrorism. Tunisia relies heavily on partnerships with the United States and NATO allies for training, equipment and intelligence support. The fleet consists mainly of light aircraft, helicopters and limited combat platforms, playing a crucial role in monitoring the Libyan border and supporting internal security operations.

    9. Kenya (154)

    Kenya fields 154 military aircraft, placing it 57th worldwide. Its air force underpins regional security operations, particularly against militant groups in Somalia. The fleet includes fighter jets, helicopters and surveillance aircraft, largely obtained through Western defence partnerships. Air power enables rapid troop deployment, intelligence gathering and maritime patrols along Kenya’s Indian Ocean coastline.

    10. Ethiopia (104)

    Ethiopia ranks 70th globally with 104 military aircraft. Its air force, one of the most experienced in the Horn of Africa, has been shaped by decades of regional conflicts. The fleet comprises fighter jets, transport aircraft and helicopters, mainly sourced from Russia and Eastern Europe. Though smaller in size, it remains central to internal security operations and border defence.