Category: Law

  • Court restrains telecoms giants over citing of base stations

    Court restrains telecoms giants over citing of base stations

    In a victory for environmental activists, the Federal High Court in Lagos has restrained telecommunications giant, MTN Nigeria Communications Plc and its associate, ATC Nigeria Wireless Infrastructure Ltd, from overcrowding the environment with base stations.

    ATC is a fully-owned subsidiary of the U.S.-based American Tower.

    The order is to subsist pending the determination of the motion on notice for interlocutory injunction.

    Justice Y. Bogoro initially issued the order on November 21 and reaffirmed it on December 7 when the case numbered FHC/L/CS/2359/2023 came up for hearing.

    HEDA Resource Centre is a civil society group active in promoting sustainable development and protection of the environment.

    In what it termed a public interest case, it had sought an injunction to stop MTN and ATC from citing new base stations where there are already existing ones in close proximity. 

    It cited health and environmental concerns.

    Justice Bogoro upheld the prayers of the plaintiff/applicant, the Incorporated Trustees of the HEDA Resource Centre.

    He ordered ATC and MTN (fourth and fifth) defendants, together with their “servants, agents, privies and/or assigns from commencing, continuing or completing the construction or erection or installation of any base trans-receiver stations/towers/masts (BTS) within close proximity to IHS’ existing BTS or operating any BTS within close proximity to IHS’ existing BTS pending the determination of the motion on notice for interlocutory injunction.”

    The judge also ordered the “fifth defendant (MTN) whether by its servants, agents, privies and/or assigns from moving, relocating, transferring any of its telecommunication equipment to any BTS site being or that has been constructed, erected or built by the fourth defendant (ATC), which is in close proximity to the IHS’ existing BTS pending the determination of the motion on notice for interlocutory injunction.”

    The order effectively puts on hold the implementation of the relocation of 2,500 towers project from IHS to ATC announced by MTN until the court further hears from the parties on February 14.

    In the later proceedings on December 7, the counsel to MTN Nigeria, Prof Fabian Ajogwu (SAN), moved a motion to set aside the ex-parte order.

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    He filed a further affidavit and reply to HEDA’s counter-affidavit.

    Counsel for ATC, Nicholas Okafor of Udo Udoma & Belo-Osagie, sought to move his preliminary objection which he filed the previous day.

    However, the court did not hear it as there was no proof that the motion was served on the plaintiff/applicant or any other party.

    HEDA’s counsel, Mr Kunle Adegoke (SAN), urged the court to direct all parties to maintain status quo ante pending rulings.

    Justice Bogoro directed counsel to all the other parties to prevail on their clients on the need to maintain the status quo.

    Ajogwu argued that he is law-abiding but HEDA’s counsel responded that the concern is not with counsel but their clients – MTN and ATC – who the NGO suspects are going on with work despite the injunctive order.

    The hearing was subsequently adjourned till February 14.

    According to Adegoke, the ruling is in favour of people’s health and environmental sustainability.

    He noted that these are the major reasons the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) and the National Environmental Standards and Regulations Enforcement Agency (NESREA) established a set of guidelines for the location of base stations.

    He explained that going by the ruling, the ex-parte injunctions subsist, at least, till February 14 when the court is expected to rule on the pending motions. 

  • Lagos judges on vacation

    Lagos judges on vacation

    • By Elizabeth Eze

    The Chief Judge of Lagos State, Justice Kazeem Alogba has approved December 22 to January 1 as Christmas and New Year vacation for judges of the state judiciary.

    This was contained in a public notice signed on his behalf by the acting Chief Registrar of the State Judiciary, Tajudeen Elias.

    The statement said the vacation was approved by the Justice Alogba pursuant to the order of the High Court of Lagos State Civil Procedure Rules 2019.

    The statement said work will resume on Tuesday, January 2, 2024.

    It stated: “It is hereby stated for general information that the Chief Judge of Lagos State, Honourable Justice Kazeem Olanrewaju Alogba has, pursuant to Order 49 Rule 4(c) and 5 of the High Court of Lagos State (Civil Procedure) Rules – 2019, approved that Friday the 22nd day of December 2023 to Monday the 1st day of January 2024 shall be the year 2023 Christmas vacation period. 

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    “Please note that the court will resume work on Tuesday, the 2nd day of January, 2024. 

    “Arrangements for dealing with urgent causes during the Christmas vacation are that each judge shall deal with all urgent applications related to any substantive cause already assigned to him/her. Any urgent application, (the substantive cause of which has not already been assigned) will be dealt with by the judge to whom the application is specifically assigned. 

    “Notwithstanding the provisions of Order 49, Rule 4 (supra) any cause or matter may be heard by a Judge during the period of the Christmas vacation where such a cause or matter is urgent, provided that the conditions prescribed by Order 49 Rule 5 (supra) shall be observed and complied with”, the statement stated.  

  • ‘How America’s complex judiciary works’

    ‘How America’s complex judiciary works’

    Prof. Noah A. Rosenblum of the New York University School of Law, at a briefing hosted by the New York Foreign Press Center, breaks down the complex American judiciary. United States Bureau Chief OLUKOREDE YISHAU reports.

    U.S. court system

    There is no such thing as the single U.S. court system. There are several court systems, plural, and they intersect at various points. The critical distinction to keep in mind is that between state courts and federal courts. Federal courts are courts whose authority ultimately flows from the government in Washington, D.C. They trace their legal existence back to the United States Constitution and to laws passed by the Congress. So for example, the United States Supreme Court, which is often described in the newspapers, is a federal court. It sits in Washington, D.C. It is created by Article 3 of the United States Constitution. The Supreme Court is the court of last resort in the entire federal system. 

    State and federal courts

    State courts, on the other hand, trace their authority to the government of the state of which they are a part – not the United States Constitution, but to that state’s constitution. So, for those of you who are in the room with me right now, we are in New York State, right? The highest state court in New York is not the United States Supreme Court – that’s a federal court – the highest New York State court is the New York Court of Appeals. That court sits in Albany, and it is – it traces its existence to the New York State Constitution. Weirdly, in New York, there is a court known as the Supreme Court, but the New York Supreme Court is not the highest court for New York. In fact, it’s one of the lowest courts. It’s the general trial court. It’s the court of general jurisdiction. 

    Okay, so key point, right – state courts and federal courts are different. They have different rules, they have different powers, they trace their authority to different sources, they have different judges, and they are part of different systems. 

    But state courts and federal courts are not completely isolated. As I said a minute ago, they intersect at various points. So, this gets us into the complicated question of how the two systems relate to each other. In fact, they have a bunch of overlap, which can make things very confusing. As a threshold matter, state courts and federal courts have overlapping jurisdictions. Nearly every square foot of U.S. territory falls in the jurisdiction of both the state court system and the federal court system. So here, in this building, we are in the jurisdiction both of the Southern District of New York, which is a federal court, and the New York County Supreme Court, which is a state court. 

    Also state courts and federal courts can apply the other system’s law. The exact circumstances in which they do this are complicated, but state courts can apply federal law, and they do it all the time, and federal courts can apply state law, and they do that all the time, too. 

    However, this is not true of every legal issue. There are some legal issues that are exclusively creatures of federal law and some issues that are exclusively creatures of state law, and there are some cases in which you have to be in a federal forum. So, for example, if you’re a business that declares bankruptcy, you have to go to federal bankruptcy court. There is no state bankruptcy court. There is no state bankruptcy law, only federal law. Same thing with immigration law or matters of military justice, right? If those are the legal issues you’re dealing with, you must be in a federal forum. 

    On the flipside, federal courts are courts of limited jurisdiction. Basically, the way you should think about it is that in general – your default place is going to be a state court. You need a special reason to go to a federal court; you need a special hook to be in a federal court. If you don’t have the hook, your only option is to go to a state court. State courts, by contrast with federal courts, are courts of general jurisdiction. 

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    So as a result of this, of the fact that state courts are courts of general jurisdiction and you need a special hook to be in a federal court, the vast majority of cases are heard in state courts, not federal courts. So, there’s something like 300,000 civil cases filed last year in the federal court system in 2022, according to the Federal Judicial Center. By contrast, there were more than 700,000 cases in – civil cases filed in New York State alone, according to the Court Statistics Project. 

    Number of state courts

    The state court numbers are hard to track down for a variety of reasons… There were more than two times as many cases, civil cases, filed in New York State Court alone – just New York State, more than two times as many civil cases – than in the entire federal system. And that discrepancy is even greater when it comes to criminal cases, because federal criminal law is much smaller and more limited as compared to state criminal law. 

    Circle back to what I said a minute ago, about the fact that you need a special hook to get into federal court, right. Your default forum is going to be a state court, unless you have a special reason to be in federal court, which means that as a legal matter you can’t be in federal court unless Congress has passed a special law authorizing you to be in federal court, but the United States Constitution limits the kinds of matters that Congress can legislate on. Moreover, federal courts have interpreted the Constitution to put additional limits on what it is that federal courts can do, regardless of what it is that Congress might say. 

    Advisory opinion

    Federal courts are not allowed to issue what are called advisory opinions, interpreting a law before it goes into effect. But state courts, on the other hand, might be allowed to do that. You have to go state by state to figure that out. 

    As a general matter, federal courts will hear cases about matters that cross state lines or that affect the whole country, but not much more than that. State courts will hear almost everything else, so most criminal law will be state court, although some big drug cases that involve crimes that cross state lines will be in federal court. Similarly, most tort claims, like defamation, will be heard by state court, although in very unusual circumstances you might be able to bring your case into federal court. 

    Okay, two last things to keep in mind on this score. First, since each court can apply the other’s law, the forum often matters less for the law than for the things like personnel and procedure that the choice of forum get you. So suppose that your defamation case is being heard in state court. Because each court gets to apply the other court’s law, just because you’re in a state court doesn’t mean federal law doesn’t apply. You don’t lose your federal constitutional rights just because your defamation case is being heard by a New York State court. Because federal law is supreme, state courts have to follow federal law, even if there’s a conflict between that state’s law and the federal law, okay. 

    And the second thing to keep in mind is that you can often pull a case from one forum to another forum. In particular, if a case involves a federal issue, than even if you begin the case in state court or even if the case is heard in the state court system, you might be able to pull it into a federal court, maybe right at the beginning if the real issue is a federal legal issue, or at the very end of the hearing by an appeal to a federal court to get the federal legal issue heard. 

    How the systems are organised

    Each court system is different, but they all have the same general structure. So in general, the U.S. court systems have some kind of a trial court, and then you have at least one appeal as of right to an appellate court, and then maybe you get another appeal or maybe not. And in the final instance, if there’s a federal issue, you can get that case taken to the U.S. Supreme Court. 

    Okay, that’s a little bit abstract. Let’s make it more concrete. So here in New York, like I said, the lowest general trial court is known weirdly as the New York Supreme Court. So, if you commit a felony to a serious crime or if you’re one big business and you’re suing another big business, that’s where your case is going to start, in New York Supreme Court. And if you’re here in the room with me, the New York Supreme Court that we would go to is the Supreme Court for New York County down at 50 Center Street, downtown. 

    Now you should know that there are some other trial courts below New York Supreme Court in New York State that are special for certain small issues, like a small civil case for example, like a small claims case or something like that. But basically, your court of general jurisdiction is New York Supreme. 

    All right, from New York Supreme you have one appeal as of right to the appellate division. For historic reasons, in New York State, the appellate division court is technically known as the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court, which is a little confusing, but whatever; welcome to New York. The appellate division in New York State is divided into four different geographic departments. Each department covers a different part of the state. Here in New York County, your appeal goes to the first department. And whereas at New York Supreme your case was heard by a single judge, at the appellate department – or excuse me, at the First Department of the Appellate Division, your case is going to be heard by a panel of five judges who are drawn from all the judges who sit on the First Department Appellate Division. 

    After that court hears your case, you’re probably done. But you can try to appeal to the highest court in the state, the New York Court of Appeals. That court has seven judges, they sit in Albany, New York, the chief judge is Rowan Wilson. But in New York, our highest court has what’s called a discretionary docket.

    They don’t have to hear every case that you try to appeal to them; you have to ask them for permission, and they have to decide whether or not to hear your case. But not every state has a discretionary court of last resort. That’s just true for New York State. 

    Whether the New York Court of Appeals takes your case or not, that’s the end of the line for your case unless there was a matter of federal law embedded somewhere in your case. If there was, then you can try to get your case appealed to the United States Supreme Court, but they will probably say no. The United States Supreme Court also has a discretionary docket, and they only hear something like 70 cases a year, and they’re not supposed to hear cases that have already been decided on independent and adequate state grounds. In practice, in the last few years the United States Supreme Court has taken barely any cases out of the state court system. They mostly take their cases from the federal court system. 

    So, like the state court system, the federal system starts with the general trial courts. Those courts are called district courts, and as I mentioned a little while ago, the lowest district court is known as the Southern District of New York, here in New York City, where we are right now in this building. Just as with the state court system, there are some courts below the district courts that work in partnership with it, like magistrate judges and bankruptcy courts, but we can talk more about those later if you’re interested. 

    Just as in the state system, in the federal system you have one appeal as of right. Those appeals go from the district courts to the United States Circuit Court of Appeals. And just as with the New York State system, the circuit courts of appeals are divided geographically across the whole country, for the most part. There are 12 geographic circuits. There is one special circuit known as the federal circuit, which doesn’t have geographic jurisdiction, it has thematic jurisdiction. So, the federal circuit takes, for example, all intellectual property cases, all patent cases. Those go on appeal to the federal circuit. 

    Okay. And just as in the state system, at the appellate level your case is heard by a panel of judges. First it goes to a panel of three judges, and then if you don’t like the answer you can try to get it heard by the rest of the judges on that circuit court in a process known as en banc review. Here in New York State, in New York City, you would go from the Southern District of New York to the Second Circuit Court of Appeals, and you could then try to get en banc review from the second circuit. 

    Okay. Finally, you can petition the Supreme Court to hear your case if you’re already within the federal system. Since you’re already in the federal system, that means there is definitely some kind of a federal hook, so you probably don’t have to worry about whether the Supreme Court has jurisdiction to take your case. Like I said, they will probably say no because they only hear 70 cases a year. 

    Two systems 

     The reason we have two systems in the United States is because we don’t think of ourselves as having a single sovereign. There are two sovereigns. And if we think about different kinds of especially criminal legal matters, what we’re dealing with in a philosophical way is an offense against the sovereign. The ultimate sovereign is the people, but when you commit a crime, you may have violated federal law, in which case you committed a crime against the United States, but you may have also violated state law, in which case you committed a crime against the state.  

    And so, each of those sovereigns has an independent interest in seeing its law enforced. So, if you have committed a single act but the act offends two different sovereigns, then there are two different wrongs that trace back to the same act. 

    And if you want to think about it conceptually, right – if I commit fraud, so this is – would be civil as opposed to criminal, but if I commit fraud against you in a single act, I may nevertheless have violated many of your interests and caused many different wrongs at the same time. And so you might want to vindicate those different wrongs even if they all trace back to a single transaction. 

    So that’s sort of like the quick answer about why the system allows this. It gets more nuanced and complicated because there are questions about when jeopardy attaches, and there are disagreements among law professors over whether this kind of subsequent prosecution for the same act should be allowed or not. But what I’ve just given you is the kind of philosophical explanation and the underlying legal explanation for why we allow it. 

    The last thing you asked about is a little bit different, though, which is about how sentencing works, and in the United States sentencing and guilt are separate from each other. So, the sentencing phase of a trial follows upon the guilt phase of a trial, and there are different considerations that attach. So, you can have concurrent sentences, but you can also stack them and have cumulative sentences, and that question is independent from the question of the double jeopardy – like the prosecution in two different court systems. So even in a single court system, a judge could decide that you need to serve your sentences concurrently or cumulatively even if that’s just a state sentence. 

    Training and selection of judges 

    The selection of judges in the federal system and state system is radically different, and the question of training is also really different. It’s hard to speak about the state system as a whole because there is no state system, right, there are 51 – at least – different state judge systems, the 50 states plus the District of Columbia. Territorial judges are a whole separate issue; military judges are a whole separate issue. Territorial and military judges are technically federal, but okay. And D.C. judges are complicated because the District of Columbia is a federal territory, but it’s organized sort of like a state system. 

    Each of the state judicial systems has a different way of going about selecting its judges. As you alluded to, the vast majority of state court judges are elected. So, we can say that as a general matter state judges are often elected, but how the elections work are really different state by state. In some states the judges run for election across the whole state. I can’t remember if any states have partisan judicial elections where you run as a Democrat or Republican, but in a lot of cases even if its nonpartisan people know that you are sort of connected to a party. 

    In New York state, even though you get to vote for your state judges, the judges are selected by the parties before the election, and that party selection happens through judicial delegates who you vote for at a different election, and then the delegates come together to select the judges. So you don’t get to vote for somebody who has campaigned across the state the same way that you vote for governor, so even there the election is actually – looks a little bit different. And in New York State, not all of the judges are elected. The supreme court judges are elected. The appellate division judges are selected by the governor from the elected judges at supreme court, and the judges on the highest court, the New York Court of Appeals, are selected by the governor from a short list produced by an independent nominating commission whose members are made up of gubernatorial and state legislature appointees. Right, so it can get really complicated really quickly. 

    Federal selection procedure 

    The federal selection procedure though, that’s very different and we all know about that because it’s in the Constitution. The President nominates an individual who then must be confirmed by the Senate, and that’s true for judges to the district courts, to the circuit courts of appeals, and to the United States Supreme Court. There are lots of other considerations that go into that. So for example, there are all kinds of informal procedures that allow states – that allow senators to block the nomination of judges to the district court, more complicated for the appeals court, not allowed at the Supreme Court level. The Senate has changed its rules around the filibuster to make it impossible to filibuster Supreme Court nominees, but I think you can still filibuster district judges, although actually I can’t remember that. Somebody who’s a real law professor should double-check that one. 

    But none of that is in the Constitution, right? Those are all just norms about how the Senate rules operate. Same thing with the blue slip process. So that’s like a whole separate thing to talk about. But as a general – oh, and then the last thing is that federal judges have life tenure. So once they’re on the bench, they are in that position as long as they’re not impeached until they decide to resign or until they die. Their salary cannot be diminished while they’re in office, and no mandatory retirement. Whereas state systems each do their own thing. 

    Term limits

    Many state judges have term limits. So if you’re on the New York Court of Appeals, you’re there for a 14-year term, not for the rest of your life. If you’re on New York Supreme Court, I think it’s a 10-year term. Meanwhile, many states have mandatory retirement. So in New York, when you hit 70 years old, regardless of how many years you have left in your term, you have to retire, although you can ask for a special dispensation. 

    So very different, very different in the kinds of personnel that end up operating those systems, right? If you’re – if you’ve got life tenure and if you want to entrench your ideology in the judiciary, you nominate really young judges with the expectation that they will be there for many decades. And indeed, it’s routine in the federal system to see people serve for 20 years, 30 years. Whereas in the state system, if you’ve got mandatory retirement at 70 and you serve a 10- or 14-year term, yeah, sure you can nominate somebody who’s 60 years old. You don’t get any – if you’re trying to entrench your political party in charge, there’s no benefit to nominating a 30-year-old. They’ll still do the same 10-year term. So big differences there. 

    There’s a sociological difference too, but I’ve already gone on too long on that question, so I want to say something brief about the other two points. So is there overlap? Some, but not as much as you might think. And that’s a bit about the sociological point. In general, state judiciaries are perceived to be less prestigious than the federal judiciary. 

    National legal elites 

    In general, national legal elites in the United States tend to be nominated to federal positions, and in general, you see fewer national legal elites within the state system. That’s not universally true. So the chief judge of the New York Court of Appeals Rowan Wilson is by any description a national legal elite. He graduated I think from Harvard Law School, he was a partner at Cravath, which is one of the most storied firms in American legal history, and he clerked for federal judges, which makes him look very much like the kinds of judges that you would see in the federal system. Similarly, the judge that I was a law clerk for, Judge Rivera, was a law clerk to Sonia Sotomayor, who is now a Justice on the United States Supreme Court. So very much like the federal system. 

    But historically – and again, in people’s perception, I think this is bad. I’m not endorsing this. I’m just describing it. And I’ll just reiterate that I’m not an employee and I certainly don’t represent the position of the United States on this one. You’re just getting Professor Noah Rosenblum’s hot takes. But I think the – and like I said before, I think this is terrible. I think our state judiciaries are critical and they don’t get the respect that they deserve. But there’s a perception that they are less prestigious than the federal judiciary. 

    So there are lots of cases of state judges who are then nominated by the President to the federal judiciary and leave the state court system to become federal judges. Judge Ed Wesley was a judge on the New York Court of Appeals, the highest state court judge, and he was picked I think by President George H.W. Bush, although maybe it was W. Bush, to become a judge on the Second Circuit. I think President Donald Trump similarly nominated a judge from the Texas Supreme Court to become a Fifth Circuit federal judge. So that happens. 

    The reverse happens less frequently – that a federal judge leaves the federal bench to become a state court judge, although there are some interesting examples. So Judge Caitlin Halligan, who is now a judge on the New York Court of Appeals, had been nominated to be a D.C. Circuit judge, was not confirmed, and then became a judge on the New York Court of Appeals. Similarly, I think in California, Judge Goodwin Liu had been nominated to a federal judgeship, was not confirmed, and then became a judge on the California Supreme Court. 

    Election of judges 

    We have an incredibly powerful and partisan judiciary in the United States at the federal level even though our judges are not elected. So you said to me, Noah, hey, doesn’t the election of judges contribute to creating a partisan judiciary? And I push back and say, actually, when you have nomination by president and confirmation by senate, you can have an incredibly partisan judiciary. So it’s not obvious that election is the reason why the United States judiciary is so different from judiciaries in other countries. 

    I think a better explanation is in most other countries the way you become a judge – and I’m speaking to foreign journalists so you guys know this better than me – is through a separate professionalized training process. So I think in Germany, for example, the way that you become a lawyer is different from the way you become a judge. But in the United States we have a single, unified bar. So the way you become a judge is the same way you become a regular lawyer. And then in order to become a judge having been a lawyer, you have to participate in this partisan political process, right – nomination by president, confirmation by senate. And there’s a whole informal process that has been around since the 19th century in which state – in which senators, who are often connected to their political parties within their home states, vet and select the nominees for those offices. So whether you have election or nomination, if the selection of judges happens through a political process, and if you give a lot of political power to judges, you’ll have a really partisan judiciary. 

    In the 19th century, the judiciary was if anything even more partisan than it is today. So federal judges routinely weren’t just members of political parties; they actually ran presidential campaigns. So Judge David Davis, who became a Supreme Court justice, he got there because he was Lincoln’s campaign manager when President Lincoln was running for office, right? Where else in the world do you become a Supreme Court justice having been a campaign manager? Similarly, there was a prominent 19th century district judge who had been Stephen Douglas, the Democratic candidate’s right-hand guy, and he did that while he was also a federal judge. And there was nothing wrong about that. People were very open about how once they become judges, they would remain in partisan political activity. 

    District attorneys 

    District attorneys are separate because they are elected, right? And they are elected as part, in most states, of a political process. But again, you have to go state by state. So district attorneys are often elected, but in some states the attorney general is elected, and in other states the attorney general is appointed. 

    In the federal system, the U.S. attorneys are appointed, and there’s much – there’s a much longer tradition there of nonpartisanship. So the federal Department of Justice, probably since the very beginning but certainly since the late 19th century, has been very professionalized along administrative lines in a way that’s very different from many of the state systems. In general – there are exceptions obviously – but it is not uncommon in the United States for people to run for district attorney as part of their political rise to then want to become governor, right, or do some other partisan political position. That’s much less frequent in the Department of Justice and especially for the lawyers right below the United States attorney, the career civil servants in the DOJ.  

  • Arase: revolutionising Police Service Commission

    Arase: revolutionising Police Service Commission

    • By Zayd Ibn Isah

    The Police Service Commission was established as an executive body for the Federation of Nigeria under Section 153 of the 199 Constitution and the Police Service Commission (Establishment) Act 2001. 

    Its core duties, as enshrined in the constitution, include the appointment and promotion of persons to offices other than the office of the IGP, which is exclusively at the prerogative of the President.

    Additionally, the Commission has the authority to dismiss and exercise disciplinary control over all persons except the Inspector-General of Police, formulate policies and guidelines for the appointment, promotion, discipline, and dismissal of police officers, identify factors inhibiting or undermining discipline in the police force, and formulate and implement policies aimed at the efficiency and discipline of the Nigerian Police Force. 

    The Commission also performs such other functions to ensure the optimal efficiency of the force and carries out such other functions as the President may, from time to time, direct.

    The objectives of the Commission are to make the relationship between the public and the police one of trust and confidence instead of suspicion and indifference.

    However, despite its enormous functions of oversight over the Nigeria Police Force, the Commission has faced and continues to face several challenges. 

    Some of these challenges include inadequate funding and poor conditions of service.

    There is also the problem of mutual suspicion between the Commission and the Police Force, which has been a recurring issue until Dr Solomon Arase came on board. 

    He has been discharging his duties tirelessly to ensure that the relationship between the Police Service Commission and the Nigeria Police Force is transformed from that of distrust and suspicion to mutual reliance and cooperation for the good of the nation.

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    However, Dr. Arase’s assumption of the role as Chairman of the Police Service Commission was initially met with mixed reactions. 

    He stepped into the position at a time when the Commission’s staff were already fatigued by the retired police officers who had, at one point in time or the other, headed the establishment. 

    With the exception of the pioneer Chairman, Simon Okeke, all other chairmen had been retired police officers. 

    As such, some of the ccommission’s staff held the opinion that a retired police officer might consistently favour the police in decision-making and not fulfil oversight functions in line with the constitution’s letter and spirit.

    Fast-forward to this present day, and Dr. Arase has shown with his performances that what the commission needs is someone with stellar records of service to pilot its affairs. 

    Even those who expressed their concerns and doubts have had no choice but to key into his agenda, seeing that he actually desires the best for the commission.

    The first decision that Dr. Arase made on assumption of office was to move the Commission from the Federal Secretariat to its own headquarters. 

    Construction of the commission’s corporate headquarters was initiated in 2012 and completed in 2019, but abandoned until Dr. Arase came on board.

    Being at the helm of the commission’s affairs, he made sure that the building would be used for the purpose it was built, even at personal expenses. 

    In his quest to increase the productivity of the Staff of the Commission, he also embarked on rounds of training and retraining in partnerships with local and foreign agencies. 

    Additionally, in the area of conditions of service of staff of the commission, he has been meeting with stakeholders to discuss how the welfare of the staff of the commission can be improved for optimal performance. 

    These and others, he has done in less than one year in office.

    The 2023 Police Service Commission’s annual award and end-of-year party was recently held at the commission’s corporate headquarters in Jabi with much pomp and pageantry. 

    The event was well attended by the crème de la crème of both the public and private sectors, including Chief Okeke, who graced the occasion with his beautiful wife, Ambassador Vivian Okeke.

    It has become customary for both public and private sectors to host end-of-year events to not only assess their gains and losses but also celebrate hardworking staff, boosting morale and serving as wake-up calls to employees on the value of hard work and professional excellence.

    The commission had its maiden edition of the award ceremony last year, but what makes this year’s award historical and unique compared to the previous edition is that the commission held it for the first time at its corporate headquarters since it was founded more than two decades ago. 

    This milestone was due to the initiative of Dr. Arase.

    Even Chief Okeke could not hide his admiration, remarking on how things had drastically changed within a short period of time. 

    He expressed surprise during his first visit to the corporate headquarters, questioning whether this was the commission he pioneered as its chairman, given the mighty edifice and serene working environment. Recounting his experiences, he mentioned that when the then-president inaugurated him into office, the Commission had nothing to call its own. 

    He emphasised that there was no chair, table, or recognisable working space, but presently, the story has changed for good.

    Ultimately, there is no denying the fact that the vision and mission of the PSC¼s boss is to reposition the commission so that it can carry out its core duties effectively. 

    What he only requires is unalloyed support from stakeholders to ensure that an efficient and effective Police Service Commission is better positioned to function for the good of the nation.

    • Isah can be reached at lawcadet1@gmail.com  
  • Taming the menace of ex-parte orders

    Taming the menace of ex-parte orders

    The National Judicial Council (NJC) has had cause to sanction judges who did not exercise proper discretion in granting ex-parte orders, which are made without waiting for a response from the other party to a case. The political crisis in Rivers State has again brought to the fore the need for judges to exercise caution in granting orders in which those affected are not heard or put on notice, writes Assistant Editor ERIC IKHILAE

    As the political crisis in Rivers State remains unabated, law experts argue that the December 12 ex-parte ruling by Justice Monina Danagogo of the High Court of Rivers State has further compounded an already difficult situation.

    The development has reignited the call for stiffer sanction for judges found to have abused the exercise of their judicial discretion by granting frivolous ex-parte injunctions.

    The smouldering political crisis assumed a more intense dimension last week with the latest intervention of the Judiciary on December 12.

    The Rivers State House of Assembly has remained unstable since late October when the House issued impeachment notice on Governor Siminalayi Fubara.

    The House was subsequently polarised, with 27 of the 32-member Assembly, acting in opposition to the Governor, with four, led by Edision Ehie, supporting Fubara.

    A section of the House of Assembly building was set ablaze on the night of October 29.

    The next day, Ehie, who was the majority leader of the House, was sacked on the allegation that he knew about the fire that destroyed part of the Assembly complex. The proceeding was supervised by Martin Amaewhule and Dumle Maol as Speaker and Deputy Speaker.

    Before the sun could set on Ehie’s suspension, about eight members of the House announced the sack of Amaewhule and Maol. They later announced Ehie as the Speaker.

    Shortly after he was made Speaker, Fubara issued a directive, relocating the sitting of the House to allow for the renovation of the burnt structure.

    The 27 members, led by Amaewhule, rejected the Governor’s directive, describing it as an attempt by Fubara to muzzle the legislative house. They vowed to continue to conduct legislative business with the Assembly complex.

    But, in a bid to prevent the Amaewhule-led faction of the Assembly from carrying out it’s threat, Ehie filed a suit before the High Court of Rivers State.

    He accompanied the suit, marked: PHC/3030/CS/2023 which he filed in his name and that of the state Assembly, with an ex-parte application, seeking interim injunctive reliefs against Amaewhule and other defendants in the suit.

    On December 12, Justice Danagogo heard the ex-parte application and issued restraining injunctive reliefs against Amaewhule and others.

    Justice Danagogo recognised Ehie as the Speaker and restrained Amaewhule and Maol from further parading themselves as Speaker and Deputy Speaker or interfering with the activities of Ehie as Speaker of the Assembly.

    The judge cautioned the defendants against using thugs and policemen to forcefully access the Assembly complex.

    The December 12 ruling by Justice Danagogo emboldened Ehie to conduct proceedings with just four members, with the exclusion of 27 others, believed to be close to Wike.

    Defectors’ seats declared vacant

    At a sitting of the House supervised by Ehie on December, 13 the Assembly declared vacant the seats of the 27 members, who announced their defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).

    Also on that day, the four-member Assembly, led by Ehie, argued that the decision to declare the seats vacant was in compliance with Section 109 (1) (g) and 2 of the Constitution.

    Ehie, who read the names of the lawmakers affected, urged the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to conduct fresh elections within the time frame provided by law to fill “the vacant seats.”

    On the same say, Fubara presented the 2024 budget of N800billion before the five-member Assembly, an Appropriation Bill the Governor signed the next day.

    On the same December 14, while Fubara was assenting to the Appropriation Bill, the other 27 members, led by Amaewhule were also conducting legislative businesses on behalf of the state.

    By a motion unanimously adopted, the Amaewhule-led faction converted the auditorium of the House of Assembly to its chamber in view of the demolition, which was carried out the previous day by Fubara.

    The 27 lawmakers condemned what they described as the heartless and brazen demolition of the legislative complex by the governor without their approval or knowledge.

    In another motion sponsored by 26 members and moved by Ofiks Kabang, representing Andoni constituency, the legislature urged the Federal Government, the Inspector-General of Police (IGP) and the international community to beam their searchlight on the alleged constant attack by the state Executive on the Legislature.

    They passed the Rivers State House of Assembly Funds Management (Financial Autonomy) Bill, 2023 and the Rivers State Local Government Law, No. 5 of 2018 (Amendment) Bill, 2023 into law.

    The 27-member members also passed the Rivers State Local Government Law, No. 5 of 2018 (Amendment) Bill, 2023 after a debate on the Report of the House Committee on Local Government, which was presented by the Chairman of the Committee, Ignatius Onwuka.

    Previous judicial interventions

    Before the December 12 ruling, the court had issued two ex-parte rulings in favour of the gGovernor.

    On November 1, Justice Ben Whyte of the High Court sitting in the Isiokpo division in Ikwerre Local Government Area, issued an ex-parte interim order, restraining the state House of Assembly and Amaewhule from carrying out any actions concerning Fubara’s impeachment.

    The ruling was on a motion ex-parte filed through his lawyer, Damian Okoro (SAN) the same say along with a motion on notice and other originating processes.

    The order was also directed at the Maol (Deputy Speaker), the Clerk of the House and the Chief Judge of the state, Justice Simeon Chibuzor Amadi.

    Justice Whyte ordered parties to maintain status quo pending the determination of the motion on notice and adjourned to November 14, 2023.

    Also on the same November 1, Justice Phoebe Ayua of the Federal High Court sitting in Port-Harcourt issued a similar order restraining the state’s House of Assembly and others from taking any further steps in respect of the planned impeachment of Fubara.

    The order was on an ex-parte motion filed in a suit instituted against the Assembly and eight others by two PDP members – Amadi Madubuochi and Goya Oluka.

    Specifically, Justice Ayua said: “An order is made, directing that all parties on record respect the court and should not take any step concerning the subject matter in this matter, since the matter is already before this court (sub judice) pending the hearing and determination of the motion on the notion.”

    The judge also ordered that the respondents be notified about the pending suit, marked: FHC/PH/CS/234/2023, and motion on notice for interlocutory injunctions.

    He then adjourned till November 9 for a hearing of the motion on notice.

    Listed as respondents/defendants in the suit are the Rivers State House of Assembly, the Speaker, Deputy Speaker, the state’s Chief Judge; Commissioner of Police, Rivers State; Director, Department of State Services (DSS), Rivers State; the Governor of Rivers State; Deputy Governor of Rivers State and the Inspector General of the (IGP).

    Ex-parte orders worry lawyers

    Law experts, including Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN), Dr. Monday Ubani and Otunba Tunde Falola expressed concern over the ease with judges issue ex-parte injunctions of highly contenteous political cases.

    Olanipekun, in an interview with The Nation long before the Rivers crisis, said: “Ex-parte injunctions are becoming an albatross and an Achilles’ heel of a sort for us. 

    “When Justice (Mohammed) Bello was CJN, there were suggestions that apart from the prerogative writs, we should abandon ex-parte applications and orders generally.

    “The abuse of ex-parte orders, which should elapse after seven days, is threatening.

    “Those involved should be disciplined. The Supreme Court has also said it. It’s mind-boggling.

    “Very soon, I hope we’ll not be going to Ghana to obtain ex-parte orders against Nigeria and Nigerians over subject matters in Nigeria.”

    Ubani noted the Supreme Court Justices, including the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), had always deprecated this issue of abuse of ex-parte orders.

    He added: “I am not saying you cannot use ex-parte. You can use ex-parte only in exceptional circumstance, where it creates an emergency situation that if you do not make that order, the res (subject matter) will be destroyed.

    “It is in that instance that you can make an ex-parte order to preserve the res from being destroyed.

    “It is always given to last for a certain period, maybe seven days.

    “But, what we are seeing now is the abuse of that process. Some people will obtain an ex-parte order and hang on to it for as long as he/she can.”

    Falola noted that the grant of such ex-parte order is subject to the discretionary power of the court.

    According to him, the abuse of this exercise of judicial power is more pronounced in political cases.

    “There are many reasons why this abuse of judicial power still persists unabated. Most of the politicians in Nigeria are greedy.

    “For instance, for those who want to remain in power perpetually, they usually find ex-parte injunction as a ready made tool to outsmart their political adversaries in their political contest.

    “We also have a situation where aspirants of the same political party approach few corrupt judicial officers with a view to using the instrumentality of the interim injunction to truncate the ambition of their co-contestant.

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    “The abuse of this ex-parte injunction occurs in so many forms, the most prominent among them is when a judicial officer recklessly grants an injunction even though the judge concerned is aware of a similar suit within or outside its jurisdiction over the same subject matter and in the process, subject the Judiciary to avoidable ridicule.

    “There is no doubt the fact that one of the major reasons why the confidence the general public has in the Judiciary and administration of justice generally is being eroded is this reckless abuse of judicial power by some corrupt judicial officers in active connivance with some few elements of the members of the legal profession.

    “However, let it be made clear and direct that notwithstanding the activities of these few elements, Nigerian Judiciary and the Nigerian Bar are still part of the best institutions and professional associations in the world.”

    Curbing reckless issuance of ex-parte orders

    Worried by the disturbing spate of conflicting ex-parte orders issued by some judges in 2021, the then CJN, Justice Ibrahim Tanko Muhammad was forced to summon heads of Chief Judges of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Rivers, Kebbi, Cross River, Jigsaws, Anambra and Imo states for an urgent meeting.

    The meeting held on September 6, 2021, during which Justice Muhammad was said to have read the riot act to the Chief Judges (CJs).

    He vowed to penalise the judges involved in granting reckless ex-parte orders.

    In a statement issued after the meeting, the Director (Information) of the National Judicial Council (NJC), Soji Oye, said each of the CJs was separately quizzed.

    CJN was quotes to have said: “A damage to one jurisdiction is a damage to all. 

    “We must therefore put an end to indiscriminate granting of ex-parte orders, conflicting judgements or rulings occasioned by forum-shopping. 

    “Your job as heads of court is a sacred one, and it therefore includes you vicariously taking the sins of others. There must be an end to this nonsense. 

    “You shall henceforth take absolute charge in assigning cases or matters, especially political personally. 

    “We shall make example with these three Judges and never shall we condone such act.”

    Justice Muhammad warned the CJs to avoid unnecessary assumption of jurisdiction in matters with similar subject and parties already before another court, protect the court from lawyers who are out for forum shopping and work in tandem with all their judges to salvage the image of the Judiciary.

    He also warned the CJs from making newly appointed judicial officers vacation judges and assigning complex cases to inexperienced Judges.

    The CJN said the Judiciary would no longer condone indiscipline or allow any judge to tarnish the image of the Judiciary.

    He assured that three of the judges who granted conflicting exparte orders were invited to appear before the NJC to show cause why disciplinary action should not be taken against them for granting the conflicting exparte orders.

    The sanctions

    True to the CJN’s promise, the NJC, at its meeting held between December 14 and 15, 2021 penalised three of the judges involved in issuing reckless ex-parte orders after considering the recommendations of the investigation committee it set up in September 2021on the issue.

    The NJC accepted the committee’s recommendation that Justice Okogbule Gbasam of the High Court of Rivers State be barred from elevation to higher Bench for two years whenever he is due, as he failed to exercise due diligence in granting the ex-parte order in suit No: PHC/2183/CS/2021 between Ibealwuchi Earnest Alex and four others against Prince Uche Secondus and another.

    The NJC found that there was no real urgency in the circumstances of the matter, that would have required an ex-parte order.

    It also issued him with a warning letter to be circumspect in granting such ex-parte orders in the future.

    The NJC resolved that Justice Nusirat I. Umar of the High Court of Kebbi State be barred from elevation to higher Bench for two years whenever due, having found fundamental defects and non-compliance with the law in granting the ex-parte order in suit No: KB/HC/M.71/2021 between Yahaya Usman and two others against Prince Uche Secondus.

    It also issued Justice Umar with a warning letter to be circumspect in granting such ex-parte orders in the future.

    The NJC also resolved that Justice Edem Ita Kooffreh of the High Court of Cross River State would not be promoted to higher Bench for five years for allowing himself to be used as a tool for “forum shopping” and abuse of Court process in suit No: HC/240/2021 between Mr. Enang Kanum Wani and Uche Secondus.

    It found that it was evident that, in granting the ex-parte order, Justice Kooffreh was seised of earlier orders of the High Courts of Rivers and Kebbi States, being courts of coordinate jurisdiction.

    Justice Kooffreh was warned to be circumspect in granting such ex-parte orders in the future.

    The NJC also placed him on its watch-list for a period of two years.

    Way out

    Ubani, a rights activist and former Vice President of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) said: “My advice for judges is to always ensure that the other parties are put on notice so that you can resolve the matter once and for all.

    “As a way out, it might seem there is the need for some legislative intervention in this. 

    “There must be a law that will specifically make provisions as to instances when ex-parte order could be issued.

    “I have noticed that where you always have this abuse are in political cases. 

    “So, the Electoral Act or any other law we can come up with to say these are specific areas where we can use ex-parte, especially in political cases.

    “I think that intervention is absolutely necessary at this juncture,” Ubani said.

    Falola, an Abuja-based legal practitioner, noted that one of the ways of preventing judges from abusing their judicial powers is to ensure that stiff penalties are imposed on any erring judicial officers if it is later discovered, after investigation, that the order granted, ought not to have been granted in the first place.

    “Again, the NJC, the institution saddled with the power to discipline erring judicial officers, should also set up a committee with sole responsibility of monitoring most of these cases where ex-parte orders are being abused particularly in political cases and make necessary recommendations.

    “Continuous legal education of our judges is also paramount in this regard. 

    “This will further educate and expose our judicial officers to the danger inherent in the abuse of exercise of Judicial powers .

    “As for the penalty for a judge who abuses ex-parte injunction, I believe a compulsory retirement and in deserving cases, outright dismissal from service should be imposed to serve as a deterrent to other erring Judicial officers after thorough investigation must have been conducted and the judge corned afforded opportunity to defend himself,” Falola said.

  • ‘Courts now haven for chronic debtors’

    ‘Courts now haven for chronic debtors’

    • NBA Lagos honours jurists at branch dinner

    Intractable delays in adjudication of commercial cases have made the courts a haven for chronic debtors, Managing Director/Chief Executive  Officer of  Polaris Bank, Adekunle Sonola, has said.

    The inefficient system, he noted, also boosts impunity rather than the courts serving as a deterrent to criminality.

    “The weaknesses of the legal/judicial system encourage illicit economic activities.There is a strong correlation between illicit economic activities and the effectiveness of the legal system across countries,” Sonola said.

    He noted that even when a protracted case is eventually decided, the value of the recovered debt would have depreciated massively.

    The consequence, according to him, is that the economy suffers, with many investors afraid of entering into contracts because their rights are not adequately protected and contracts are not effectively enforced.

    “There is a general disregard for contract terms which makes the economy less investible.

    “Many Nigerians reject direct investments when they will not be actively involved in operations and management, as contracts cannot be timely enforced.

    “This makes capital inaccessible, and the economy suffers for it,” Sonola said.

    The Polaris Bank chief delivered the lecture at  the annual dinner of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Lagos Branch, which was held at the weekend.

    He spoke on: “Favourable investment and business environment through legal policy and reforms.”

    Sonola said banks’ inability to effectively use the legal system to get loan defaulters to honour their obligations increases their ‘cost of risk’, which is in turn reflected in loan pricing.

    “An effective legal system must be designed to prevent opportunistic loan defaulters from exploiting vulnerabilities within the system,” he said.

    He, therefore, stressed the need to restore faith in the legal system.

    “The public confidence in the legal system must be rebuilt. This will positively impact businesses and investment.

    “Timely and efficient delivery of justice is imperative for fostering a conducive business environment and instilling confidence in legal processes,” Sonola said.

    He called for specialised courts or commercial tribunals with powers to determine commercial disputes faster.

    Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) mechanisms, he said, must be a critical part of the system, while court processes should be digitalised.

    The legal system, Sonola believes, must be end-to-end automated as much as practicable and be accessible to all. At the same time, reforms must keep up with the dynamic economic and social environment.

    To him, the importance and criticality of an efficient legal system to businesses, investment and overall economic well-being have not enjoyed proportional public discourse attention, which must change.

    He advised: “Ensure the adequate number of judges with equally adequate remuneration. Continuously review court rules to strengthen process efficiency.

    “Lawyers are critical agents of reformation. They must prioritise justice delivery above playing the legal system

    “Reformation will require support from the Ministry of Justice and the National Judicial Council

    “Government, at all levels, must show commitment and provide the necessary funding.”

    Aside from legal challenges, Sonola said the business environment is also dealing with rising inflation that has hit 27.3 per cent, high-interest rate, foreign exchange illiquidity and volatility, high energy cost which has more than doubled, weak infrastructure base, insecurity, rising risk profile, declining purchasing power, among others.

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    NBA Lagos Branch chairman Olabisi Makanjuola noted that the economy would thrive best if the judiciary is more efficient.

    He said the association would continue to engage with the Bench towards improving the system and strengthening the Bar’s relationship with it.

    Makanjuola, a partner at Olaniwun Ajayi LP, highlighted his administration’s achievements in the past six months in court monitoring, international secondment, continuing legal education, branch building project, member welfare, and Bar and Bench relationships, among others.

    Awards of judicial excellence and individual recognitions were presented to distinguished jurists, including retired Supreme Court Justice Amina Augie, former Chief Judge of Lagos State Opeyemi Oke; as well as Justices Serifat Sonaike, Babatunde Kalaro, Matthias Dawodu, Ayodeji Oresanya.

    Mrs Funke Adekoya (SAN) was recognised as an inspiring icon.

    Twelve members elevated to the Inner Bar as Senior Advocates of Nigeria were honoured. They are Folashade Alli, Bomo Agbebi, Babaseyi Joseph, Kehinde Aina, Abiodun Olaleru, Bamidele Ibironke, Oluwaseyilayo Ojo, Tochukwu Onyiuke, Yemi Adesina, Omoyemi Akangbe, Onyemaechi Adiukwu and Olayemi Badewole.

    Akangbe, a former chairman of the branch, was also honoured for exceptional service to the Bar, while another former chairman Chukwuka Ikwuazom (SAN) and former Assistant Secretary Oyinkasola Badejo-Okusanya were honoured for exceptional service to the Branch

    Immediate-past chairman of the Branch, Ikechukwu Uwanna, now Abia State Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice, and his Lagos counterpart Lawal Pedro (SAN) received individual recognitions.

    The night of fun, with Comedienne Kiki as compere, featured music performances and prizes for best-dressed lawyers.

  • Save our souls, Delta customary court workers cry out

    Save our souls, Delta customary court workers cry out

    Delta State customary court workers, an arn of Delta State Judiciary, have called on the national leadership of the Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) to save them from the needless victimisation and oppression from the court leadership.

    Lucy Okoh, a widow and mother of four children and a customary court worker,  who made the plea while  speaking with reporters in Asaba, the Delta State capital. She added that the state customary court workers are being subjected to threats and intimidation by the inspectorate division of the state judiciary put in place to monitor attendance of workers and other sundry issues.

    Okoh said the department, which was created during the leadership of Justice Stella Ogene has left its core duty and embarked on intimidating hapless customary court workers.

    Her words: “The difficulty the customary court workers are facing started when Justice Stella Ogene retired. Immediately Justice Elumeze took over from Justice Stella Ogene as the president of the state Customary Court of Appeal, he ordered the transfer of the entire state staff.

    “The transfer was carried out by the Personnel Department. Incidentally, the Director of Personnel is the Chairman of JUSUN in the state. Rather than make the transfer a friendly one, it turned out one of victimisation and oppression.

    “I will give you an example. Some workers who live in Asaba and work in the courts within Asaba were transfered to over two to three local governments away from their place of residence.

    “I am a victim of it. Under this transfer, the inspectorate department are directed to constantly visit the courts to mark attendance as if we are in primary or secondary schools.

    “Any day they visit your court, and maybe because of illness or you don’t have money to transport yourself to the place of work, you are queried or threatened. 

    “Even the state government, seeing the economic situation in the country directed that civil servants should divide their working days in such a way that reprieve can come their way.

    “From my place of residence to the local government where I was transferred to, I spend nothing less than N4,000 on transportation each day I go to work. How much am I earning? Yet, the so-called inspectorate department will be harassing and intimidating workers, expecting them to be at their work place even when they do not have the means to do so. This is wrong.

    “Feeding my children with the meagre amount I earn as a clerical officer is almost impossible and yet we are coarsed to go to work even when we don’t have the means.”

    Investigation, however, has revealed that the current president of the Customary Court of Appeal, Justice Ojugbana Orishadare immediately she assumed duty did direct the Personnel Department to compile the names of the customary court workers and their place of residence for review of the former transfer done during the tenure of Justice Elumeze.

    But another staff of the court who identified himself as Samson lamented that the compilation of names were done some months ago before the state judiciary embarked on vacation.

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    He said: “We were thinking that by now we would have been reposted to courts nearest to our place of residence. But the President, Justice Ojugbana Orishadare is said to be out of the country and it is when she resumes that reposting would be effected.

    “For we customary court workers the experience is not funny at all. We are indeed baffled that the inspectorate department does not see the current economic situation of the country.

    “I was formally working in Asaba too, but I was transferred to Agbor. Do you know how much I spend on transportation each day I go to work? I don’t think there is anyone who will prefer to stay away from work when there is no justification for it.

    “Coming to monitor our attendance as if we are children to me is too insultive. Let them repost us to courts nearest to us and let them see if we would be staying away from work.

    “The most agonizing aspect is that the state JUSUN chairman is a staff of the court and it was his office that did the transfer. As JUSUN chairman is not his duty to fight for the welfare of the state workers.

    “Rather than do that, he abandoned us (the workers) and even contributed to our misery. I think it is time the national leadership of the union came to our rescue as we have been abandoned by the state executive of our union.”

  • EFCC chair seeks legislation against unexplained wealth

    EFCC chair seeks legislation against unexplained wealth

    Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Chairman Ola Olukoyede has called for legislation against unexplained wealth to check treasury looting.

    He made the call at a two-day international law conference with the theme: “Unexplained Wealth in the Global South: Examining the Asset Recovery and Return Trajectory” organised by Attorney General Alliance (AGA) Africa Programme in partnership with the Christopher University, Mowe, Ogun State.

    Olukoyede said the commission still relies on the provisions of Section 7 of its Establishment Act to check the menace when many countries such as the United Kingdom, Australia, Mauritius, Kenya, Zimbabwe and Trinidad and Tobago had embraced the Unexplained Wealth Orders (UWOs) since it came into force in 2018.

    “Countries are faced with criminalities emanating from money laundering practices and illicit funds, which led to the promulgation of UWOs in 2018.

    “Several countries have come up with UWO. Nigeria is yet to come up with a national legislation on it,” he said.

    The EFCC boss, represented by the Abuja Zonal Commander, Assistant Commander Adebayo Adeniyi, emphasised that treasury looters would have little cover if the issue of unexplained wealth was tackled more seriously across the world.

    He said: “In Nigeria today, unexplained wealth has become a practical means of tracing, identifying, investigating and prosecuting corruption cases.

    “As an anti-graft agency, suspects of any economic and financial crimes are usually required to declare their assets in the course of an investigation.

    “The basis for this is to properly establish their true asset base and their linkage or otherwise to any act of corruption.

    “Owing to the absence of legislation on the issue of unexplained wealth, the EFCC continues to rely on provisions of Section 7 of its Establishment Act to handle it.”

    Olukayode said the recovery of stolen funds stashed in foreign jurisdictions is more complex.

    The keynote speaker, Jonathan Huth, former United States of America civil prosecutor, said lawyers working as asset recovery experts must have a good knowledge of the brief, what the law says about the matter, and have a clear idea of how to handle it by improving their skills.

    Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) Chairman, Dr Musa Aliyi, represented by the head of Lagos operations, Hadiza Rimi, called for the proper handling and accounting of all proceeds of crime, especially those seized from corrupt public officers.

    He said this would go a long way in creating public confidence and encouraging more whistleblowers to come out.

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    A legal expert, Babajide Ogundipe, urged the government to engage the best lawyers in asset recovery cases given the complexities involved.

    He also suggested the non-conviction process as a way to recover unexplained wealth, which in most cases are proceeds of corruption.

    Senior Partner at Punuka Attorneys and Solicitors, Dr. Anthony Idigbe (SAN) said while lawyers are bound to defend their clients, they should also report to the authorities any crime about to be committed by those they represent.

    Vice-Chancellor of Christopher University, Prof Olatunji Oyelana, said the collaboration with AGA-Africa was to bring experts together to chart new paths in the anti-corruption war and to increase understanding of unexplained wealth and how to track them.

    AGA Africa Programme trains prosecutors, judges and investigators in at least 12 countries.

    It helps to create a knowledge bridge between the U.S. State Attorneys General and members of the criminal justice system in Africa.

    The programme is designed to share expertise and build capacity to combat a myriad of transnational crimes such as human trafficking, cyber-related fraud and money laundering.

  • NCC clamps down on digital, online pirates

    NCC clamps down on digital, online pirates

    The Nigerian Copyright Commission (NCC) is set to clamp down on digital and online content pirates.

    NCC Director-General, Dr. John Asein, disclosed plans at a one-day NCC-organised workshop on online content management and digital piracy in Lagos.

    He said with the advent of ICT,  pirates have not only migrated online but seemed hell-bent on using digital tools to evade law enforcement agents despite efforts to curb the menace.

    To this end, he said the commission has unveiled strategies in tackling digital piracy and online content management.

    He stated that the workshop, is one of the proactive steps it is taking to ensure that Nigeria is not turned into a hub in the online piracy network, adding that it focused on the delicate balance between the rights of content creators and the responsibilities of service providers in tackling the menace of piracy online.

    “The advent of digital technology has challenged traditional copyright paradigms. More than ever before, creative content which is the oxygen without which digital technology would be unattractive is being threatened by different forms of abuses.

    “The Federal Government has reiterated its commitment to providing an enabling environment for the digital economy to thrive, promote wealth creation and contribute to national development.

    “The new Copyright Act, 2022 which was signed into law this year seeks amongst other things, to guarantee adequate protection of rights and provide for effective enforcement of those rights, particularly in a digital environment.

    “It is against the backdrop of the foregoing that the commission has continued to engage with right owners, users, intermediaries and facilitators to formulate appropriate regulatory and administrative frameworks for the effective implementation of the provisions of the Act,” he said.

    The workshop, which was attended by experts and government agencies drawn from legal, ICT and security sectors, was moderated by the Director, NCC Lagos office, Mrs Lynda Alpheaus.

    Although Copyright Act contains elaborate provisions to safeguard copyright content online, Partner at Olajide Oyewole LLP, Mrs. Sandra Oyewole, who spoke on the protection of digital content under the Act, cited the inclusion of copyright education in school’s curriculum, beginning from primary as one of the hands-on ways of curbing the menace.

    She said: “Intellectual property (IP) is everywhere you go and IP, which includes copyright education, should now be a mandatory subject in our primary, secondary and higher institutions of learning.

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    “This government has placed a lot of focus on the creative and innovative economies, so it has to fund the efforts of NCC. That is the agency charged with copyright. And if it begins to fund it, I think we would begin to see more changes,”

    For Mr Frikkie Jonker, Anti-piracy Director, Iredo, who spoke on online, piracy and the creative industry, online piracy poses a serious threat, not only to the creative industry – film, music, book, software, visual art and broadcasts – but also a threat to national security and critical infrastructure.

    He said: “Although several reasons may be advanced for the phenomenal rise in illegal downloads and other copyright abuses, the impact is better imagined as right owners lose expected incomes, jobs are threatened, and the nation’s creative economy is threatened.

    “The risk of malware could easily compromise vital information and threaten the safety of online transactions,” he said.

    NCC Director Operations, Mr Obi Ezielo,  who spoke on challenges of enforcing the law against online piracy, said a Special Online Investigation Unit has been set up to monitor sites, investigate complaints and enforce online violations.

    “So far, the unit has recorded modest success, but we are confident that, working with other relevant agencies, it will henceforth more speedily take down infringing materials, block websites and arrest infringers.

    He said: “It will also be taking steps to control the import, sale and use of devices that are primarily designed or configured to circumvent technological protection measures. The attention of intermediaries is also drawn to their possible liabilities under the Act for aiding or procuring others to commit an offence under the Act in which case they would be liable to the same punishment as prescribed for the commission of the main offence.”

  • Nigeria must shift from  culture of violence to fundamental rights

    Nigeria must shift from  culture of violence to fundamental rights

    Deputy Vice-Chancellor (Development Services) University of Lagos (UNILAG) Akoka Professor Ayodele Atsenuwa has said that Nigeria needs to shift from a culture of violence to uphold the fundamental human rights of citizens as contained in the constitution.

    Atsenuwa  recommended better support for the Nigerian Police Force and a focus on effective systems of law enforcement instead of talks of salary as the solution to human rights abuse, including extrajudicial killings by law enforcement agents.

    Delivering a keynote  address at the 75th International Human Rights Day Celebration held by the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) Ikeja Branch, the law professor gave an appraisal of Chapter 4 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (As Amended) vis a vis, the operations of Law Enforcement Agencies in the country.

    Atsenuwa said the Nigerian state and its agents are largely complicit in the breach of the fundamental human rights of its citizens.

    She said: “Virtually every state agency has law enforcement powers which have implications for human rights. Their officers are usually empowered to use force… which have a clawback on rights.”

    The law professor said the legal provision for the use of force by the police can prevent citizens from enjoying their rights to movement, peaceful assembly and lawful gathering.

    The law professor said there is a perception among law enforcement agencies that they are not a part of the criminal justice system and that it works against the execution of their duties.

    She said that officers of the police force who feel that killing criminals is more effective only lack the capacity for effective law enforcement.

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    Atsenuwa said the Nigerian criminal justice system needs to begin planning for the prevention of crime instead of being reactive to prevent further abuse of human rights, including unlawful arrest and detention and forced confessions.

    Atsenuwa added that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) is the bedrock of the human rights laws in Nigeria and a reminder that every Nigerian is at risk if one individual abuses human rights and gets away with it.

    “Nigeria needs more compulsion to domesticate the UDHR due to the dualist legal system practised in the country.

    “To date – in Nigeria – economic, social and cultural rights are treated differently from the rest of the civil and political rights in Chapter 4 [of the 1999 Constitution]. They are seen as more of an aspiration instead of rights,” Atsenuwa continued.

    The Vice Chairman of the NBA Ikeja Branch and Chairman of the Human Rights Committee, U.C. Tracy Amadigwe-Dike, said the celebration of the International Human Rights Day was to shine a light on how unfortunate it is that the Nigerian government, through its agencies, are mainly involved in violating the rights of the citizens they are meant to secure.

    The chairman of the NBA Ikeja Branch, Oluwaseun Olawumi, pointed to the value of human rights and said, “Human rights must be respected and implemented even if there is a cost – such as a slower and more expensive process.”