Category: Law

  • Treatment of gunshot victims – the journey so far

    Treatment of gunshot victims – the journey so far

    Activist-lawyer Gloria Egbuji writes on the tortuous journey that culminated in the enactment of the Compulsory Treatment and Care of Victims of Gunshot Act and its domestication by Rivers and Lagos State governments

    The signing into law of the “Compulsory Treatment and Care of Victims of Gunshot Bill” on September 15, 2022 by Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State and the passing of the “Victims Witness Protection Bill” on September 22, 2022 by the Lagos State House of Assembly have come as a further step on a journey that began way back in the late 20th Century.  With the signing of the Bill into Law by   Governor Wike, Rivers State has unarguably taken the lead in domesticating the Compulsory Treatment and Care of Victims of Gunshots and Accidents Act, 2017 with Lagos State coming as the second state in the domestication regime.

    The passage of the Compulsory Treatment and Care of Victims of Gunshots and Accidents Bill, 2017 by the National Assembly into Law and the subsequent presidential assent in January, 2018  finally put to rest an advocacy started by the Crime Victims Foundation of Nigeria (CRIVIFON), the media and other social activists more than two decades ago.

    Introduced during the Fourth Assembly, the Bill had come following countless number of petitions, calls and press statements by members of the public asking medical practitioners to treat victims of gunshot wound and accidents without subjecting them to excruciating experience of having to obtain police report before receiving treatment.

    How it all began

    Historically, records reveal that the Crime Victims Foundation of Nigeria (CRIVIFON; a non-governmental organisation, way back in 1998 had championed the course of gunshots and accidents victims by urging medical staff in private and public hospitals to admit the victims for treatment before asking them to produce police report.  The Post Express  Newspaper of July 23, 1998 had quoted the CRIVIFON Executive Director, Mrs. Gloria Egbuji as saying that “some doctors are still subjecting gunshot and motor accident victims with injuries to the difficult task of getting police report before accepting  them for treatment.”

    She was further quoted as saying that “government-owned hospitals are preponderant among those mentioned in Lagos.”  Mrs. Egbuji had then “urged medical practitioners to always remember that they are on oath to save lives always and should therefore not make distinction or show discriminatory attitude simply because of one suspicion or the other.”

    The fight against medical personnel

    Over the years, CRIVIFON in collaboration with social crusaders like Mr. Arnold Obomanu, and other ‘anonymous stakeholders’ providing moral and logistics support,  had not relented as they continued to issue press releases condemning the attitude of some medical staff who have refused to treat gunshot and accident victims in spite of reported warnings from police high command asking the hospitals to give treatment to such victims before asking for police report.  They did the ground work that paved the way for National Assembly members to consider the necessity for a legislation in support of victims.

    In 2009 also, the then Inspector-General of Police, Ogbonna  Onovo had urged medical practitioners to save victims of gunshots and motor accidents before reporting to the police.  He made a similar pronouncement in 2010, but the harassment continued ostensibly because the pronouncements were not backed up by law.

    As stated earlier by Mrs. Gloria Egbuji (on behalf of CRIVIFON) in a press statement of September 23, 2009, the problem of refusal to treat gunshot victims had originated from the 1986 amendment of the Robbery & Firearms (Special Provisions) Decree No. 21 of 1984 which added a new provision in Section 4(2) to read, “it shall be the duty of any person, hospital or clinic that admits, treats or administers any drugs to any person suspected of having bullets to immediately report the matter to the police.  As she further stated, this was “the pivot which the police used in issuing a directive banning emergency medical attention for gunshot victims without prior police permission.”

    The directive was subsequently cancelled by the police via press releases one of which was issued soon after the death of Guardian journalist; Mr. Bayo Ohu in September, 2009.  The journalist was shot by unknown gunmen at his residence in Lagos and was said to have been rushed to an hospital, but the medical staff refused to accept him on the ground that there was no police report.  As effort was being made to take him to another hospital, he gave up on the way.  The report of this incident triggered off some reactions from members of the public who roundly condemned attitude of the hospital staff.  The practice did not however, stop with Ohu’s death but continued to spread.

    Victims and dilemma

    of Police officers

    Prior to the passage of the Gunshot Bill into Law, the underlying fact was that on one hand, the police need to ensure security and obtain information from the victims and on the other hand, doctors and passersby needed to save lives of injured gunshot victims.

    Sometime in the late 1990s precisely in 1998 when the refusal to accept gunshot victims was becoming rampart in a place like Lagos, the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) had spoken openly urging its members to comply with the subsequent directive by the police which reversed the earlier position that  prohibited doctors from treating gunshot victims without police report.  The NMA then, under the leadership of Dr. George Okpagu had threatened at a time to clamp down on hospitals/clinics which were refusing to treat victims of gunshot and motor accidents without police report.

    Victims’ families were urged to report such recalcitrant hospitals and clinics to the authorities of NMA for necessary disciplinary measures, but the illegal practice continued in some quarters unabated, thus leading to the deaths of many innocent citizens of Nigeria some of whom were victims of stray bullets or knocked down by moving vehicles.

    First attempt at framing of the Gunshot Bill

    The Crime Victims Foundation of Nigeria sometime during President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration  had worked with some National Assembly members such as Hon. Mayor Eze,  Senators Osita Izunaso, Dr. Olorunnimbe Mamora in pushing for a Bill on the matter. The collaboration laid the foundation for the initial framing of the Gunshot Bill which unfortunately did not scale through at that time.

    The collaboration continued when Goodluck Jonathan took over as the President.  Senator Mamora and others tried to carry it further, but it did not also materialise even though while the effort was going on at the National Assembly, CRIVIFON whipped up public support through social media platforms like the Yahoo and FaceBook posts articulating the issue of gunshot victims and the impact, trying to get people to put pressure on the representatives at the National Assembly.

    Over the years, CRIVIFON in collaboration with social crusaders like Mr. Arnold Obomanu, and other ‘anonymous stakeholders’ providing moral and other supports  continued to issue press releases condemning the attitude of some medical staff who have refused to treat gunshot and accident victims in spite of reported warnings from police high command asking the hospitals to give treatment to such victims before asking for police report. They did the ground work that paved the way for National Assembly members to consider the necessity for a legislation in support of victims.

    In 2009 precisely another concerned Nigerian; Mrs. Emem Andrew witnessed an incident where someone accidentally shot at a wedding by a trigger-happy policeman had to be amputated because he did not get timely medical care. The clinic he was rushed to,  refused to treat him without a police report and it took too long to get the report. Being her first encounter with this kind of situation, Mrs. Andrew was shocked, and same with some of her friends. Another incident that came to their attention was the careless death of Bayo Ohu, the Guardian reporter who died from gunshot wounds after he was rejected by several hospitals.

    This made Mrs. Andrew to work with Mr. Obomanu and other friends to realize that it was a national problem and needed to be tackled at that level. So they started researching and found out that many people, including prominent members of the society, had died for similar reasons.

    They also found out that Crime Victims Foundation of Nigeria (CRIVIFON) had been in the forefront of confronting the issue for years before then. They did not hesitate in seeking for collaboration with CRIVIFON so that they could leverage on the Foundation’s experience and network while they brought in new energy and support.

    It therefore became imperative for CRIVIFON and its new partners to connect with the national leadership of the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) and the Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) to work together to jointly address their respective need for security information and support the need for medical personnel to promptly treat injuries without fear of police harassment. While this was going on, they partnered with some key legislators in the House of Representatives and the Senate to pass a bill on the compulsory treatment of gunshot victims.

    Thorny road to passage of a bill

    Despite the best efforts including writing articles and the online mobilization of Nigerians to call and write National Assembly members to prioritize the bill, it was only passed in the House of Representatives before electoral politics took over. The Senate failed to pass their version and the partners had to wait for a new session to work with new members of the National Assembly. However, it is heart-warming to say that the initial advocacy created the ambience and made provisions that aided the framing of the bill which was eventually passed into law under President Muhammadu Buhari.

    It is important to note that due to the non-compliance by the hospitals, police and some other parties in the implementation of  the Compulsory Treatment of Gunshot Injury Act passed by the National Assembly in 2017, the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) convinced that the Act is yet to yield its full benefit to Nigerians as there are widely reported cases of victims of gunshot injury being denied treatment by hospitals and clinics on grounds of fear of arrest by officers of the Nigerian Police Force, and other unexplained reasons decided to  bring together critical stakeholders relevant to the full implementation of the Act, for purposes of synergy and collaboration towards the treatment of victims of gunshot injury as provided for by the Act.  The representatives of the various stakeholder institutions and bodies invited to a dialogue met with the NBA Human Rights Committee chaired by Dr. Mike Ozekhome; a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN)

    Among the recent victims of gunshot who died as a result of refusal of hospitals to treat them without police report even after the enactment of the Gunshot Victims Act were a gospel music producer  cum  final year Higher National Diploma (HND) student at Ibadan Polytechnic popularly known as Ebenezer Ayeni was shot on Thursday 10th June, 2021 at his Ibadan, Oyo State residence by armed robbers few days to his wedding.  He was said to have been rushed to the University College Hospital (UCH), Ibadan and later a private hospital but reportedly rejected by hospital staff who demanded a police report before they could treat his gunshot injury.  He died hours later in a pool of his own blood.

    On April 15, 2021, a 32-year-old Odiri Onosigho; an accountant was similarly shot by armed robbers who were trying to collect his phone at First Gate Bus Stop, FESTAC in Amuwo Odofin Local Government Area of Lagos. The accountant allegedly lost his life after being rejected by hospitals due to non-presentation of police report.

    The NBA-led stakeholders forum

    So, based on this unseemly occurrences; the NBA prompted its Human Rights Committee to organize the stakeholders conference.  Interestingly, CRIVIFON with its strategic partners were invited as one of the major stakeholders to the one day conference which held on November 10, 2021 at the Conference Room, Nigerian Bar Association National Secretariat in Abuja. Representatives of the following bodies were invited as members of the Committee to the one day event: Nigerian Bar Association, Nigerian Police Force,  Nigerian Medical Association, Federal Ministry of Health, National Human Rights Commission, Nigerian Army.

    Others were Nigerian Navy, Nigerian Air Force, Civil Defense Corp, Federal Road Safety Commission, Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission, Office of the Attorney General of the Federation, Senate Committee on Judiciary and Human Rights, House of Representative Committee of Judiciary and Human Rights, Office of the National Security Adviser,  Senate Committee of Health,  House of Representative Committee on Health, National Orientation Agency,Nigerian Television Authority, Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria, Christian Association of Nigeria,  Jama’atu nasir Islamm Office of Senator Oluremi Tinubu, Public Interest Advocacy Initiative and Crime Victims Foundation.

    The one-day stakeholders’ dialogue had the following terms of reference (1) To identify areas of concern by the Nigerian Police Force and other stakeholders hindering the successful implementation of the Act and propose approaches to overcome such concerns (2) To fashion out collaborative efforts between government agencies and stakeholders (3) To draw up a national framework for the sensitization and orientation of citizens on their roles and responsibilities as provided for under the Act, (4) Signing of Memorandum of Collaboration between stakeholders and (5) Make further recommendations as may be necessary for the implementation of the Act.

    As rightly expected, the one-day event ended with some far reaching resolutions towards enhancing the workability of the Gunshot Victims Act with little or no further encumbrances.  These resolutions among other things were that :

    * The Nigeria Police shall make available the phone contact of the All State Commissioners of Police; Police Public Relations Officers (PPRO) in the 36 States Police Command including the FCT; Deputy inspector General of Police and liaison officer for the Inspector General of Police to Medical Doctors, hospital and clinics through their umbrella bodies to be able to reach out to the Police in the discharge of their rights and obligations under the Act.

    * There should be advocacy for the domestication of the Act in all the States of the Federation for implementation at grassroots level,

    * Sensitization and awareness on the provision of the Act shall be intensified and taken to the citizens at the grassroots through religious institutions like churches and mosques, traditional institutions, Media houses and agencies of government like the National Orientation Agency (NOA) which has presence in the 774 local governments across the country with officers who are indigenous to the local communities.

    * The Ministry of health shall come up with a National Policy/Action Plan for Hospitals and Clinics to implement the provisions of the Act. This Plan/ policy may also provide for subsidies to Hospitals and Clinics to carry out their obligations under the Act,

    * Security agents like the Nigerian Police and Federal Road Safety Commission should continue to sensitize and enlighten their officers on their respective obligations under the Act considering their primary responsibility which is the protection of lives guaranteed as a fundamental right of every citizen *There should be a strong collaboration with Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) and Association of General and Private Medical Practitioners of Nigeria, (AGPMPN) to sensitize their members on the Act particularly the mandatory and unconditional obligation placed on hospitals and clinics to provide treatment to victims of gunshot.

    * Agencies of government, including the Federal Consumers Competitive and Protection Council (FCCPC) and National Orientation Agency (NOA) to make awareness through local, mass and social media as well as through banners to be placed in hospitals and clinics clearly outlining the rights of victims and the duties/ responsibilities of the police, hospital/ clinics and the citizens under the Act for further enlightenment.

    *The Nigerian Bar Association shall be actively involved in the process of amendment of the Act before the National Assembly and shall serve as a guide to lawmakers to correct the grey areas identified in the Act so as to surmount the challenges bedeviling the effective implementation of the Act as identified by Stakeholders,

    * The National Assembly should consider expanding the definition of ‘victims’ under the Act to include victims of stabbing and other attacks` using other weapons as same has become also prevalent across the country and (10) The Nigerian Bar Association shall utilize public interest litigation to ensure compliance with the provisions of the Act.

    States that have domesticated the law

    The Nigerian Bar Association had embarked on the stakeholders’ dialogue by virtue of its status as the leading Public Interest Organization in Nigeria, charged with the responsibility of protecting Rule of Law and Human Rights.  Interestingly, Rivers State could not hesitate in keying into the resolutions of the Stakeholders conference as it went on to domesticate the Gunshot Victims Act through its legislative organ.  Lagos State in following suit with its “Victims Witness Protection Bill” of September 22, 2022 in domesticating the Act made some additions to protect witnesses and victims in the state.  When signed into Law, it will provide for the rights and entitlement of victims and protection of witnesses and for connected purposes.”The Lagos Victims Witness Protection Bill also stipulates “provision of assistance and protection to victims and witnesses who have vital information that could help ensure effective protection of cases but who face intimidation due to their cooperation with the prosecution or law enforcement agencies.”

    Senate’s attempt at stopping doctors’ disregard for human life

    The Senate in October, 2021 in a yet another move to end the flagrant disregard of human life by medical doctors, considered and passed for Second Reading a Bill seeking to amend the Compulsory Treatment and Care for Victims of Gunshot Act, 2017 to enforce treatment for victims of gunshots injury without a police report.  The Bill which was sponsored by Senator Oluremi Tinubu among others, seeks to establish the Medical Emergency Assistance Fund to cover the treatment of victims of gunshot, knife wounds and other life-threatening emergencies.

    The Crime Victims Foundation of Nigeria (CRIVIFON) and its partners believe that while we push other States to also domesticate the law, we must improve awareness and compliance to the law. We must create massive sensitization of the populace on this issue and be prepared to sue defaulters and make a public example of them so that others will learn from them.

    Late Ebenezer Ayeni Vs University Ibadan

    It is interesting that the case of the Late Ebenezer Ayeni is already in court.  While the police has not commenced criminal prosecution of the suspected offenders in the death of Ayeni, his family has taken a civil action against parties whose agents played ignoble role that subsequently led to Ebenezer Ayeni’s death.

    In the suit filed at an Ibadan High Court, Ayeni’s family had dragged the University of Ibadan, Mrs. Cecilia Amotsuka (trading under the name and style J-Rapha Hospital and Maternity, Ibadan),  The Inspector General of Police and the Medical and Dental Council of Nigeria to appear as defendants for the actions or inactions of their agents which culminated in the death of  Ebenezer Ayeni contrary to the provisions of the Compulsory Treatment of Gunshot and Accident Victims Acts, 2017.

    It is expected that the outcome of this very case which is the first of such since the enactment of the Act would go a long in creating awareness about the seriousness of the Act in checkmating the incidence of careless death of gunshot and accident victims in our hospitals.  This is an issue that does not discriminate. Many wealthy and powerful names have fallen to it. It is also not controversial because everyone, including the police, agrees that the practice should not continue.

    The future

    In the days ahead, CRIVIFON and its strategic partners would engage the police for more awareness creation since police personnel form major part of the violators of the law and who in any case created the problem in the first place by harassing medical personnel over submission of police report.  There is the need to continuously educate members of the public to know their rights under the law and their responsibilities as well.  Victims who are treated in the hospitals should know that they have responsibility to pay their bills or charges.

    There should be sustained awareness for medical staff to continue to report gunshot injuries to the police soon as treatment has commenced.  The responsibility of reporting such cases to the police should still reside with the hospital authorities because it is one way of helping to fight crime in the society.  In turn there is the need to make the medical personnel to know that if they are maltreated by the police, they have the right under the law to seek redress in the court.

    As the National Assembly works on the Amendment Bill it is necessary for  the case of  indigent patients (Gunshot victims) to be properly addressed since hospital authorities in some cases were reluctant to accept gunshot victims for treatment not entirely because they did not come with police report but the fear that such victims’ families would not foot the treatment bills.  Therefore, it is necessary that the amendment would clearly spell out how indigent patients’ bills would be settled just as the Lagos Victims Witness Protection Bill seeks to address.

    Mrs Gloria Egbuji, the Executive Director, CRIVIFON is a lawyer and activist

  • 2023: Can Electoral Act curb ethnic, religious campaigns?

    2023: Can Electoral Act curb ethnic, religious campaigns?

    Despite Section 97 of the Electoral Act, 2022 prohibiting political conduct based on religion or tribe, there is concern about the potential consequences of borderline ethno-religious statements by some individuals and groups, making enforcement of the law a necessity in the interest of the country’s unity and security. ROBERT EGBE writes.

    The presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, stirred up an hornet’s nest in the political space on October 15, following his advice that Northerners should vote for him in the 2023 election because, among other things, he hails from the region.

    Atiku, who spoke during an interactive session with the Arewa Joint Committee in Kaduna, told his audience not to support a Yoruba or Igbo candidate, in what has been interpreted to be a reference to the presidential candidates of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Tinubu and his Labour Party (LP) counterpart, Peter Obi.

    According to Abubakar, a Fulani from Adamawa State, “what the average Northerner needs is somebody who’s from the North and also understands that part of the country and has been able to build bridges across the country.

    “This is what the Northerner needs. It doesn’t need a Yoruba or Igbo candidate. I stand before you as a pan-Nigerian of northern origin,’’ the ex-vice-president stated in a viral video.

    The condemnations – whether right or wrong – were swift and many from the PDP flagbearer’s critics, particularly the other political parties with presidential candidates in next year’s polls and concerned interest groups. In their view, the self-proclaimed “unifier” was playing an ethnic card.

    In a statement signed by its Secretary General, Chief Willy Ezugwu, the Conference of Nigeria Political Parties (CNPP) said Abubakar’s comment was a breach of the national peace accord all presidential aspirants recently signed.

    The CNPP added that “inciting people of one’s ethnicity or religious extraction against others after signing National Peace Accord with a pledge to commit to campaigns based on their programmes and the capacity to deliver on campaign promises is a national disservice that must be condemned.”

    Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide said it found it “weird and disappointing” that Abubakar, “could mount the podium at a public function and play such an ethnic card.,” adding that the PDP man “is further pushing the country into disintegration.”

    The APC Presidential Campaign Council condemned the comment.

    In a statement signed by the Director, Media and Publicity of the Presidential Campaign Council, Bayo Onanuga, the council described the speech as the “worst expression of ethnocentric opportunism ever uttered by a former Vice President.”

    There were also insinuations that Abubakar may have breached Section 97 of the Electoral Act, 2022, which prohibits political campaigns based on religion or tribe, among other laws.

    Reacting to the comment, the Director of Voter Intelligence, Strategy and Policy Analyst of the PDP Presidential Campaign Council, Osita Chidoka, said Abubakar would not apologise for the comments.

    Chidoka, who spoke last Tuesday during an interview on “Politics Today,” a programme on Channels Television, said the comment did not warrant an apology.

    “I think we need to move beyond these political gimmicks and political gimmickry that goes on when people say one thing, we turn it the other way round and we use it for political ends.

    “So, I don’t think that it is a statement that warrants any apologies or discussions. It is for Vice President Atiku to continue to explain himself to the public,” the former aviation minister said.

    Similarly on July 23, constitutional lawyer Jiti Ogunye Saturday warned religious leaders that it was unlawful to engage in political campaigns based on religion or tribe.

    Specifically, he condemned a Christian cleric who threatened his congregation with hell, if they failed to vote in “the favour of the Church”.

    In Ogunye’s view, the cleric’s comment violated the 2022 Electoral Act, and was thus, “a criminal offence.”

    The lawyer’s comment made on his Facebook page was directed at a video of Bishop David Abioye, the First Vice President of the Living Faith Church Worldwide. Abioye is the Senior Pastor of the Abuja church, Living Faith Church, Goshen City with over 30,000 worshippers.

    In the video, Abioye advised Christians to only vote in favour of the church, or risk eternal damnation.

    “This is a clear instruction; when it is time to vote, vote only in the favour of the Church, not for your party. Any believer that sells out his faith in the name of a party is heading for hell,” Abioye said.

    Ogunye responded in a post titled “COURTING ELECTORAL CRIME IN THE NAME OF GOD”.

    The lawyer said: “This statement, when appropriately situated and contextualised, is a violation of the provisions of Section 97 of the Electoral Act, 2022. Making such a statement to a congregation and members of a church denomination, amounts, in our view, to committing a criminal offence.

    “This statement is not protected by Section 39(1&2) of the Constitution which guarantees the right to freedom of expression and the press. Verbal or written threats to life or defamatory statements, for example, do not enjoy the constitutional protection of the right to freedom of expression and the press.”

    The Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) also sparked a debate in June 2021 when it kicked against voting a Yoruba Christian as president in next year’s elections.

    The group claimed that voting a Yoruba Christian in the next presidential election would amount to sentencing Muslims in the South West region to “perpetual slavery’’.

    Its leader, Prof Ishaq Akintola, warned in a statement that any political party that fields a Yoruba Christian in 2023 would “lose woefully”.

    Akintola’s words: “MURIC is not saying Christians cannot be president in 2023. We are only wary about such a Christian candidate being a Yoruba. The reason for our opposition to the emergence of a Yoruba Muslim president is two-fold.

    “One, Yoruba Christians do not give their Muslim neighbours their Allah-given fundamental human rights.Examples abound in the way female Muslim children are persecuted in Yoruba schools, particularly over hijab and their refusal to allow their fellow Yoruba Muslims to apply civil Sharia which does not affect Christians in any way. We are reluctant to come under the presidency of people who do not respect our civil liberties.

    “Two, Yoruba Christians have been military heads of state and president but no single Yoruba Muslim has had the opportunity to taste power in the centre.

    “Therefore, it will be unfair to give the slot of the presidency to a Yoruba Christian again if the post is zoned to the region…

    “To give the position to a Yoruba Christian is to sentence Muslims in Yorubaland to a life of perpetual slavery. Our Christian neighbours are yet to learn the art of living and letting live.”

    What the Electoral Act says

    Section 97 of the Electoral Act, 2022 states:

    “97(1) A candidate, person or association who engages in campaigning or broadcasting based on a religious, tribal or sectional reason for the purpose of promoting or opposing a particular political party or the election of a particular candidate, commits an offence under this Act and is liable on conviction-

    “(a) to a maximum fine of  N1,000,000 or imprisonment for a term of twelve months or both; and

    “(b) in the case of a political party to a maximum fine of  N10,000,000 “.

    2023 elections candidates 

    All 18 political parties have fielded candidates and their running mates for the presidential election. 

    For legislative elections, 1,101 candidates are vying for 109 Senatorial seats and 3,122 candidates for Federal Constituencies i.e. House of Representatives seats, making a total of 4,223 candidates contesting for 469 legislative positions. 

    In terms of gender distribution, 3,875 candidates are male, made up of 35 for Presidential and Vice Presidential, 1,008 for Senate and 2,832 for House of Representatives. 

    Similarly, 381 females comprising 1 for the Presidential, 92 for the Senate, and 288 for the House of Representatives are contesting. 

    There are also 11 Persons with disabilities (PWDs) in the race.

     Presidential candidates

    There are 18 candidates for the 2023 presidential election as published by INEC.

    • Imumolen Christopher – Accord Party (AP) • Al-Mustapha Hamza – Action Alliance (AA) • Sowore Omoyele – African Action Congress (AAC) • Kachikwu Dumebi – African Democratic Congress (ADC) • Sani Yabagi Yusuf – Action Democratic Party (ADP). • Tinubu Bola Ahmed – All Progressives Congress (APC) • Umeadi Peter Nnanna – All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) • Ojei Princess Chichi – Allied People’s Movement (APM) • Nnamdi Charles Osita – Action Peoples Party (APP) • Adenuga Sunday Oluwafemi – Boot Party (BP) • Obi Peter Gregory – Labour Party (LP) •Musa Rabiu Kwankwaso – New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) •Osakwe Felix Johnson – National Rescue Movement (NRM) • Abubakar Atiku – Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) •Abiola Latifu Kolawole – Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) • Adebayo Adewole Ebenezer – Social Democratic Party (SDP) •Ado-Ibrahim Abdumalik – Young Progressives Party (YPP)

    •Nwanyanwu Daniel Daberechukwu – Zenith Labour Party (ZLP)

    INEC mum on Abubakar’s comment

    Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) National Commissioner in Charge of Information and Voters Education, Festus Okoye, did not respond to The Nation’s enquiry on whether it had received complaints on the PDP flag bearer’s comments and if it was going to act on them.

    Why INEC may not act

    A lawyer, Deji Jayeoba, gave an insight into why INEC does not act impulsively where Section 97 of the Electoral Act is concerned.

    He argued that the Electoral Act 2022 has not annulled free speech and religious liberty, but urged that such rights “must be exercised with abundant caution, respect for the rights and religions of others and a duty to promote peace and harmony.”

    Referencing Abioye’s comments in his article “There is still an effective constitutional protection of religious liberty and free speech in Nigeria: The Electoral Act does not abridge those inviolable rights”, Jayeoba disagreed with Ogunye that the cleric breached the law.

    He said: “It is clear from the cleric’s statement that he did not advocate for or oppose any particular political party or candidate. The law does not allow anyone to prove a crime by insinuation or assumption. The intent must be patently clear and not permissible of having more than one possibility. That is what proof beyond a reasonable doubt means! 

    “One may be tempted to assume that the statement is opposing the candidacy of a leading presidential candidate or his political party. However, when one carefully considers the phrase “vote only in the favour of the Church and not for your party” one would readily realise that the cleric’s admonition does not in any way target any political party or candidate. Each (or at least each of the leading) political parties participating in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria would field a mixture of candidates professing different faiths or even those professing none. 

    “Coming up in 2023 are presidential, governorship, national and houses of Assembly elections for which political parties have fielded thousands of candidates of different faiths. The cleric did not refer to any particular candidate or a particular election. The cleric has simply asked his congregants not to consider any political party; all that should matter to them is that they vote for candidates of their faith whichever party they or the candidates belong to. Isn’t it clear, therefore, that the cleric had no candidate or a political party in mind either to oppose or to support?”

    What INEC should do

    Cross River-based lawyer Daniel Mgbe urged INEC to consider implementing the section, as a way to discourage harmful campaigns.

    Mgbe said: “Laws are meant to be obeyed. Nigeria has been highly polarised especially in the last eight years. The issues of ethnicity and religion have been on the front burner, so it is important that Nigerians begin to move away from. such sentiments.

    “INEC should bring the full weight of the law on anyone who stokes ethnic sentiments because it is against Nigeria’s corporate existence.”

    He urged the electorate to vote on the basis of, among others, the character, antecedents and manifestoes of the candidates.

    “As a product of a unity school, I am averse to Nigerians making choices based on ethnic considerations. I’ve personally experienced discrimination when I vied to represent my people in the House of Assembly as my ambition was short-circuited principally because the seat was zoned outside my area by my party,” the lawyer said.

  • Kogi varsity graduate wins maiden legal scholar competition

    Kogi varsity graduate wins maiden legal scholar competition

    Faith Omole, a Law graduate of Kogi State University, Anyigba, has become the winner of the maiden edition of Trusted Advisors Age of the Legal Scholar Competition.

    She was declared winner at the grand finale of the competition in Lagos at the weekend.

    Senior Associate, The Trust Advisor, Mrs. Olawunmi Ojo, welcomed the guests and the finalists into the grand finale.

    She said: “We are pleased to welcome all of us the participants today who have emerged as finalist of The Trusted Advisors Age of the Legal Scholar Competition. We at the Trusted Advisors are very proud of all those who have participated in this profound process.

    “The Trusted Advisors, being a fast growing full serviced law firm, one of our core objectives is ensuring the proper grooming of law students and young lawyers to enable them excel in the legal field. As such, our investment in the youth now means that we can boast of a very driven and proactive legal practice that we now have.

    “This is also evident in the quality and breed of lawyers that our firm is proud to have. We have organsied this competiton in fulfillment of that objective.”

    She added that the top three winners of the competition would get N800,000, N600,000 and N400,000 respectively worth of scholarship to the Nigerian Law School covering their tuition fees, monthly stipends and books for a duration of one year.

    They are also entitled to one year access to law pavilion primsol standard subscription for one year, internship and mentoring opportunities at the Trusted Advisors, Olawunmi explained.

    On how the organisers arrived at the six finalists, she said: “We received multiple registrations, over 200 registrations and they all participated in an online quiz. This was used to screen them to 50 participants who particpated in an essay competiton.

    “The essay entries were used in further screening the participants in to the final 20. The final 20 participated in a virtual debate competition and centered on Data privacy. They were all given different topics to debate on and were further screened to the final 6 who are particpating in todays event.”

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    The winner, Omoni commended the organiser of the competition for the laudable initiative.

    She said: “I say a big thank you to the Trusted Advisors, this is another way to encourage law profession in Nigeria, the prize gifts will go along way in my law career,” she affirmed.

    At the grand finale, Eneh Chinaza Godwin, a Law graduate of Ebonyi State University became the first runner up while Chisom Ogbunando Winifred, a Law graduate of University of Nigeria, Nsukka, emerged second runner up

  • Supreme Court and challenge of electoral litigations

    Supreme Court and challenge of electoral litigations

    Since the restoration of democratic governance in the country in 1999, election season has always witnessed a deluge of pre/post-poll disputations that often end at the Supreme Court. With the next general elections around the corner, Eric Ikhilae examines the capacity of a depleted Supreme Court to cope.

    The Supreme Court dealt with 388 political appeals and 65 motions during the 2019 general elections.

    The motions and appeals, according to then Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Ibrahim Muhammad, were part of the 1,874 motions and appeals heard by the court that year.

    Although the court had about 17 Justices then, some complained that the apex court was not thorough in its scrutiny of the cases, perhaps because of the volume and the constraint of time limitation – as provided in Section 285(7) of the Constitution – and, as such, could not do substantial justice.

    If that was the case during the 2019 post-election season when the number of the court’s Justices was higher, one can only imagine what the case would be shortly after next year’s general elections, if the number of Justices of the apex court is not raised from its current 13 and the appointment of Ariwoola is not made substantive.

     

    • The importance of the Supreme Court in a democracy

    In addition to the appellate jurisdiction conferred on the Supreme Court in Section 233 of the Constitution and its original jurisdiction under Section 232, it is also required, under Section 233(2)(e)(i) – (vi), to sit on appeals relating to presidential and governorship elections.

    The Executive Director, Access to Justice, Joseph Otteh, noted the primacy of the Supreme Court in a democracy, when he described it as “a court of supreme legal and extra-legal importance.”

    Otteh argued that, on paper, the role of the apex court “is legal or constitutional.”

    He added that the court also possessed an extra-constitutional role, denoted as its ‘political’ or institutional role, and which is likely bigger in significance.

    He noted that the reference to the Supreme Court as a policy court implies that it is imbued with power to “set out, in broad strokes, what is the direction of the law.

    “Through its interpretation and exposition of law, it is able to set the tone for how law is interpreted by all courts in Nigeria.

    “A literalist or textualist oriented Supreme Court will likely deliver a system of national jurisprudence that is constrictive and sterile, while a socially-conscious Bench will likely breathe life into the living texts of the Constitution and blend interpretation to suit the needs of justice,” Otteh said.

     

    • A troubled Supreme Court

    In view of its importance to the sustenance of democracy, the need to ensure a well staffed Bench of a nation’s apex court needs not be overemphasised.

    In this regard, the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC) in July this year, published a list of 29 names of persons to be considered by the National Judicial Council (NJC) to fill the existing vacancies in the Supreme Court.

    It is hoped that the FJSC completes the process before the end of the year in view of the likely consequences of a depleted Supreme Court in an election season.

    The acting CJN, Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, saw this danger when he raised that alarm that it was not well with the apex court.

    At the valedictory court session held in honour of the retiring Justice Abdu Aboki, Justice Ariwoola noted that the sudden depletion in the number of the court’s Justices will further emburden the court.

    He said: “His Lordship’s (Aboki’s) exit from our fold has drastically depleted our ranks and opened a yawning gap that will hardly be filled.

    “From a relatively encouraging number of 17 Justices at the dawn of 2022, just like a flash in the pan, the number has suddenly dropped to 13 Justices.

    “Like we all know, a single drop in the number of Justices here brings about a sudden increase in our workload as the inflow of appeals to the court is ever on the increase due to the highly litigious nature of Nigerians,” Justice Ariwoola said.

    The Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Abubakar Malami made similar observation when he noted that, with Aboki’s exit, “the apex court has almost returned to its pre-2020 numerical strength, with just 13 Justices, as against the required 21 under the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”

    He assured that “we would work with the Judiciary and to ensure that these vacancies are filled as soon as practicable, in anticipation of expected surge in numbers of cases as we approach an election year.”

    Section 230(2) of the Constitution provides for a maximum of 21 Justices for the Supreme Court, but the closest the country has got to that number is 20.

    This was achieved on November 6, 2020 when the eight newly appointed were sworn-in to complement the existing 12.

     

    • A troubled appointment process

    Beyond the trouble of how to promptly raise the number of its Justices, the Supreme Court also faces the immediate problem associated with the process of nominating new Justices.

    While some stakeholders prefer the retention of the status quo, where appointment to the Supreme Court’s Bench is limited to the Court of Appeal, others have demanded that the scope be broadened to include the Bar.

    Among those who want the retention of the status quo are Justice Muhammad and Prof. Yemi Akinseye-George (SAN).

    Onomigbo Okpoko (SAN), Prof. Paul Idornigie (SAN), Prof. Deji Adekunle (SAN) and Otteh are among those calling for a liberalised process for the appointment of Justices for the apex court.

    While in office, Justice Muhammad made it clear that he was opposed to appointing Justices for the apex court from among practicing lawyers.

    At a conference of Justices of the Court of Appeal, the then CJN argued that it would work injunctive against those, who have committed their life to the Bench from the magistracy, to bypass them and appoint lawyers, who have had the best of the Bar, to the apex court.

    Prof. Akinseye-George said: “I do not subscribe to the idea of appointing legal practitioners to the Supreme Court, because the culture of a judge is different from a practitioner, the upbringing of a practitioner is different from a judge.

    “Any legal practitioner that wants to join the Bench should start from the High Court.”

    On his part, Okpoko faulted the recruitment process, which he argued, discriminates against the Bar and promotes mediocrity by unduly emphasising the quota system or federal character.

    He argued that the method of selection of the candidates for appointment of Justices in the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal is unsatisfactory in the extreme.

    “The appointment process appears to have been designed and operated to exclude good and competent lawyers in the legal profession from being appointed Justices of our appellate courts.

    “The appointing authority appears to have established a policy that the vacancies created by exit of Justices of Supreme Court or the Court of Appeal are to be filled by picking a candidate from the state of the vacating Justice only notwithstanding the availability of known better candidates readily at hand from other states or Local Government Areas in case of Judges at trial courts.

    Read Also: Supreme Court: I’ve no regret, says Babayemi, congratulates Adeleke

    ‘Another sore point on the appointment of Justices in our nation, is the continued resistance and/or rejection of the necessity of appointing appellate Justices directly from the Bar as is the practice in other countries,” Okpoko said.

    Referring to the provisions of sections 231(3), 238(3) and 250(3) as it relates to the qualifications for appointment to the High Court, Court of Appeal and Supreme Court Benches, Idornogie argued that there is no legal basis for limiting the recruitment process to the Bench.

    Prof. Idornogie, a Fellow, Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (NIALS), added: “The Constitution provides for ‘appointment’ to the Supreme Court and not ‘promotion’ from the Court of Appeal.

    “Why are we restricting ourselves to only those from the Court of Appeal? I think that the time has come for us to revisit the policy regarding appointment into the highest court of the land.

    “In doing this, I think that we should reconsider the meaning of ‘practice of law’. Is it only those in active legal practice that practice law?

    “For instance, I am an Arbitrator and I write arbitral awards regularly that are equal to judgements of the High Court [Section 31 of the Arbitration & Conciliation Act, 2004].

    “If I am interested in joining the Bench, why should I, as a Professor of Law and Chartered Arbitrator, be subjected to starting from the High Court?

    “Most academics will find this unattractive. I really do not want to talk of the quality of some judgements, and yet being able to write judgements is one of the reasons why only Justices of the Court of Appeal are ‘promoted’ to the Supreme Court.

    “We all know what judgements of the appellate courts were in the past, and what they are today,” Idornigie said.

    Otteh noted that although the current Judicial Appointment, which came into effect in 2014 provide that persons, who meet the constitutional qualifications and can demonstrate the requisite track record can be considered for appointment as Justices of the Supreme Court, appointments to the apex court are currently limited to serving Justices of the Court of Appeal.

    He proceeded to argue that “this longstanding pattern of bias against the consideration of ‘outsiders’ for appointment into the Supreme Court even offend the Constitution of Nigeria, which in Section 17(2)(a) expressly states that “every citizen shall have equality of rights, obligations and opportunities before the law.

    “The advocacy to diversify or amplify the backgrounds and credentials of candidates appointed to the Supreme Court is, in some sense, rooted in the belief that, as the Judiciary casts its net further ashore, it can attract those who represent its front foot, and offer the best possibilities for invigorating the court, and entrenching the vitality, scholarship, but more importantly, the spirit we want restored in that distinctive court of policy; a Judiciary that is unafraid of standing up to unruly governments,” Otteh said.

    Former Director-General, NIALS, Prof. Adekunle Adekunle advocated a transparent appointment process that will allow the selection of the best.

    He noted that although the process for nominating and interviewing candidates to the Supreme Court Bench has been thrown open, ” sections of the Bar, me included, have said that we can do better than that “What we have been seeing is the practice of giving the Bar and the public generally a fait accompli, by just announcing that a committee has met and these are the people that have been nominated.

    “We don’t want the process to be booby trapped. Appointing a good candidate is critical because removing bad judge is difficult because of the process and sentiment,” Adekunle said.

     

    • Other troubles

    Beyond the depletion on its Bench, the Supreme Court also faces the challenges of inadequate funding, poor welfare for judicial officers, poor infrastructure, huge workload and inadequate deployment of technologies.

     

    • Inadequate funding

    The Supreme Court, being part of the nation’s Judiciary, shares from the effect of inadequate funding.

    Justice Muhammad noted this when he said the gross underfunding and neglect of the Judiciary over the years have impacted negatively on the infrastructure and personnel within the system.

    This, he added, is to a large extent, affecting productivity, increasing frustration and deflating morale.

    “The welfare of judicial officers is another critical issue that we can’t afford to sweep under the carpet.

    “The paltry sum of money being collected as monthly salaries is an issue that needs urgent redress. The annual budget has been on a steady decline; and that has adversely affected the state of infrastructure in our courts.

    “Effort should be made by the relevant authorities to increase the salary and also work out measures to improve the welfare package of judicial officers, especially after retirement.

    “The comfort of my brother justices in various courts across the country is one of my topmost priorities and I will pursue it with the seriousness it deserves.

    “I deally, retired justices should be accorded the benefit of annual medical treatment locally and abroad, if the need arises to go for foreign medicare.

    “The subsisting poor medical care has accounted for the increasing deaths of most of our retired justices, as they often retire into penury and even without any befitting accommodation to rest their pale nerves,” Justice Muhammad said.

    On how to improve funding for the Judiciary, Malami assured of the Federal Government’s commitment to enhancing the funding of the Judiciary.

    Malami challenged judicial stakeholders, particularly the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), to lead the fight to ensure that state governments complied with constitutional provision guaranteeing financial autonomy for the Judiciary.

    • Huge workload

    On how to reduce the current hugde workload of the apex court, Justices Muhammad and Aboki suggested the alteration of the Constitution and relevant laws to limit the number of cases that should be accommodated at the Supreme Court.

    Justice Muhammad said: “Our laws have to be amended to make most appeals to end at the Court of Appeal, which is competent, dexterous and well-equipped with the right materials and manpower to adjudicate effectively and resourcefully.

    “All Nigerians need to be admonished on the imperative of being less litigious and be more disposed to alternative dispute resolutions to free the courts of this unnecessary over-stretching of both human and material resources.

    ‘It is not every dispute that must find its way to the court and it is not every matter that must come to the Supreme Court.”

    Justice Aboki advocated reforms, particularly the amendment of the Constitution to reduce the number of cases filed at the Supreme Court.

    He said certain interlocutory applications should not be countenanced by the apex court, while other political cases, except that if the presidential election should terminate at the court below.

     

    • Enhanced deployment of technology

    Although the apex court was working on improving on level of technology application, there is need to do more in view of its importance to prompt and effective justice administration.

    Justice Muhammad equally emphasised this when he said: “It is no more secret that technology is fast changing the face of law practice across the world and we must rise up to face the reality.

    “I don’t think we have invested much in legal technology to be counted among the frontline legal practitioners across the world.

    “We must brace up to face the reality of the times so that we will not be sailing against the tide.”

  • Securing Judiciary’s independence: Way forward

    Securing Judiciary’s independence: Way forward

    In this piece, Abiodun Olatunji (SAN) examines the problems confronting the judiciary. He also attempts a comparison of what obtains in other jurisdictions abroad and proffers a way out

    “All the rights secured to the citizens under the Constitution are

    worth nothing, and a mere bubble, except guaranteed to them

    by an independent and virtuous Judiciary.”—Andrew Jackson

    INTRODUCTION

    The above evergreen postulation of Andrew Jackson, a highly cerebral American lawyer, first class general, and statesman of repute, who served as the 7th President of the United States of America (1829 to 1837) is very apt to today’s discussion qua lecture, due to the unwarranted and unjustifiable onslaught by successive civilian and military governments, over the years to erode the independence of the Nigerian Judiciary.

    There is no gainsaying the fact that the Judiciary has run into troubled waters and unless drastic measures are put in place to stem the ugly tide, it is about to hit an iceberg akin to the iceberg which sunk the RMS Titanic Vessel in the North Atlantic Ocean on 15th April, 1912 (on its maiden voyage from Southampton to New York with 2,200 passengers and crew on board), a vessel hitherto considered unsinkable.

    1 The Nigerian Judiciary is at crossroads and has been unable to cross the ‘Red Sea’ of corruption, financial strangulation by the governments at both the state and federal level, widespread maladministration within the Judiciary itself etc., which have hindered it from successfully carrying its constitutional mandate as enshrined in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (As Amended).

    This now leads us to the germane question that if the Judiciary itself has been hamstrung in recent times by the Executive constantly seeking to make it kow-tow to its whims and caprices by depriving the Judiciary of the needed funds needed to independently and effectively run its affairs, how can the rights of the citizens be adequately secured?

    The imagery of this rather sad and appalling situation is aptly captured by the English poet and author, Geoffrey Chaucer, in the General Prologue to The Canterbury Tales, wherein he quipped thus: “If gold rusts, what then can iron do?”A nation without an independent Judiciary is not likely to enjoy either the rule of law or true freedom.

    The greatest proponent of the Rule of Law, Professor A. V. Dicey, whose views on the doctrine remain the most globally accepted authoritative restatement stated thus:”…in the first place, the absolute supremacy or predominance of regular law, as opposed to the influence of arbitrary power, and excludes the existence of arbitrariness, of prerogative, or even wide discretionary authority on the part of the government. Englishmen are ruled by the law, and by the law alone, a man may with us be punished for nothing else. It means again equality before the law or the equal subjection of all classes to the ordinary law of the land administered by the ordinary law courts. The rule of law in this sense excludes idea of any exemption of officials or others from the duty of obedience to the law of the land which governs other citizens or from the jurisdiction of the ordinary tribunals.”

    2The independence of any nation’s Judiciary is hinged on the theory of separation of powers, a doctrine that is often believed to rest at the foundation of the Constitution of the United States of America. It holds that liberty is best preserved if the three functions of government-legislation, law enforcement, and adjudication-are in different hands.

    The modern idea of separation of powers is to be found in one of the most important eighteenth-century works on political science, the Baron de Montesquieu’s The Spirit of the Laws (1748), which states that: “Political liberty is to be found only when there is no abuse of power…

    But constant experience shows us that everyman invested with power is apt to abuse it, and to carry his authority as far as it will go … To prevent this abuse, it is necessary from the nature of things that power should be a check to power …

    When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person or body … there can be no liberty; … Again there is no liberty if the judicial power is not separated from the Legislative and the executive… There would be an end of everything, were the same man or the same body, whether of the nobles or of the people to exercise all three powers.”

     

    3 MABURY V. MADISON: WHAT BREATHES LIFE INTO THE UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION?

    It was the judgment rendered by Chief Justice John Marshall in the celebrated case of William Marbury v. James Madison4 that breathed life into the US Constitution thus, saving the American State from disintegrating. The effect of the evergreen judgment of the erudite and highly cerebral Jurist was succinctly captured in the words of Ian Mc-Dougall thus:”With a persuasive stroke of a pen, Justice Marshall defined what ‘checks and balances’ meant in practice and he clarified the role of the Supreme Court of the United States in shaping our culture. Marshall confirmed that the US Constitution was the supreme law of the land and the Supreme Court was the final arbiter of all legal disputes regardless of the parties involved-in this instance a part of a co-equal branch of the US government. Marshall starts with a critical premise with which no one, other than those who would champion revolution, could argue- the Constitution is the supreme law of the land and, as such, the Constitution explicitly provides that the judicial power of the United States culminates in the Supreme Court whose power is expressly extended to all cases arising under the laws of the United States.”In essence, even though it was the representatives of the pioneering 13 states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgina that created a Grundnorm for America, it was not until the decision of Chief Justice John Marshall in the celebrated case of Marbury v. Madison (supra) that the American revolution was triggered. Also, it was this decision that put in place a vibrant and irrepressible American Judiciary. It was the masterstroke verdict of Chief Justice John Marshall that gave an Attorney-General appointed by a sitting President who would institute criminal proceedings against the same President who appointed him, as evinced in the similarly celebrated case of United States v. Nixon, President of the United States.

     

    5 (the Watergate scandal case)THE INDUSTRY QUA BRAVERY OF THE NIGERIAN JUDICIARY IN THE DAYS OF YORE – A SELECT FEW NOTABLE CASES CONSIDEREDPermit me to highlight just a few notable cases, wherein the Supreme Court displayed bravery, valour and industry: In the case of Esugbayi Eleko v Government of Nigeria6 the Privy Council declared null and void and of no effect whatsoever the deportation of the Oba of Lagos from his domain to an entirely different part of Nigeria on the basis that the Governor has no such power in spite of the fact that the Governor then was vested with both executive and legislative powers. The court held thus:”No member of the executive can interfere with the liberty or property of a subject except on the condition that he can support the legality of his action before a court of justice.”Some other cases the Supreme Court has acted bravely include but are not limited to: Doherty v. Balewa,7 E.O. Lakanmi v. A.G. Western State & Ors,8 Paul Unogo v. Aper Aku & 2 Ors,9 Governor of Lagos State v Ojukwu,10 Obeya Memorial Hospital v Attorney-General of the Federation & Ors.,11 Garba vs. University of Maiduguri, Fawehinmi v Akilu,12 A-G. Bendel State v A-G. Federation & Ors.13, Garba v Federal Civil Service Commission14, Bello v A-G. Oyo State15, Olaniyan v University of Lagos16, Military Governor of Ondo State v Adewunmi

     

    17THE BANE AFFECTING THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY IN RECENT YEARS- MATTERS ARISING

    Dispensation of Justice in a Unitarized JudiciaryAs at 1979, and up to November 1993, the State High Courts in Nigeria exercised unlimited jurisdiction on all matters, whether between citizens, inter se, in the respective States, or between citizens and governments of the various States or between governments of the States and federal agencies therein. A case in point is when the Shagari led Federal Government attempted to deport Shugaba Abdulrahman Darman in 1982, it was a Borno State High Court, sitting in Maiduguri that initially granted an injunction restraining the deportation exercise, before finally going into the merits of the case to prohibit the Federal Government from deporting the citizen.18 The unlimited jurisdiction of the State High Court was also depicted in -Barclays Bank v. Central Bank of Nigeria19; Bronik Motors v. Wema Bank 20 and Jammal Steel Structures Ltd v. Africa Continental Bank Ltd,21 Sequel to the above, unlike the 1979 Constitution which was truly federal in nature, as far as the jurisdiction of the State High Court was concerned, section 272(1) of the 1999 Constitution now subjects the jurisdiction of the State High Court primarily to section 251, which vests exclusive jurisdiction in the Federal High Court in relation to certain defined matters. It is pertinent to state that the entirety of section 251 of the Constitution constitutes relics of the military incursion into the Nigerian political space, particularly the emergence of General Sani Abacha’s administration in November, 1993.

    The military administration of General Sani Abacha promulgated Decree No. 107 of 199322 to delimit the jurisdiction of the State High Court and expand that of the Federal High Court to include, amongst others, any matter or cause involving the Federal Government or any of its agencies. The Plague of Forum ShoppingThe plague of Forum Shopping is a reprehensible phenomenon where courts of concurrent jurisdictions give conflicting judgments qua rulings with more or less the same parties on the same subject-matter. The Court of Appeal in Ibori v. FRN23 condemned the practice of forum shopping when it held thus:”There is no provision in the EFCC Act, to the effect that it can pick and choose at will or randomly, which court to arraign and prosecute an accused person. Forum shopping is not a practice recognized or approved under our laws. Indeed, it is frowned upon, regarded and rightly too, as an aberration and an undisguised wilful attempt to punish an accused person before a verdict of guilt is returned in his criminal trial. By no means and with whatever leverage should prosecution be converted to persecution, victimization, discrimination, deprivation, open denial of fair hearing and an assault on well-defined principles of natural justice and the 1999 Constitution. You cannot take an accused person from Lagos to Gashua for trial just like that without the law as your forte.” Other cases in which the ugly and retrogressive practice of forum shopping was condemned by the courts include but are not limited to: Dalhatu v. Turaki,24 Dingyadi & Anor v. INEC (No. 1) (2010) 18 NWLR (Pt. 1224) 154 at 195-196, paras. E – G.Corruption Corruption is a cankerworm that has eaten deep into the fabric of our nation, bearing its poisonous, deadly and life-threatening fangs on every facet of our national life, including the legal profession. It is incontrovertible that corruption is a hydra headed monster that is capable of bringing any society to its precipice, including the Judiciary, the third arm of government.

    Perhaps, apart from genocide, (crime against humanity), there is nothing as lethal, pernicious and virulent as corruption in any society. Recently, a damning Report entitled: “Nigeria Corruption Index: Report of a pilot survey” covering a period of 2018 – 2019, which placed the Judiciary on top of the Nigeria Corruption Index was released by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) through its Chairman, Prof. Bolaji Owasanoye.

     

    The said Report stated in part thus:”Six female Judges reported that they were offered N3,307,444,000 billion and five male judges reported N392,220,000 million…Overall, the justice sector had the highest level of corruption with a score of 63. The level of corruption in the justice sector was heightened by stupendously high amounts of money offered as bribes to judges by lawyers handling high electoral and other political cases…The total amount of money reported by the Justice sector respondents as corruptly demanded, offered and paid between 2018 and 2020 was N9, 457, 650,000.”The devasting effect of a corrupt judge on the society could not have been more appropriately captured than that stated by Hon. Justice S.O. Uwaifo, JSC in his Valedictory Speech on 24th January, 2005 titled: “May the Supreme Court never become an Undergrowth” in condemning any Judge who is corrupt stated thus: “A corrupt judge is more harmful to the society than a man who runs amok with a dagger in a crowded street. The latter can be restrained physically. But a corrupt judge deliberately destroys the moral foundation of society and causes incalculable distress to individuals through abusing his office while still being referred to as honourable.” The stench emanating from the level of corruption in the judicial space is heart wrenching. As stated in clause 40 of the famous MAGNA CARTA, 1215, Judges should be able to say with all good conscience and without any hesitation whatsoever that “Nulli vademus, nulli negabimus, aut differemus rectum, aut justiciam” meaning “to no one will we sell (justice), to no one will we refuse or delay right or justice”.

    THE WAY FORWARD OUT OF THE DOLDRUMS FOR THE JUDICIARY

     

    Establishment of State Judicial CouncilsThe essence of establishing State Judicial Councils is to ensure that issues relating to recommendation, appointment, payment of salaries and punishment of Judges etc., are handled at the state level rather than over burden the National Judicial Council with the herculean task of dealing with the said issues from all the courts in all the states of the federation. The establishment of State Judicial Councils will require an amend to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (As Amended). Meting out stiffer penalties on corrupt judges by the NJC.

    There is a need for the NJC to met out stiffer penalties including outright dismissal of errant judges who engage in corrupt practices. There is no gainsaying the fact that keeping bad eggs in the system will send a wrong signal to other judges and the general public. Late last year, three judges of courts of coordinate jurisdiction were penalized by the NJC for granting ex parte orders to the same parties on the same subject matter. Two of the judges were warned and estopped from being promoted for two years, while the third judge was slammed with a five-year moratorium from being promoted. To my mind, the NJC should have wielded the big stick. The American Judicial Disciplinary ExampleLet us take a cue from the United States of America when in 2019 the jury convicted Rodolfo “Rudy” Delgado, 65, of Edinburg, following a six-day trial of one count of conspiracy, three counts of federal program bribery, three counts of travel act bribery and one count of obstruction of justice. As a State of Texas District Judge, Delgado conspired with an attorney from January 2008 to November 2016 to accept bribes in exchange for favorable judicial consideration on criminal cases pending in his courtroom. As part of the investigation, Delgado also accepted bribes on three separate occasions in exchange for agreeing to release three of the attorney’s clients on bond in cases pending before his court. The first two bribes totalled approximately $520 in cash and the third bribe – in January 2018 – totalled approximately $5,500.The Assistant Attorney-General of the State of Texas, Brian A. Benczkowski of the Justice Department’s Criminal Division had this to say about the action of the convicted judge: “Rudy Delgado used his position to enrich himself… Delgado’s actions unfairly tarnish all his former colleagues. No one – especially a judge – is above the law. Corrupt judges erode the confidence we have in our judicial system, but this verdict goes a long way in restoring that confidence.”25Merit based appointmentAppointment of persons to the Bench must be merit based and not politically influenced. Sections 231, 238, 250, 256 and 271 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (As Amended) relating to the appointment/qualification of legal practitioners to the Supreme Court, Court, Court of Appeal, Federal High Court, High Court, FCT and High Court of a State respectively only stated the number of years for any legal practitioner to be qualified to be appointed to the Bench of any of the courts. No reference was made as to the required “character traits and depth of knowledge” expected of such a legal practitioner. I want to propose an amendment of the relevant provisions of the Constitution mentioned above, expanding the definition of qualification beyond the number of years the said legal practitioner is qualified. This is to prevent politicians from nominating/appointing their cronies who are not qualified to the Bench. Persons to be appointed must be of unassailable integrity, character and sound learning.Appointment of Cerebral High Court Judges to the Supreme CourtIt is pertinent for the Judiciary to revive the practice of appointing brilliant, cerebral, diligent and Judges of sound character from the High Court Bench straight to the Supreme Court. Examples abound of industrious, sound and cerebral Justices who set the Supreme Court alight with their forensic and evergreen judgments, who were appointed from the High Court Bench to the Supreme Court. – Hon. Justice Kayode Eso, JSC, CON, Hon. Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, JSC, CFR, Hon. Justice Chukwunweike Idigbe, JSC, Hon. Justice Ebenezer Babasanya Craig, Hon. Justice Mohammed Bello, JSC, GCON, Hon. Justice Anthony Aniagolu, JSC, Hon. Justice Andrew Obaseki, JSC and Hon. Justice Saidu Kawu.

    Their noteworthy contributions to the expansion of the frontiers of our jurisprudence through their sound judgments cannot be washed away by the footprints of the sands of time.The American Example- Chief Justices of the United States Supreme Court without prior judicial experienceIn the United States of America, 9 out of 17 Chief Justices had no prior judicial experience before their appointment as Chief Justices of America at different times in the American judicial trajectory. They include John Marshall, Roger Taney, Salmon Chase, Morrison Waite, Melville Fuller, Charles Evans Hughes, Harlan Fiske Stone, Earl Warren and William Rehnquist. Supreme Court of CanadaIn the Supreme Court of Canada, only one out of nine justices of the Supreme Court of Canada has no prior judicial experience – The Honourable Suzanne Cote who, was prior to her appointment to the Supreme Court of Canada was a Partner at Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt LLP.Security of Tenure for Judges/JusticesThere must be security of tenure for Judges/Justices to enable them carry out their duties dispassionately as Judges/Justices without any fear or inhibition. The removal of Chief Judges of some of our High Courts for flimsy or no reason at all must be nipped in the bud. The American Example- Security of Tenure for Federal Judges & Justices the Supreme CourtWhile the executive and legislative branches are elected by the people, members of the Judicial Branch are appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate. Federal judges can only be removed through impeachment by the House of Representatives and conviction in the Senate. Judges and Justices serve no fixed term – they serve until their death, retirement, or conviction by the Senate. By design, this insulates them from the temporary passions of the public, and allows them to apply the law with only justice in mind, and not electoral or political concerns.26Supreme Court of the United StatesThe Supreme Court of the United States is the highest court in the land and the only part of the federal judiciary specifically required by the Constitution. All Justices are nominated by the President, confirmed by the Senate, and hold their offices under life tenure. Since Justices do not have to run or campaign for re-election, they are thought to be insulated from political pressure when deciding cases. Justices may remain in office until they resign, pass away, or are impeached and convicted by Congress.27Remuneration/Welfare of Judges/JusticesIt is an open secret that Judges both at the federal and state level are underpaid, which makes them susceptible to accept or take bribes/kickbacks when offered by desperate politicians. The salaries and allowances of Nigerian judges at the Federal and State levels have remained static for nearly 15 years till date. The last time salaries of judges were reviewed in the country was by the “Certain Political, Public and Judicial Office Holders (Salaries and Allowances, etc.) (Amendment) Act, 2008”, which came into force on February 1, 2007.28 In June 2022, a letter duly signed by 14 Justices of the Supreme Court of Nigeria was all over the social media space captioned: “The State of Affairs in the Supreme Court of Nigeria and demand by Justices of the Court” and addressed to the immediate past Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice Tanko Muhammad. In the said letter the eminent Justices were complaining about their poor welfare packages and other sundry issues negatively affecting them in the discharge of their judicial duties. This is very embarrassing to say the least. An upward review of the remuneration/welfare packages is required urgently. I tried to no avail to get the remuneration earned by Judges/Justices at the State and Federal level of the Nigerian Judiciary. However, in a few seconds, I was able to lay my hands on the earnings of federal judges of the United State Courts in the past 54 years (1968-2022), by doing a quick google search to check for the Annual payment of Federal Judges of the United States Court between 1968-202229 (https://www.uscourts.gov/judges-judgeships/judicial-compensation). Unsurprisingly, the data available on the website of the Federal Courts of the United States of America, showed an upward trajectory review of the earnings of the Judges of the US Federal Courts.The raid/arrest of Judges/Justice in October 2016 and the unceremonious removal/conviction of the Chief Justice of Nigeria in 2019- Intimidation of the entire Judiciary must come to an endThe attack of the residences of some Judges/Justices in gestapo style by men of the DSS in October 2016, ransacking their homes in the process in the search of hard currencies puportedly given to them as bribes at midnight shocked the entire Judiciary to the bone marrow. It caused a huge embarrassment to the legal profession. It was/is apparently clear that the Executive sees the Judiciary, not as a separate and distinct arm of government, but as a mere department under it. Also, the conviction of the then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Hon. Justice Walter Onnoghen by the Code of Conduct of Tribunal on the ground that he failed to properly declare his assets was the final nail in the coffin. The legal profession was at its lowest ebb and is yet to recover from the assault suffered by it. These despicable attacks on the Bench must stop forthwith; our Justices/Judges must not be gagged. The Financial Autonomy of the Judiciary must be guaranteedThe quest for the financial/judicial autonomy suffered a setback when the Supreme Court in Suit No- SC/CV/655/2020- A.G. Abia & 35 Ors. v. A.G. Federation of Nigeria by a split decision decided 6-1 to nullify Executive Order 10, vide which the Federal Government of Nigeria had sought in 2019, to give effect to Section 81 (3) and Section 121(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), with regard to the financial autonomy of the respective 36 states judiciary and legislature, which had been observed more in the breach by state governments and their Chief Executives. The Governors of the 36 states of the Federation had kicked against the Executive Order describing the said Order as an aberration which inhibited their rights under the 1999 Constitution. It is clear the Judiciary must go back to the drawing board to find its way out of this conundrum.Need for more lawyers to get actively involved in governance by seeking for elective positions in the Executive and LegislatureThere is no gainsaying the fact that there is a need for more lawyers in Nigeria to be actively involved in governance by seeking for elective positions in the Executive and the Legislature. For instance, first world countries like the United States of America and Singapore have been piloted by lawyers. Lee Kuan Yew, who is regarded as the father of modern Singapore and who positively turned around the fortunes of Singapore was a lawyer, ditto for the United States of America which has produced 26 Presidents (out of 46 Presidents in its history) who were lawyers. A former President of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, who was regarded as a world citizen and widely respected was a lawyer. Curiously, Nigeria has not produced a single lawyer as President. In the National Assembly, we have only a handful of lawyers, yet the National Assembly is purportedly supposed to have as its core mandate the business of ‘law making’. How ironic! The United States of America for instance, in the last Congress, 39 percent of the House members were lawyers, along with 57 percent of U.S. senators. Four new lawyers were elected to the Senate and 16 were elected to the House in 2014, according to a list published by the National Law Journal. 169 Members of the House (38% of the House) and 57 Senators (57% of the Senate), held law degrees. 19 House Representatives have doctoral (Ph.D. or D.Phil.) degrees. The Congressional Research Service notes that the vast majority of Members (95 percent) had an academic degree: 168 Representatives and 57 Senators had a law degree. Of these, five (three Representative and two Senators) also hold a Master of Laws (LL.M.) degree. 30Promotion/elevation of Judges should not be determined by the Executive.

     

    CONCLUSION

    I will close this paper with the instructive words of Sir David Roy Lidington KCB CBE, a renowned British politician, who was the Member of Parliament for Aylesbury from 1992 until 2019. He stated thus:”The rule of law and the independence of the judiciary underpin our democracy and lie at the heart of our way of life. They are the very cornerstone of our freedoms”

     

     

  • Wanted: Implementation of business, human rights norms in Africa

    Wanted: Implementation of business, human rights norms in Africa

    Oyeniyi Abe is a lecturer in Law at the Huddersfield Business School, University of Huddersfield, United Kingdom. He is also a Research Associate at the Centre for Comparative Law in Africa, University of Cape Town, South Africa. A Fellow of the United Kingdom’s Higher Education Authority, the University of Benin graduate holds a PhD in Commercial Law from the University of Cape Town; a Master of Laws (LL.M.) from University of California Berkeley, and another LL.M from Central European University, Hungary. In this interview with Deputy News Editor JOSEPH JIBUEZE, he speaks on speeding up justice administration, how to revive Nigeria’s education sector, and the implementation of business and human rights norms in Africa, which is the subject of his new book.

    Delays have continued to mar justice dispensation and delivery in Nigeria, thereby encouraging impunity. What do you think the Judiciary in Nigeria and its administrators are not doing well or can do better?

    Most African countries have laws that demand companies remedy any adverse human rights impact of their activities. This includes clean-up efforts, cooperation with state agencies to document pollution and compensation for victims of corporate actions. African courts should strengthen their ideological orientation in safeguarding people’s lives that are at risk at the hands of corporate actors. Lack of access in most African jurisdiction is exacerbated by several factors.

    What are some of these factors?

    They include widespread corruption in the justice system, delays in prosecution, unnecessary public holidays, inadequate scientific proof, the inability to secure legal representation, a lack of judicial independence (economic and political pressures), lack of training, and lack of expertise and support for state prosecutors to enable them to investigate individual and corporate-related human rights abuses. An increasing problem is the inability to keep up with new directions and trends in the business and human rights debate. While South Africa is innovative in terms of establishing specialised courts to address emerging issues, Nigeria lumps all manner of claims in the same court – making administration of justice a herculean task. A significant number of judges also need to be re-trained in professional ethics. The principle of a separate legal personality often occasions difficulty, as it becomes difficult to ascribe liability to members of an extensive corporate entity.

    How can this problem be addressed?

    Judicial understanding forms part of environmental democratisation. Judges must be trained on recognising these normative instruments as critical part of right based approach to development. Adequate training for judges, investigators, and corporate lawyers on business and human rights must be fully supported and encouraged. The proactive nature of the judiciary in terms of the radical realisation of socio-economic, cultural, and human rights is well recognised in South Africa, where the courts have progressively realised socio-economic rights to the citizens.

    What is your assessment of the state of human rights in Africa within the context of business?

    Over the last several decades, globalisation has generated substantial changes in the structure of international society. One of the effects of globalisation is the development of diverse mechanisms in which corporate entities approach political, legal, and economic implications of their operations. The emergence of non-state actors in global governance has shaped the discourse surrounding human rights responsibilities of corporate entities. This creates a dilemma. How do we control the potential monstrosity of non-state actors in shaping discourses not only at the global or continental level, but at the local level? Should there be development of new regulations and what are the implications of enforcement. Should there also be voluntary mechanisms propping up companies to be engaged in socially-responsible investments?

    What is the extent of these rights issues and their implications?

    Indeed, business enterprises and transnational corporate actors operate in a complex global environment, especially when operating in high risks sectors such as oil and gas, mining, construction, banking, and health care amongst others. Understanding human rights responsibilities, impacts and socially responsible behaviour for states and companies is therefore an essential component of risk management in Africa. However, corporate induced human rights abuses have contributed to the most challenging human rights issues of the 21st century. One of the perplexing concerns of business and human rights debate is the human rights obligations of business enterprises to prevent, mitigate and address adverse impact of their activities. Often times, development projects, extractive activities, and manufacturing activities in Africa result in serious social, environmental, labour and human rights impacts. Not only have these projects caused land displacements, economic exclusion of the vulnerable members of the society, and large-scale environmental problems amongst others, they have increased local community resilience, and occasioned deep mistrust between host communities and development partners. In addition to minimising litigation, financial and reputational risks, understanding and demonstrating corporate respect for human rights is vital to building a culture of trust and integrity amongst local communities, investors, and shareholders.

    What gaps did you notice that led to your new book: Implementing Business and Human Rights Norms in Africa: Law and Policy Interventions?

    Existential gaps remain in the approach of corporate entities to human rights observance. In many African countries, while substantive rules that serve to regulate the activities and adverse impact of business do exist, they are not often considered to address business and human rights in a direct way. For instance, in the constitutions of many post-colonial states, state organs and businesses are understood to have obligations to abide by the Bill of Rights in the constitution. In countries which do not have obvious provisions for business compliance with human rights, legislation, regulations and policies have over time been adopted to address human rights, labour, public health and environment-related risks. In these ways, business activities are brought under the scrutiny of legal and policy regulations without being explicitly described as business and human rights regulations.

    How has the situation been?

    Over the last several decades, the African continent has been the epicentre of complex human rights, environmental and social impacts resulting from industrial activities, manufacturing processes, and resource production operations, particularly in extractive and fast moving consumer goods (FMCG) industries, for example, the adverse environmental impacts of oil and gas production in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria, the Lonmin massacre in South Africa, oil exploration and civil war in the DRC are clear examples of the failure of state actions and policy implementation. Large-scale environmental and social problems, such as climate change, water pollution, air pollution, loss of biodiversity, trade in endangered plant and animal species, gender-based exclusions, land grabs, and forced displacements, amongst others, resulting from resource exploitation and other industrial activities accentuate the need for greater corporate accountability for environmental and human rights impacts in Africa, especially when operating transnationally.

    How does your book address these gaps?

    These gaps highlight the need for home grown and localised approach to implementation approaches that consider local contexts across Africa and offer a form of ‘ubuntu’ internal systems for legal accountability and remedial redress, in line with emerging business and human rights norms. The book examines, clarifies, and unpacks the nature, scope and practical implications of emerging business and human rights norms in international law. It investigates the prospects and potentials of implementing business and human rights norms, in trade, investment, extractive, energy and diverse sectorial projects in developing countries, with perspectives from select African countries – Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa. Using the elements of the rights-based approach, it evaluates what international human rights standards currently regulate corporate conduct as opposed to the conduct of states and individuals, and to clarify the corresponding roles of states and businesses in safeguarding these rights. Business and human rights norms present a valuable roadmap for strengthening institutions to ensure that business activities in various sectors are not devoid of pertinent human rights considerations.

    In Nigeria, members of the Academic Staff Union of Universities have been on strike for eight months. Does this amount to rights violation on the part of the students and parents, and are they entitled to any remedies?

    Inadequate resources in the education sector promotes inequality, reduces the number and quality of schools as well as resources for learning. Nigerian government needs to invest substantially on education and instructional related materials. Most of the facilities in our Institutions of higher learning are moribund, and decrepit, creating a problematic environment for learning.

    What should the government do?

    The Nigerian government has failed over the years to consider higher education as critical to the economic survival of the country, hence, you see consistent brain drain over the years. Corruption and bureaucratic bottlenecks have also stifled the allocation of grants and funds to Universities in Nigeria. For example, the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND) was designed to manage and monitor education tax to public institutions in Nigeria. The management of the fund has been marred with inadequate monitoring of research output, favoritism and nepotism. Investments in higher education will guarantee knowledge-based systems anchored on productivity, competition, and innovation. Businesses can assist in generating knowledge production. For example, oil and gas, telecommunications or financial institutions can institute professorial chairs to advance knowledge and practice in an area that is a priority for both the institution and such funding entity. This will galvanize less reliance on government to fund this critical sector and foster quality research output and production. Take the Nigerian Oil and Gas Local Content Development Act (2010) for example which requires international companies to promote education, transfer skills and technology, and research and development, and to meet the set minimum technology for training the indigenous companies on how to better participate in the oil and gas industry.  Companies are better suited to meet the demands of educational sustenance, where there is a deliberate integration of social and environmental interests, and interactions with stakeholders.

     

    The response is to have the state work with companies to build university capacities so institutions can benefit from the global market share in knowledge production and innovative research. Perhaps, we can begin to think around universities being run like corporate entities with sufficient and adequate generous endowments and the ultimate focus on cutting edge, innovative research focus.

    Having taught abroad, are you bothered about the state of education in Nigeria, and what is the way out of the problem that seems to have defied solution?

    Indeed, I am bothered about the state of education in Nigeria, as I believe everyone should irrespective of where we have worked or studies. As highlighted in 11 above, transparency in the education sector is critical. Employment of teachers must be based on competency and ability to deliver learning outcomes for students. More funding, periodic assessment of the impact such funds are making, and partnership with stakeholders to generate quality research products is critical.

     

    A review of the courses being offered in universities to determine those that are relevant for the current global market and can produce societal impact is needed. It is also particularly important to adopt enquiry-based learning methods that will integrate practical skills and knowledge and prepare students to engage in real-world problem-solving. Goal 4 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) enjoins states to “Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all” Target 4.3 recommends that ‘by 2030, ensure equal access for all women and men to affordable and quality technical, vocational and tertiary education, including university’. Also, Target 4.7 indicates that ‘by 2030, ensure that all learners acquire the knowledge and skills needed to promote sustainable development, including, among others, through education for sustainable development and sustainable lifestyles, human rights, gender equality, promotion of a culture of peace and non-violence, global citizenship and appreciation of cultural diversity and of culture’s contribution to sustainable development.’ These aspirational goals emphasise the need for development institutions to support universities to develop collaborative research and teaching initiatives that will safeguard financial self-sufficiency.

    Do you see yourself returning to teach law in Nigeria, for instance, and what would it take to bring back your likes who are excelling abroad?

    Nigeria should make it a point of duty to invest in the education sector comparably with other developing economies – China for example. Institutions should also collaborate with other schools for share approach to learning. We should have students from other countries spending a semester or year in Nigeria for example and Nigerian students doing same in other countries. This widens students’ horizons and give them another perspective to understanding the necessary tools to excel in their chosen career. Sincerity of purpose to realise that our level of education is abysmal and genuine, concerted efforts to work towards maintaining standard are critical to have a shared approach to redeeming Nigeria’s educational sector. If you cast your mind back to what was the practice decades ago and where we are today, one will realise that turning the tide on the state of higher education in Nigeria is not rocket science.

    Could you take us through a highlight of some of the needed regulatory and institutional capacities needed to address the problems/gaps?

    First, there is the need for a holistic, sustainable, and effective body of laws that must carefully address the intersections of human rights with all key sectors, ranging from natural resources, land management, food, water, energy, education, aviation, and healthcare, amongst others. For example, there is the need to integrate human rights perspectives into the licensing and implementation of mining activities in order to effectively address the short- and long-term human rights impacts in local communities. It is also important to integrate human rights perspectives into economic policies to ensure that efforts to attract trade and foreign direct investment opportunities in key sectors do not result in lowering human rights standards. In Nigeria for instance, the Company Act does not provide for any corporate human rights observance. Furthermore, human rights approach and integration is critical in banking and security laws to address illicit financial flows that prevent Africa’s development and progress.

    Second, Africa must essentially strengthen or enact strong, comprehensive, and legally enforceable business and human rights standards. While policy measures institutional guidelines are important, mainstreaming human rights standards into all aspects of governance and decision-making will require clear regulatory frameworks on business and human rights. In Africa, only six countries: Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, South Africa, Uganda, and Zambia, have constitutional provisions that mandate business respect for human rights. In addition, most, if not all multinational companies (MNCs) have statements regarding compliance with human rights standards. Mere statements without more, does not guarantee human rights compliance. There must be an effective regulatory regime that provides sanction for violation of human rights standards. Codes of corporate conducts and policies of that nature are aspirational in nature; therefore, to actualise the policies contained therein, institutional, and functional structure must be put in place to achieve human rights compliance. One area where strong enforcement measures are critical is in due diligence commitments. Lack of due diligence has been the cause of local community-company remonstrations and distrust.  Companies need to assess actual and potential human rights impacts in their spheres of operations. Where it is seen that they have violated human rights, they should remediate the damage or prevent any potential risk of adverse effects. Indeed, MNCs have the scientific and technological capability to conduct due diligence, but often times they decide not to. Unfortunately, the state is inherently indifferent to corporate capture and lacks the will to enforce its environmental laws against erring companies. For instance, under the Environmental Impact Assessment Act, Nigeria could embark upon criminalising the activities of companies that do not follow the due diligence mandates. Since it is expected that companies are subject to domestic laws, it is expected that this direction will pave the way for the indirect application of the human rights due diligence as contained in business and human rights principles.

    A national law that mandates business enterprises to limit human rights risks in their operations and to integrate human rights due diligence into supply chain management can go a long way in advancing sustainable business practices. Under this model, human rights issues would not be considered in a reactionary manner or when there is a protest or disaster. Rather, actions to reduce human rights risks can become an integral part of, and harmonized with, overall national planning and development processes, as well as Sustainable Development Goals.

    Third, providing and articulating clear institutional policy alignment is essential. African states must mandate the application of Free, Prior, Informed, Consent (FPIC) in any development project. Free demands that local communities are consulted without hinderance, and their inputs are incorporated in development projects and processes. These consultations must be held before projects are designed and contracts signed. Such consultations must be comprehensive, informative and give local communities all the needed information. Consent must not be coerced. Consultation obviates many challenges. It reduces tension with host communities, facilitates social legitimacy, builds community trust in development companies in the face of dwindling resources, and prioritises respect for ethical behaviour and local community initiatives

    Development projects generate enormous human rights implications. The inherent problems are massive displacement without adequate consultation or compensation when making way for development projects, lack of participation, and inadequate or non-existent access to judicial remedies for victims of human rights violations. These instances are a stark reminder that corporate disasters represent state failure to address corporate impunity and failure to assume ‘duty’ in respect of respect human rights under national and international laws. While it is envisaged that integrating human rights protection into domestic laws and policies would be the panacea to these intractable challenges, a rights-based approach to resource governance would be a holistic framework that would safeguard future generations from corporate-related human rights abuses and climate disaster. Thus, States must guarantee that MNCs document the process for obtaining consent of the host communities and the right of host communities to withdraw consent where such development projects continue to cause insufferable conditions for workers, host communities and vulnerable members of the community. Adequate and timely information about a particular project must be given to the local communities. Consultation must be widely held with local communities and obtain their FPIC before trade or investments treaties are signed. Furthermore, adequate provisions should be made to protect the interests of vulnerable members of the public, including women, persons with disabilities, children, in trade agreements.

    What is the role of human rights commissions in all of this?

    Often times, national human rights commissions or state-owned enterprises have the primary responsibility for safeguarding human rights in a country, the process of investigating and addressing human rights risks involves a wide range of departments and units and can be very complicated across Africa. A coordinated and articulated institutional road map could unite different mandates and priorities across ministries and agencies. In Nigeria, for example, the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) is the regulatory agency for the enforcement of petroleum regulations in Nigeria. The Department does not have any programme or activity on business and human rights – and does not indicate whether the state has provided adequate mechanisms for information, training and support for key staff who shape business practices. Governments must ensure that institutions such as DPR are abreast of government’s human rights obligations (if any exist) – by providing sufficient information and training on human rights standards. The propensity of ethically complex projects to circumvent environmental and human rights assessments and examination makes it complicated and challenging to realize institutional consistency and coordination of efforts across ministries and agencies in the design and implementation of business and human rights responses.

    Safeguarding business and human rights principles across sectoral agencies requires periodic and constant training in quality assessment and monitoring. Human rights education and training should be regularly conducted with corporate entities. To integrate a rights-based approach, implementation, and policy formulators must be trained and very well acquainted with the business and human rights principles, so that monitoring, and implementation are more effective. Periodic assessment and evaluation of staff should be carried out to assess their level of engagement with human rights and business principles. Ongoing staff development through various avenues such as summer school programmes, certificate courses, seminars and conferences would be essential.

    Fourth, the rise of business law and practice across Africa raises the need for innovative business and human rights education programmes to train and prepare administrators for evidence-based policymaking on BHRs. Integrating human rights into business as a moral imperative, local community participation, consultation, and awareness – through citizenship education – will contribute to the implementation of the human rights standards in Africa’s development projects. However, certain steps must be implemented. Enhancing capacity for implementation will require education providers across Africa to design tailored courses that provide practical and skill-based learning using a wide range of online and in-class tools. Traditional human rights courses are not designed to explore the intricacies of BHR as a distinct and interdisciplinary field of study. This raises a huge gap in the capacity of African graduates and future policymakers to understand corporate responsibility and obligations relating to human rights. It is important for law schools to design innovative courses that fill this gap. Graduate schools should first introduce students to the historical context and theoretical concepts of corporate social responsibility, business and human rights. Courses should clearly recognize that the development of a National Baseline Assessment is instrumental to adopting national action plans on business and human rights. This form of enquiry-based learning should encourage a survey of business induced human rights violations, assess their key laws and regulations that guide the conduct of business to identify the extent to which they address human rights, their enforcement, institutional arrangements, gaps, and recommendations. Instruction led materials should identify and ensure students understand that Africa lags behind in the implementation of business and human rights, yet it is one of the continents that suffers tremendously from egregious conduct on non-state actors. There is a missing narrative on BHR in Africa. Consequently, development of national action plans on BHRs is critical. It is imperative for key institutions in Africa, such as African Development Bank, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, UNDP, to support such initiative.

    Would you describe illicit financial flows, through which Africa loses billions, as a form of abuse of human rights by transnational corporations and their enablers/facilitators?

    Indeed, IFFs are gross violations of citizens fundamental rights. The AU Convention on Preventing and Combatting Corruption recognizes illicit financial flows as a related offence to corruption under article 6 and thus require States to act against ‘the conversion, transfer or disposal’ of proceeds from corruption. In the last five decades, Africa has lost over 1 trillion dollars to illicit financial flows. Yearly, it is estimated that the continent loses more than 50 billion dollars from these flows, 65 per cent of which relates to commercial activities by corporations.

    The weak legal and regulatory architecture of most African states are readily exploited by non-state actors. Three key manifestations of these flows in commercial activities are: tax avoidance and evasion, concealment of fortune and sidestepping of local levies and custom duties. On taxes, Africa loses over 38 billion to evasions.  In Tanzania, $18.73 billion was lost between 2002 and 2011 due to mis-invoicing.  In Liberia, corporations in the forestry sector owe an estimated $25 million dollars from taxes evaded in some cases over a period of eight years.  Following the Marikana massacre in South Africa, investigations into the activities of Lonmin revealed that the world’s third largest platinum corporation moved an annual profit of ZAR400 million from South Africa to Bermuda to evade taxes for almost two decades.  These illicit flows essentially deprive the continent of pertinent resources for socio-economic development. However, the UNECA High Level Panel Report noted that while corruption impedes Africa’s development, the continent loses more money through illicit financial flows than it receives in aid, loans and investment combined.

    Due to weak legal and regulatory architecture, businesses exploit the gaps and weakness in the law to channel their resources illegally. Lost funds can be utilized to provide social and economic benefits which will significantly benefit citizens. Expanding understanding of material risk as including not only risk to the company, but also risk to key stakeholders and their rights (double materiality) is a crucial step towards making human rights a key factor in investment decision-making processes. The highest noticeable significance of illicit financial flows is evident on the lack of implementation of the rights to equality, health, education, and work in Africa. More hospitals could have been constructed, with provision of lifesaving treatments, provision of adequate schools and educational resources. These impacts the number of children that could have received free education and the impact on employment conditions such as wages and living standards, non-implementation of these rights further deepens inequality.

    IFFs weaken the state, structures of government and other institutions such as financial intelligence units, legal regulatory systems, banks, and financial regulatory institutions. Beneficiaries of IFFs undermine those institutions that are responsible for detecting and prosecuting illicit conduct. Through bribery, corruption and public theft beneficiaries of illicit financial flows also discredit democratic institutions.

    In Marikana, the miners were not only striking about their own low wages but also against the extremely high salaries paid to the mine’s management. The main way in which illicit financial flows impacts on socio-economic rights is by reducing the available funding at the disposal of the state to promote access for its people to the necessary resources to realise these rights. One of the major components of poverty eradication policies is increase in access to health care. Illicit financial flows reduce the state revenue and impacts directly upon the number of hospitals available to treat poor and vulnerable groups, the quality of the facilities, the number of patients that could have received life-saving medication, the number of doctors that could have been trained and employed and, it directly impacts upon whether a person dies with dignity or in misery.

    IFF impacts revenue generating capacity of state. For example, tax abuse by MNCs force governments to raise revenue from other sources such as Value Added Tax (VAT).  Thus, states should strengthen their capacity to address illicit financial flows; Investigate and take action to repatriate funds in relation to individuals and corporations mentioned in investigative documents such as the Panama Papers. Businesses should also undertake due diligence and human rights impact assessments which include tax compliance impacts and mitigation strategies.

    Do you think African governments are doing enough to hold these violators accountable, and what more is needed?

    States are not doing enough to meet their duty to protect against business-related human rights abuse. The efficacy of current legal developments is being called into question. Governance gaps, policy incoherence and lack of government leadership remains a challenge to ensuring business and human rights compliance.

    Read Also: Wanted: Implementation of business, human rights norms in Africa

    The level of compliance by business enterprises and enforcement of applicable laws have often been very low, where enforcement by national authorities is weak. African countries will need to carefully consider complex socio-economic conditions in their countries and develop detailed and responsive legal frameworks that provide effective avenues for anticipating and addressing human rights violations in key sectors. Greater clarity must be placed on legislative efficacy and corporate accountability. Responsible investment in natural resources, land and other sectors, and ways to overcome governance gaps and advance business and human rights principles must be well laid out in legislative processes and documents.

    States must also play a crucial role in driving cross cutting and strategic considerations for multi-stakeholder dialogue and carving out a common vision for the way forward for responsible investments in these sectors. Furthermore, to effectively hold violators accountable, States must be able to track performance and progress in the implementation of these Principles – examining the wide range of existing initiatives and methodologies – from measuring, tracking, and reporting to ranking and benchmarking. Furthermore, States may need to address the human rights impacts of corruption by business actors, when deciding whether to provide a business with government support such as trade finance or the award of a concession. Similarly, there may be areas of policy reform that will promote stronger respect for human rights as well as prevent corruption. For example, reform of public procurement processes may benefit rights holders as well as preventing corrupt bidding.

    How best do you think Africa can address the corporate impunity and rights violations by state and non-state actors?

    Stronger and effective laws are critical to safeguarding business respect for human rights. The scale of injustice, gravity of the offences and impact of the crimes on individuals and communities demand that a clear system of judicial recourse be established for matters of corporate criminal liability in Africa.

    The inventiveness of the African Union (AU) to amend the Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights that initially merged the African Court of Human and People’s Rights with the African Court of Justice has been received with mixed feelings. The Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (otherwise referred to as the “Malabo Protocol’), if duly ratified would expand the jurisdiction of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights, and consequently establish the first regional criminal court in the world to adjudicate cases of corporate criminal responsibility, and illicit exploitation of natural resources, amongst other quotidian international crimes. There are some arguments whether to incorporate so many of such crimes, which are not provided under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. The criminal jurisdiction of the court would be unique. Apart from the crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and aggression which exists under the International Criminal Court, the African Courts’ jurisdiction has been expanded to include corporate crimes. That the African continent is taking this pivotal step towards corporate criminal liability is not surprising. Achieving extractive resource management has been monumental challenge for African countries. From Nigeria (Ogoni) to the DRC (Katanga province), Angola, South Africa (Marikana), though states are complicit, MNCs are often agents of various human rights abuse in resource rich, conflict ridden, institutionally weak zones of the African continent.

    Recall that since the enactment of the Rome Statute, there has been a raging debate on expanding the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court to include corporations, or a regional criminal court in the first place. The largely non-ratification of the Malabo Protocol by AU member states is largely due to a number of factors – adequate legal resources, political will, domestic legal and enforcement mechanisms. Consequently, African states should consider seriously the ramifications, importance and adaptions of international treaties to local context before ratifying same. Much more depends on domestic prosecution of international crimes. The jurisdiction over such crimes as indicated under the Protocol are Utopian. However, there are crimes which occur on a more rampant scale such as piracy, trafficking of women and children, dumping of hazardous wastes, which affect Africa more rapidly than such crimes as war crimes, genocide.

    The judicial system should also be strengthened. There are systemic shortcomings in existing efforts at addressing access to remedies within the business and human rights debate. Access to remedies, from State-based judicial and non-judicial mechanisms to non-State-based remediation and grievance mechanisms involving companies, industry bodies, multi-stakeholder initiatives and regional and international institutions are pivotal. The multi-stakeholder initiative is essential in guaranteeing that all voices are heard, new ideas are implemented in other to address existing gaps and their root causes. These dialogues must be action oriented and include key stakeholders such as victims, MNCs, NGOs, NHRIs geared towards eliciting solid assurances from decision makers.

    Access to remedies is a fundamental component of the business and human rights debate. Not only must victims of corporate induced human rights violations have access to effective remedial mechanism, but businesses must also integrate access as part of their due diligence process. Efficient judicial mechanisms are central to the question of access to remedy. For instance, corporate internal (and external) grievance mechanisms offer a veritable source for complaints to be immediately addressed before there is breakdown of relationship between companies and their host communities. These grievance mechanisms will be an avenue to get feedback about their activities. Some countries mandate businesses to contribute to an environment restoration fund before the commencement of any project, to safeguard any corporate obligations towards the host community or other unforeseen events, including human rights impact.  The failure of corporate actors to comply with environmental laws and restoration efforts complicates access to remedy. Thus, states are enjoined to ensure strict compliance and punitive actions against businesses that refuse, fail and neglect to contribute to ecological reintegration and rehabilitation requirements. These obligations must include mandating businesses to set aside some financial tools, such as host community development trust fund,  or some form of corporate guarantee before the commencement of the project. The next section discusses practical issues and gaps that must be addressed to guarantee an effective judicial and non-judicial grievance mechanism.

    There are increasing calls for States and business to step up action, including for States to negotiate a legally binding instrument. Amid the constantly changing landscape of global governance challenges, it is critical to identify the most effective ways for ensuring alignment, adherence and accountability.

    How would you describe corporate culture on the continent, especially regarding implementation of socially responsible norms?

    While there have been some commitments to the business and human rights agenda in Africa, there remains some gaps in policy and institutional alignments as well as the implementation of business and human rights principles. For example, the African Commission’s Working Group on Extractives Industries, Environment and Human Rights Violations, developed a State Reporting Guidelines and Principles on Articles 21 and 24 of the African Charter relating to Extractive Industries, Human Rights and the Environment, and a Resolution on the Niamey Declaration on Ensuring the Upholding of the African Charter in the Extractive Industries Sector, which urges State Parties to adopt laws and regulations aimed at easing economic hardships of communities affected by extractive activities in line with regional and international human rights laws and principles. The African Commission also adopted the Principles and Guidelines on the Implementation of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on 26 May 2010. The Guidelines provides a more detailed explanation of State Parties’ obligations under the African Charter. The Tunis Reporting Guidelines were adopted to give further guidelines to State Parties to the African Charter in reporting on implementation of their obligations to the realisation and enjoyment of social, economic and cultural rights under the Charter.

    AU organs, especially the African Commission, have a strong history of adopting thematic and country specific resolutions and general comments on specific provisions of the Africa Charter which provide normative content and clarity to state parties on their human rights obligations.

    Despite these legal innovations, corporate entities still continue to operate with impunity. Recently, NNPC and security agencies discovered illegal refineries that has been operating in Nigeria for the past 9 years, which has reduced the output and production capacity of the country. In a 2015 corruption survey on Africa by Transparency International, business executives were considered second most corrupt after the police. The corruption prevalence on the continent has a huge impact not only on economic growth but also on sustainable development and the realization of human rights. One of the ways in which the link between business-related corruption and human rights resonates in Africa is with secret deals in the extractive industries. In 2000, more than 13 million dollars was transferred by Marathon Oil to the Angolan-state owned Sonangol. The payment was ‘one-third of the bonus’ agreed for oil exploration rights in Angola’s offshore reserves. In subsequent months, the funds moved into organizations owned by Angolan government officials. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, at least USD1.36 billion (which accounts for twice the national budget for health and education) was lost in secret deals between businesses and government officials between 2010 and 2012.

    Bribery scandals in Guinea involving the erstwhile government and MNCs over the ore rich Simandou region has shelved ore exploratory activities that have the potential of creating socio-economic development in the poor country. Between 1999 and 2002, the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company – a consortium of oil corporations including Canadian-based Talisman – engaged in violent attacks against civilians in Sudan with the aid of the military. While villages in the eastern part of Heglig were destroyed by army officials, attacks were launched against the Ruweng County in the Western Upper Nile, leaving over 6000 houses burnt. According to a 2002 Report by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Sudan, there were accounts of “scorched earth tactics used by air and ground forces to clear oil-rich areas, chase people out of their villages and ensure that they would not return.”  Royalties from the up-stream oil activities by the company was used to exacerbate the conflict in the Heglig region.

    In Angola, the 27-year civil war was significantly exacerbated by extractive companies. In the oil sector, the state owned Sonangol corporation established in 1978 as the “exclusive concessionaire for oil exploration and development,”  gave equity interests to businesses with links to the global arms trade as a form of payment for brokering arms deal.  One of the key actors in the conflict was the French Elf Aquitaine. Between 1990 and 1994, Elf Aquitaine arranged oil-backed loans both for government forces and the opposition in the Angolan civil war. The actions of Elf at the time derived from the belief of corporations in the extractive industries that it was “easy to make money on the war by offering loans to the respective guerrilla leaders – at exorbitant interest rates – in exchange for promises of oil contracts.”  Beyond Angola, Elf-Aquitaine also provided financial support to the Sassou-led government in the 1997 civil war in exchange for “future rights to exploit Congo’s substantial oil reserves.”

    The Niger-Delta situation in Nigeria spotlights the issue of environmental pollution. In its 2021 report, the World Bank identified Nigeria as one of the top seven gas flaring countries for almost a decade. Market and economic constrictions as well as lack of regulatory clarity complicates the importance of ending gas flaring in Nigeria. The result is a brazen pollution of the atmosphere, including carbon dioxide, methane and black carbon. Gas flaring has not only created negative changes of atmospheric conditions, but it has also reduced the life expectancy in the Niger Delta region.

    Displacement due to business-related development projects is one of the pertinent human rights challenges in Africa. Following independence, many African states embarked on large-scale development projects to economically position Africa with the rest of the world. Large-scale investment projects from businesses were significantly encouraged particularly in the extractive sector. And while the economic benefits of these projects have been tremendous, the way displacements are often carried out for their realization have had an immense impact on the socio-economic livelihood of those displaced. Issues of cosmetic consultation, inadequate notices, unfair and unjust compensations have often raised pertinent human rights questions.

    In the Tete province situation in Mozambique, there was resettlement following the displacement of more than 2000 families from 2009 to 2014 for coal mining activities by Vale and Rio Tinto. However, the resettlement process implemented by the companies was fraught. One pertinent problem with the resettlement was that arable land was not sufficient for food production. Families moved to Cateme village were assured two hectares of land for agriculture, however, only one hectare which was noted to be unproductive was given.  There were also discriminatory patterns in the way families were moved. For instance, families moved by Vale to 25 de Setembro were employed at the mines and as such close to the mines and to the urban settlement. Whereas families moved to Cateme village were 40 kilometres away from the urban capital and as such experienced challenges getting jobs.

    Some companies have begun to incorporate best practices in their modes of operations. From providing on-site accommodation to full-time workers and temporary accommodation to seasonal workers, to ease the burden on care givers and parents with children, to providing in-house operational level grievance mechanisms.

    What basic socially responsible behaviours are expected of companies?

    It is important to note that most companies are mistaken that providing socially responsible projects, such as roads, water, schools, grant them some form of social legitimacy and social license to operate. While corporate social responsibility is critical to the social standing of a company, there are socially responsible behaviours companies must imbibe to have the social license to operate.

    First, companies must conduct human rights due diligence to identify, prevent, mitigate and account for how they address their impacts on human rights. Mere statement of policies will not suffice, rather, businesses must have a well laid out and clear-cut processes for assessing actual and potential human rights impacts, integrating and acting upon the findings, tracking responses, and communicating how impacts are addressed. The human rights due diligence must account for adverse human rights impacts caused by the business entity itself or activities directly related to such business operations, products, or services. This should not be a one-off process but an ongoing process considering that human rights risks may continuously change as the business operations evolve. Thus, assessments of human rights impacts should be undertaken at regular intervals: prior to a new activity or relationship; prior to major decisions or changes in the operation (e.g., market entry, product launch, policy change, or wider changes to the business); in response to or anticipation of changes in the operating environment (e.g. rising social tensions). Adoption of due diligence requirements will facilitate the implementation of a FPIC process. For example, businesses must evaluate or review their internal mechanisms to ensure that a prospective investment or project adheres to sustainable business practices and human rights standards.

    Second, corporate activity directly impacts human rights when it fails to anticipate, mitigate and redress all sources of human rights violations, especially the right to environment, health, and livelihoods of indigenous peoples, local communities, and people in vulnerable situations. Hence, companies must conduct human rights impact assessments. HRIA can help businesses foresee, comprehend, and prevent adverse human rights impacts.  In conducting HRIA, businesses will scope local content policies, laws, programmes to recognize and gauge the effect of their activities on human rights. A combination of corporate due diligence and HRIA, critical elements of a rights-based approach, will enable companies to identify possible impact of their projects on human rights, and determine whether to proceed on the project.

    Third, a rights-based approach to business practices is critical to safeguarding socially responsible behaviour. A rights-based approach is anchored on participation, accountability, non-discrimination, access to information and transparency. Timely and adequate information on development projects must be provided to the affected local community. The adequacy of the contribution to such projects must be measured under a reasonable person’s test. Local communities must take part in and be able to influence decisions that affect them – especially considering that most members of this community, typically being illiterate, may not be able to understand the technicalities of contractual language. For local communities to participate in extractive governance, corporate management will have to integrate members of the community into decision-making. This participation should be sought in a transparent and consultative manner, while stakeholders should be able to express their views fairly and fearlessly. Host communities are the most impacted by the harmful activities of MNCs. Involving the stakeholders legitimises the project to be carried out in their community and also creates social license for the firms. The mere fact that the host community has been given the necessary advantage of participating in decision-making, should not be an avenue used to delay development projects. The aim of broad-based participation is to avoid unnecessary hurdles and the politicisation of the entire process. The community should not see it as an avenue to impede development. The objective should be a transparent solution which is anchored on a solid based, pragmatic approach. For example, the South African silicosis cases reveals the inability of mines to provide an adequate and enabling environment for the mineworkers to work and to be informed of the impact of the project on their land and health.

    Accountability occurs where businesses experiences consequences for their negative performance or actions. Accountability is essential for businesses and for society. Businesses must be able to establish that a project has been developed in agreement with human rights rules and standards. Transparency on the other hand connotes openness, and candid communication with the local community on all aspects of the investment project or activity.

    Measuring human rights observance provides a clear and precise indication of progress made, when previously it had been lacking. Rules and safeguards help to prevent human rights violations. Transparency and accountability are at the core of development projects in Africa. A transparent and accountable business practice which is consistent with human rights, will measure the impact of laws and policies on human rights compliance. For example, all environmental laws must provide for compliance mechanisms that monitor the actualisation of human rights. Absence of transparency and accountability has led to concerns about the role of states, development partners, especially, International Financial Institutions, to implement strong and mandatory human rights standards that must be met before projects are funded. For example, despite Nigeria’s plethora of laws regulating the resource industry, there has been weak implementation of those laws. Besides, these laws do not provide for adequate monitoring, and do not insist on human rights compliance information. This laxity fails to hold MNCs accountable for human rights violations in the extractive industry.

    Corporate reporting is a fundamental tool in safeguarding accountability and effective communication. Most developmental projects are shrouded in so much secrecy that host communities remonstrate against such potentially projects. Local communities are entitled to certain key and basic information on how a project will benefit and affect them. They can, however, only make this informed decision if they are part of the decision-making process. Corporate reporting must include all the necessary details (and those not even considered necessary) of a project.

    Although the accuracy or honesty in such a report by corporate entities remains debatable – the utility in reporting shows transparency and accountability. The question though, is what constitutes adequate information?

    The adequacy of information must be assessed by reference to the amount of information publicly available, disclosure of new information, and also the ease of access to that information. The nature of the project also determines the adequacy of that information. In Nigeria, the Freedom of Information Act seems to provide an avenue for local communities to seek information on resource extraction projects in their communities. The operation of this Act has however been hindered by the reluctance of government to grant requests made by people.

     

  • Pavestones wins 2022 Africa Law Firm of the Year

    Pavestones wins 2022 Africa Law Firm of the Year

    Pavestones has won the prestigious Africa Law Firm of the Year (Small Practice) Award 2022 at the African Legal Awards Ceremony held in Johannesburg, South Africa.

    The law firm beat firms from six African countries to the award.

    The African Legal Awards is aimed at recognising outstanding individuals and law firms in the pan-African legal community.

    This year, the award witnessed a record-breaking submission from 20 countries.

    In selecting the law firm for the award, the judges considered the legal expertise and innovation of the applicants, their strategic vision, their business winning traction, the applicants’ client care practices, evidence of their employees’ development, sustainable improvements in financial performance and their commitment to Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR).

    Pavestones emerged as the winner of the coveted award out of nine shortlisted firms across six African countries, at a ceremony on September 2, 2022. in Johannesburg.

    Last year, the Managing Partner, Seun Timi-Koleolu was named African Partner of the Year whilst Pavestones emerged finalist for the Africa Law Firm of the Year (Small Practice).

    Pavestones, which was founded by Timi-Koleolu and Aderonke Alex-Adedipe, is described as a modern law practice because of its values of simplicity, accessibility, use of technology, and commercial savviness in delivering its services.

    The firm has supported various local and multinational corporations in doing business in Nigeria.

    This year, Pavestones established its Women Empowerment Program (PAWEP) where the firm offers free legal services to 10 women in tech annually.

     

  • Police retrieve Abuja land wrongly allocated to Osun ex-deputy gov’s firm

    Police retrieve Abuja land wrongly allocated to Osun ex-deputy gov’s firm

    A team of police officers from the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) command have accompanied bailiffs of the High Court of the FCT to execute a judgment of the court, which voided the allocation an expanse of land in App, Abuja to ENL Consortium Limited.

    ENL Consortium is said to be owned by Osun State former Deputy Governor, Clement Adesuyi Haastrop.

    The 20 police officers were said to have been directed by the FCT Commissioner of Police, Babaji Sunday to reinstate members of the Incorporated Trustees of Apo XK Extension Residents Association to the 400 plots of land that constitute the Apo XK Lay-out.

    The Apo (XK) Extension Annex Layout was designed by the Federal Capital Development Authority (FCDA) and certificates of occupancy (C of O) issued to would be residents in 1995.

    In April 2009, the then Minister of Federal Capital Territory Muhammad Adamu Aliero and FCDA began to demolish the buildings which were at various stages of development, without giving reason or paying compensation to the victims.

    The victims later formed the Incorporated Trustees of Apo XK Extension Residents Association, with which they sue at the High Court of the FCT.

    Defendants in the suit were the FCT Minister, FCDA, Abuja Municipal Council, Abuja Metropolitant Management and Development Control.

    On July 31, 2009, Justice Olasumbo Goodluck of the High Court of the FCT issued an ordered restraining the defendants from trespassing, encroaching on or interfering with plots XK Apo Extension Layout Annex, pending the determination of the substantive suit.

    The claimants stated, in court documents that, on October 5, 2009, the then FCT Minister authorised the FCDA to allocate the over 400 plots covering 78 hectares constituting the XK Apo Extension Layout Annex to the Federal Housing Authority (FHA).

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    The FHA was said to have transferred the over 400 plots to one ENL Consortium Limited, in disobedience of the order restraining defendants from tampering with the land.

    Despite the pendency of the suit, ENL Consortium was said to have gone ahead to develop the plots of land.

    In a judgment on May 27, 2011, Justice Goodluck dismissed the suit and held that each of the allottees claiming occupation and allocation must establish his/her right on the plots.

    Dissatisfied, the Incorporated Trustees of Apo XK Extension Residents Association filed a appeal marked: CA/A/462/2011, with the FCT Minister, FCDA, FHA, ENL Consortium Limited and Dr Tumala Muhammed Musa as respondents.

    In a unanimous judgment on May 18, 2017, a three-member panel of the Court of Appeal in Abuja set aside decisions of the FCT High Court.

    In a judgment, Justices Mohammed Mustapha, Emmanuel Akomaye Agim andTani Yusuf Hassan declared the re-allocation of the over 400 plots of land to ENL Consortium Limited and Federal Housing Authority as illegal, null and void.

    The appellate court, among others, ordered the FCT Minister, FCDA and ENL Consortium Limited to immediately halt the acts of trespass and to remove machinery or personnel from the plots of land situated within XK Layout, Apo District, which belongs to the appellants.

    Although FCDA and ENL filed appeal marked: SC.613/2018 and SC.9/2018 at the Supreme Court, both appeals were struck out on June 6 and 29, 2018 , subsequent upon which original allottees applied to the Court of Appeal for the enforcement of its judgment.

    Armed with the Court of Appeal enrolment order and writ of possession, the original allottees applied to FCT Police Command for the enforcement of the Court of Appeal judgement of May 18, 2017, and the enforcement was carried out on September 29, 2022.

     

  • Lawyers seek amendment of Sheriffs Act

    Lawyers seek amendment of Sheriffs Act

    Legal experts and other stakeholders have called for the amendment of Section 83 of the Sheriffs and Civil Process Act to remove the bottlenecks on the enforcement of garnishee orders.

    They made the call at a roundtable on tackling the problems facing the implementation of garnishee judgments.

    It was organised by the Justice in Commerce Network (JiCN) and the Association of Banks Legal Advisers and Company Secretaries.

    It was aimed at seeking solutions to the many bottlenecks surrounding garnishee implementation in Nigeria.

    A garnishee order is a court-approved order that allows a creditor to redirect a person’s funds with a third party (such as a bank) to them when they are owed money.

    Head, Legal Services, Union Bank Plc, Mr Sessan Sobowale, said banks are spending so much money on cases that most times have nothing to do with them.

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    He maintained that because of the provisions in Section 83, implementation has become a huge task.

    He believes the Act is old and has been overtaken by time and therefore needs a review.

    A Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), Mr. Kemasuode Wodu, said any bank whose client’s accounts have been flagged red as a result of a garnishee judgment must inform the customer once contacted by the judgment-creditor.

    Senior Associate, Tsedaqah Attorneys/Member of JiCN, Fernandez Marcus-Obiene, said there was the need to improve entire garnishee process.

    He stressed that if the system and process is fast, then it will be easy for everybody.

    Participants agreed to lobby the National Assembly and the leadership of the Judiciary to review the Act.

    Speakers added there was the need for a proper practice direction that would help in solving the garnishee issues.

    Also at the event were Assistant Director & Head, Litigation, Legal Services Department, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mr. Chizor Uba-Osigwe; a consultant to JiCN, Dr. Akinola Akintayo; and Deputy Director, Secretariat Services, Chartered Institute of Bankers of Nigeria (CIBN), Mrs Rita Adeyanju.

    Others are Managing Partner, Olawoyin & Olawoyin, Mr. Wale Olawoyin (SAN); Company Secretary/ Head Legal services, Coronation Merchant Bank, Mr. Stanley Ubani; and Senior Associate at Aluko & Oyebode, Mr. Innocent Ekpen.

  • Wanted: Implementation of business, human rights norms in Africa

    Wanted: Implementation of business, human rights norms in Africa

    Oyeniyi Abe is a lecturer in Law at the Huddersfield Business School, University of Huddersfield, United Kingdom. He is also a Research Associate at the Centre for Comparative Law in Africa, University of Cape Town, South Africa. A Fellow of the United Kingdom’s Higher Education Authority, the University of Benin graduate holds a PhD in commercial law from the University of Cape Town; a Master of Laws (LL.M.) from University of California Berkeley, and another LL.M from Central European University, Hungary. In this interview with Deputy News Editor JOSEPH JIBUEZE, he speaks on speeding up justice administration, how to revive Nigeria’s education sector, and the implementation of business and human rights norms in Africa, which is the subject of his new book.

     

    Delays have continued to mar justice dispensation and delivery in Nigeria, thereby encouraging impunity. What do you think the Judiciary in Nigeria and its administrators are not doing well or can do better?

    Most African countries have laws that demand companies remedy any adverse human rights impact of their activities. This includes clean-up efforts, cooperation with state agencies to document pollution and compensation for victims of corporate actions. African courts should strengthen their ideological orientation in safeguarding people’s lives that are at risk at the hands of corporate actors. Lack of access in most African jurisdiction is exacerbated by several factors.

    What are some of these factors?

    They include widespread corruption in the justice system, delays in prosecution, unnecessary public holidays, inadequate scientific proof, the inability to secure legal representation, a lack of judicial independence (economic and political pressures), lack of training, and lack of expertise and support for state prosecutors to enable them to investigate individual and corporate-related human rights abuses. An increasing problem is the inability to keep up with new directions and trends in the business and human rights debate. While South Africa is innovative in terms of establishing specialised courts to address emerging issues, Nigeria lumps all manner of claims in the same court – making administration of justice a herculean task. A significant number of judges also need to be re-trained in professional ethics. The principle of a separate legal personality often occasions difficulty, as it becomes difficult to ascribe liability to members of an extensive corporate entity.

    How can this problem be addressed?

    Judicial understanding forms part of environmental democratisation. Judges must be trained on recognising these normative instruments as critical part of right based approach to development. Adequate training for judges, investigators, and corporate lawyers on business and human rights must be fully supported and encouraged. The proactive nature of the judiciary in terms of the radical realisation of socio-economic, cultural, and human rights is well recognised in South Africa, where the courts have progressively realised socio-economic rights to the citizens.

    What is your assessment of the state of human rights in Africa within the context of business?

    Over the last several decades, globalisation has generated substantial changes in the structure of international society. One of the effects of globalisation is the development of diverse mechanisms in which corporate entities approach political, legal, and economic implications of their operations. The emergence of non-state actors in global governance has shaped the discourse surrounding human rights responsibilities of corporate entities. This creates a dilemma. How do we control the potential monstrosity of non-state actors in shaping discourses not only at the global or continental level, but at the local level? Should there be development of new regulations and what are the implications of enforcement. Should there also be voluntary mechanisms propping up companies to be engaged in socially responsible investments?

    What is the extent of these rights issues and their implications?

    Indeed, business enterprises and transnational corporate actors operate in a complex global environment, especially when operating in high risks sectors such as oil and gas, mining, construction, banking, and health care amongst others. Understanding human rights responsibilities, impacts and socially responsible behaviour for states and companies is therefore an essential component of risk management in Africa. However, corporate induced human rights abuses have contributed to the most challenging human rights issues of the 21st century. One of the perplexing concerns of business and human rights debate is the human rights obligations of business enterprises to prevent, mitigate and address adverse impact of their activities. Often times, development projects, extractive activities, and manufacturing activities in Africa result in serious social, environmental, labour and human rights impacts. Not only have these projects caused land displacements, economic exclusion of the vulnerable members of the society, and large-scale environmental problems amongst others, they have increased local community resilience, and occasioned deep mistrust between host communities and development partners. In addition to minimising litigation, financial and reputational risks, understanding and demonstrating corporate respect for human rights is vital to building a culture of trust and integrity amongst local communities, investors, and shareholders.

    What gaps did you notice that led to your new book: Implementing Business and Human Rights Norms in Africa: Law and Policy Interventions?

    Existential gaps remain in the approach of corporate entities to human rights observance. In many African countries, while substantive rules that serve to regulate the activities and adverse impact of business do exist, they are not often considered to address business and human rights in a direct way. For instance, in the constitutions of many post-colonial states, state organs and businesses are understood to have obligations to abide by the Bill of Rights in the constitution. In countries which do not have obvious provisions for business compliance with human rights, legislation, regulations and policies have over time been adopted to address human rights, labour, public health and environment-related risks. In these ways, business activities are brought under the scrutiny of legal and policy regulations without being explicitly described as business and human rights regulations.

    How has the situation been?

    Over the last several decades, the African continent has been the epicentre of complex human rights, environmental and social impacts resulting from industrial activities, manufacturing processes, and resource production operations, particularly in extractive and fast moving consumer goods (FMCG) industries, for example, the adverse environmental impacts of oil and gas production in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria, the Lonmin massacre in South Africa, oil exploration and civil war in the DRC are clear examples of the failure of state actions and policy implementation. Large-scale environmental and social problems, such as climate change, water pollution, air pollution, loss of biodiversity, trade in endangered plant and animal species, gender-based exclusions, land grabs, and forced displacements, amongst others, resulting from resource exploitation and other industrial activities accentuate the need for greater corporate accountability for environmental and human rights impacts in Africa, especially when operating transnationally.

    How does your book address these gaps?

    These gaps highlight the need for home grown and localised approach to implementation approaches that consider local contexts across Africa and offer a form of ‘ubuntu’ internal systems for legal accountability and remedial redress, in line with emerging business and human rights norms. The book examines, clarifies, and unpacks the nature, scope and practical implications of emerging business and human rights norms in international law. It investigates the prospects and potentials of implementing business and human rights norms, in trade, investment, extractive, energy and diverse sectorial projects in developing countries, with perspectives from select African countries – Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa. Using the elements of the rights-based approach, it evaluates what international human rights standards currently regulate corporate conduct as opposed to the conduct of states and individuals, and to clarify the corresponding roles of states and businesses in safeguarding these rights. Business and human rights norms present a valuable roadmap for strengthening institutions to ensure that business activities in various sectors are not devoid of pertinent human rights considerations.

    In Nigeria, members of the Academic Staff Union of Universities have been on strike for eight months. Does this amount to rights violation on the part of the students and parents, and are they entitled to any remedies?

    Inadequate resources in the education sector promotes inequality, reduces the number and quality of schools as well as resources for learning. Nigerian government needs to invest substantially on education and instructional related materials. Most of the facilities in our Institutions of higher learning are moribund, and decrepit, creating a problematic environment for learning.

    What should the government do?

    The Nigerian government has failed over the years to consider higher education as critical to the economic survival of the country, hence, you see consistent brain drain over the years. Corruption and bureaucratic bottlenecks have also stifled the allocation of grants and funds to Universities in Nigeria. For example, the Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND) was designed to manage and monitor education tax to public institutions in Nigeria. The management of the fund has been marred with inadequate monitoring of research output, favoritism and nepotism. Investments in higher education will guarantee knowledge-based systems anchored on productivity, competition, and innovation. Businesses can assist in generating knowledge production. For example, oil and gas, telecommunications or financial institutions can institute professorial chairs to advance knowledge and practice in an area that is a priority for both the institution and such funding entity. This will galvanize less reliance on government to fund this critical sector and foster quality research output and production. Take the Nigerian Oil and Gas Local Content Development Act (2010) for example which requires international companies to promote education, transfer skills and technology, and research and development, and to meet the set minimum technology for training the indigenous companies on how to better participate in the oil and gas industry.  Companies are better suited to meet the demands of educational sustenance, where there is a deliberate integration of social and environmental interests, and interactions with stakeholders. The response is to have the state work with companies to build university capacities so institutions can benefit from the global market share in knowledge production and innovative research. Perhaps, we can begin to think around universities being run like corporate entities with sufficient and adequate generous endowments and the ultimate focus on cutting edge, innovative research focus.

    Having taught abroad, are you bothered about the state of education in Nigeria, and what is the way out of the problem that seems to have defied solution?

    Indeed, I am bothered about the state of education in Nigeria, as I believe everyone should irrespective of where we have worked or studies. As highlighted in 11 above, transparency in the education sector is critical. Employment of teachers must be based on competency and ability to deliver learning outcomes for students. More funding, periodic assessment of the impact such funds are making, and partnership with stakeholders to generate quality research products is critical. A review of the courses being offered in universities to determine those that are relevant for the current global market and can produce societal impact is needed. It is also particularly important to adopt enquiry-based learning methods that will integrate practical skills and knowledge and prepare students to engage in real-world problem-solving. Goal 4 of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) enjoins states to “Ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all” Target 4.3 recommends that ‘by 2030, ensure equal access for all women and men to affordable and quality technical, vocational and tertiary education, including university’. Also, Target 4.7 indicates that ‘by 2030, ensure that all learners acquire the knowledge and skills needed to promote sustainable development, including, among others, through education for sustainable development and sustainable lifestyles, human rights, gender equality, promotion of a culture of peace and non-violence, global citizenship and appreciation of cultural diversity and of culture’s contribution to sustainable development.’ These aspirational goals emphasise the need for development institutions to support universities to develop collaborative research and teaching initiatives that will safeguard financial self-sufficiency.

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    Do you see yourself returning to teach law in Nigeria, for instance, and what would it take to bring back your likes who are excelling abroad?

    Nigeria should make it a point of duty to invest in the education sector comparably with other developing economies – China for example. Institutions should also collaborate with other schools for share approach to learning. We should have students from other countries spending a semester or year in Nigeria for example and Nigerian students doing same in other countries. This widens students’ horizons and give them another perspective to understanding the necessary tools to excel in their chosen career. Sincerity of purpose to realise that our level of education is abysmal and genuine, concerted efforts to work towards maintaining standard are critical to have a shared approach to redeeming Nigeria’s educational sector. If you cast your mind back to what was the practice decades ago and where we are today, one will realise that turning the tide on the state of higher education in Nigeria is not rocket science.

    Could you take us through a highlight of some of the needed regulatory and institutional capacities needed to address the problems/gaps?

    First, there is the need for a holistic, sustainable, and effective body of laws that must carefully address the intersections of human rights with all key sectors, ranging from natural resources, land management, food, water, energy, education, aviation, and healthcare, amongst others. For example, there is the need to integrate human rights perspectives into the licensing and implementation of mining activities in order to effectively address the short- and long-term human rights impacts in local communities. It is also important to integrate human rights perspectives into economic policies to ensure that efforts to attract trade and foreign direct investment opportunities in key sectors do not result in lowering human rights standards. In Nigeria for instance, the Company Act does not provide for any corporate human rights observance. Furthermore, human rights approach and integration is critical in banking and security laws to address illicit financial flows that prevent Africa’s development and progress.

    Second, Africa must essentially strengthen or enact strong, comprehensive, and legally enforceable business and human rights standards. While policy measures institutional guidelines are important, mainstreaming human rights standards into all aspects of governance and decision-making will require clear regulatory frameworks on business and human rights. In Africa, only six countries: Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, South Africa, Uganda, and Zambia, have constitutional provisions that mandate business respect for human rights. In addition, most, if not all multinational companies (MNCs) have statements regarding compliance with human rights standards. Mere statements without more, does not guarantee human rights compliance. There must be an effective regulatory regime that provides sanction for violation of human rights standards. Codes of corporate conducts and policies of that nature are aspirational in nature; therefore, to actualise the policies contained therein, institutional, and functional structure must be put in place to achieve human rights compliance. One area where strong enforcement measures are critical is in due diligence commitments. Lack of due diligence has been the cause of local community-company remonstrations and distrust.  Companies need to assess actual and potential human rights impacts in their spheres of operations. Where it is seen that they have violated human rights, they should remediate the damage or prevent any potential risk of adverse effects. Indeed, MNCs have the scientific and technological capability to conduct due diligence, but often times they decide not to. Unfortunately, the state is inherently indifferent to corporate capture and lacks the will to enforce its environmental laws against erring companies. For instance, under the Environmental Impact Assessment Act, Nigeria could embark upon criminalising the activities of companies that do not follow the due diligence mandates. Since it is expected that companies are subject to domestic laws, it is expected that this direction will pave the way for the indirect application of the human rights due diligence as contained in business and human rights principles.

    A national law that mandates business enterprises to limit human rights risks in their operations and to integrate human rights due diligence into supply chain management can go a long way in advancing sustainable business practices. Under this model, human rights issues would not be considered in a reactionary manner or when there is a protest or disaster. Rather, actions to reduce human rights risks can become an integral part of, and harmonized with, overall national planning and development processes, as well as Sustainable Development Goals.

    Third, providing and articulating clear institutional policy alignment is essential. African states must mandate the application of Free, Prior, Informed, Consent (FPIC) in any development project. Free demands that local communities are consulted without hinderance, and their inputs are incorporated in development projects and processes. These consultations must be held before projects are designed and contracts signed. Such consultations must be comprehensive, informative and give local communities all the needed information. Consent must not be coerced. Consultation obviates many challenges. It reduces tension with host communities, facilitates social legitimacy, builds community trust in development companies in the face of dwindling resources, and prioritises respect for ethical behaviour and local community initiatives

    Development projects generate enormous human rights implications. The inherent problems are massive displacement without adequate consultation or compensation when making way for development projects, lack of participation, and inadequate or non-existent access to judicial remedies for victims of human rights violations. These instances are a stark reminder that corporate disasters represent state failure to address corporate impunity and failure to assume ‘duty’ in respect of respect human rights under national and international laws. While it is envisaged that integrating human rights protection into domestic laws and policies would be the panacea to these intractable challenges, a rights-based approach to resource governance would be a holistic framework that would safeguard future generations from corporate-related human rights abuses and climate disaster. Thus, States must guarantee that MNCs document the process for obtaining consent of the host communities and the right of host communities to withdraw consent where such development projects continue to cause insufferable conditions for workers, host communities and vulnerable members of the community. Adequate and timely information about a particular project must be given to the local communities. Consultation must be widely held with local communities and obtain their FPIC before trade or investments treaties are signed. Furthermore, adequate provisions should be made to protect the interests of vulnerable members of the public, including women, persons with disabilities, children, in trade agreements.

    What is the role of human rights commissions in all of this?

    Often times, national human rights commissions or state-owned enterprises have the primary responsibility for safeguarding human rights in a country, the process of investigating and addressing human rights risks involves a wide range of departments and units and can be very complicated across Africa. A coordinated and articulated institutional road map could unite different mandates and priorities across ministries and agencies. In Nigeria, for example, the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) is the regulatory agency for the enforcement of petroleum regulations in Nigeria. The Department does not have any programme or activity on business and human rights – and does not indicate whether the state has provided adequate mechanisms for information, training and support for key staff who shape business practices. Governments must ensure that institutions such as DPR are abreast of government’s human rights obligations (if any exist) – by providing sufficient information and training on human rights standards. The propensity of ethically complex projects to circumvent environmental and human rights assessments and examination makes it complicated and challenging to realize institutional consistency and coordination of efforts across ministries and agencies in the design and implementation of business and human rights responses.

    Safeguarding business and human rights principles across sectoral agencies requires periodic and constant training in quality assessment and monitoring. Human rights education and training should be regularly conducted with corporate entities. To integrate a rights-based approach, implementation, and policy formulators must be trained and very well acquainted with the business and human rights principles, so that monitoring, and implementation are more effective. Periodic assessment and evaluation of staff should be carried out to assess their level of engagement with human rights and business principles. Ongoing staff development through various avenues such as summer school programmes, certificate courses, seminars and conferences would be essential.

    Fourth, the rise of business law and practice across Africa raises the need for innovative business and human rights education programmes to train and prepare administrators for evidence-based policymaking on BHRs. Integrating human rights into business as a moral imperative, local community participation, consultation, and awareness – through citizenship education – will contribute to the implementation of the human rights standards in Africa’s development projects. However, certain steps must be implemented. Enhancing capacity for implementation will require education providers across Africa to design tailored courses that provide practical and skill-based learning using a wide range of online and in-class tools. Traditional human rights courses are not designed to explore the intricacies of BHR as a distinct and interdisciplinary field of study. This raises a huge gap in the capacity of African graduates and future policymakers to understand corporate responsibility and obligations relating to human rights. It is important for law schools to design innovative courses that fill this gap. Graduate schools should first introduce students to the historical context and theoretical concepts of corporate social responsibility, business and human rights. Courses should clearly recognize that the development of a National Baseline Assessment is instrumental to adopting national action plans on business and human rights. This form of enquiry-based learning should encourage a survey of business induced human rights violations, assess their key laws and regulations that guide the conduct of business to identify the extent to which they address human rights, their enforcement, institutional arrangements, gaps, and recommendations. Instruction led materials should identify and ensure students understand that Africa lags behind in the implementation of business and human rights, yet it is one of the continents that suffers tremendously from egregious conduct on non-state actors. There is a missing narrative on BHR in Africa. Consequently, development of national action plans on BHRs is critical. It is imperative for key institutions in Africa, such as African Development Bank, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, UNDP, to support such initiative.

    Would you describe illicit financial flows, through which Africa loses billions, as a form of abuse of human rights by transnational corporations and their enablers/facilitators?

    Indeed, IFFs are gross violations of citizens fundamental rights. The AU Convention on Preventing and Combatting Corruption recognizes illicit financial flows as a related offence to corruption under article 6 and thus require States to act against ‘the conversion, transfer or disposal’ of proceeds from corruption. In the last five decades, Africa has lost over 1 trillion dollars to illicit financial flows. Yearly, it is estimated that the continent loses more than 50 billion dollars from these flows, 65 per cent of which relates to commercial activities by corporations.

    The weak legal and regulatory architecture of most African states are readily exploited by non-state actors. Three key manifestations of these flows in commercial activities are: tax avoidance and evasion, concealment of fortune and sidestepping of local levies and custom duties. On taxes, Africa loses over 38 billion to evasions.  In Tanzania, $18.73 billion was lost between 2002 and 2011 due to mis-invoicing.  In Liberia, corporations in the forestry sector owe an estimated $25 million dollars from taxes evaded in some cases over a period of eight years.  Following the Marikana massacre in South Africa, investigations into the activities of Lonmin revealed that the world’s third largest platinum corporation moved an annual profit of ZAR400 million from South Africa to Bermuda to evade taxes for almost two decades.  These illicit flows essentially deprive the continent of pertinent resources for socio-economic development. However, the UNECA High Level Panel Report noted that while corruption impedes Africa’s development, the continent loses more money through illicit financial flows than it receives in aid, loans and investment combined.

    Due to weak legal and regulatory architecture, businesses exploit the gaps and weakness in the law to channel their resources illegally. Lost funds can be utilized to provide social and economic benefits which will significantly benefit citizens. Expanding understanding of material risk as including not only risk to the company, but also risk to key stakeholders and their rights (double materiality) is a crucial step towards making human rights a key factor in investment decision-making processes. The highest noticeable significance of illicit financial flows is evident on the lack of implementation of the rights to equality, health, education, and work in Africa. More hospitals could have been constructed, with provision of lifesaving treatments, provision of adequate schools and educational resources. These impacts the number of children that could have received free education and the impact on employment conditions such as wages and living standards, non-implementation of these rights further deepens inequality.

    IFFs weaken the state, structures of government and other institutions such as financial intelligence units, legal regulatory systems, banks, and financial regulatory institutions. Beneficiaries of IFFs undermine those institutions that are responsible for detecting and prosecuting illicit conduct. Through bribery, corruption and public theft beneficiaries of illicit financial flows also discredit democratic institutions.

    In Marikana, the miners were not only striking about their own low wages but also against the extremely high salaries paid to the mine’s management. The main way in which illicit financial flows impacts on socio-economic rights is by reducing the available funding at the disposal of the state to promote access for its people to the necessary resources to realise these rights. One of the major components of poverty eradication policies is increase in access to health care. Illicit financial flows reduce the state revenue and impacts directly upon the number of hospitals available to treat poor and vulnerable groups, the quality of the facilities, the number of patients that could have received life-saving medication, the number of doctors that could have been trained and employed and, it directly impacts upon whether a person dies with dignity or in misery.

    IFF impacts revenue generating capacity of state. For example, tax abuse by MNCs force governments to raise revenue from other sources such as Value Added Tax (VAT).  Thus, states should strengthen their capacity to address illicit financial flows; Investigate and take action to repatriate funds in relation to individuals and corporations mentioned in investigative documents such as the Panama Papers. Businesses should also undertake due diligence and human rights impact assessments which include tax compliance impacts and mitigation strategies.

    Do you think African governments are doing enough to hold these violators accountable, and what more is needed?

    States are not doing enough to meet their duty to protect against business-related human rights abuse. The efficacy of current legal developments is being called into question. Governance gaps, policy incoherence and lack of government leadership remains a challenge to ensuring business and human rights compliance.

    The level of compliance by business enterprises and enforcement of applicable laws have often been very low, where enforcement by national authorities is weak. African countries will need to carefully consider complex socio-economic conditions in their countries and develop detailed and responsive legal frameworks that provide effective avenues for anticipating and addressing human rights violations in key sectors. Greater clarity must be placed on legislative efficacy and corporate accountability. Responsible investment in natural resources, land and other sectors, and ways to overcome governance gaps and advance business and human rights principles must be well laid out in legislative processes and documents.

    States must also play a crucial role in driving cross cutting and strategic considerations for multi-stakeholder dialogue and carving out a common vision for the way forward for responsible investments in these sectors. Furthermore, to effectively hold violators accountable, States must be able to track performance and progress in the implementation of these Principles – examining the wide range of existing initiatives and methodologies – from measuring, tracking, and reporting to ranking and benchmarking. Furthermore, States may need to address the human rights impacts of corruption by business actors, when deciding whether to provide a business with government support such as trade finance or the award of a concession. Similarly, there may be areas of policy reform that will promote stronger respect for human rights as well as prevent corruption. For example, reform of public procurement processes may benefit rights holders as well as preventing corrupt bidding.

    How best do you think Africa can address the corporate impunity and rights violations by state and non-state actors?

    Stronger and effective laws are critical to safeguarding business respect for human rights. The scale of injustice, gravity of the offences and impact of the crimes on individuals and communities demand that a clear system of judicial recourse be established for matters of corporate criminal liability in Africa.

    The inventiveness of the African Union (AU) to amend the Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights that initially merged the African Court of Human and People’s Rights with the African Court of Justice has been received with mixed feelings. The Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (otherwise referred to as the “Malabo Protocol’), if duly ratified would expand the jurisdiction of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights, and consequently establish the first regional criminal court in the world to adjudicate cases of corporate criminal responsibility, and illicit exploitation of natural resources, amongst other quotidian international crimes. There are some arguments whether to incorporate so many of such crimes, which are not provided under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. The criminal jurisdiction of the court would be unique. Apart from the crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and aggression which exists under the International Criminal Court, the African Courts’ jurisdiction has been expanded to include corporate crimes. That the African continent is taking this pivotal step towards corporate criminal liability is not surprising. Achieving extractive resource management has been monumental challenge for African countries. From Nigeria (Ogoni) to the DRC (Katanga province), Angola, South Africa (Marikana), though states are complicit, MNCs are often agents of various human rights abuse in resource rich, conflict ridden, institutionally weak zones of the African continent.

    Recall that since the enactment of the Rome Statute, there has been a raging debate on expanding the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court to include corporations, or a regional criminal court in the first place. The largely non-ratification of the Malabo Protocol by AU member states is largely due to a number of factors – adequate legal resources, political will, domestic legal and enforcement mechanisms. Consequently, African states should consider seriously the ramifications, importance and adaptions of international treaties to local context before ratifying same. Much more depends on domestic prosecution of international crimes. The jurisdiction over such crimes as indicated under the Protocol are Utopian. However, there are crimes which occur on a more rampant scale such as piracy, trafficking of women and children, dumping of hazardous wastes, which affect Africa more rapidly than such crimes as war crimes, genocide.

    The judicial system should also be strengthened. There are systemic shortcomings in existing efforts at addressing access to remedies within the business and human rights debate. Access to remedies, from State-based judicial and non-judicial mechanisms to non-State-based remediation and grievance mechanisms involving companies, industry bodies, multi-stakeholder initiatives and regional and international institutions are pivotal. The multi-stakeholder initiative is essential in guaranteeing that all voices are heard, new ideas are implemented in other to address existing gaps and their root causes. These dialogues must be action oriented and include key stakeholders such as victims, MNCs, NGOs, NHRIs geared towards eliciting solid assurances from decision makers.

    Access to remedies is a fundamental component of the business and human rights debate. Not only must victims of corporate induced human rights violations have access to effective remedial mechanism, but businesses must also integrate access as part of their due diligence process. Efficient judicial mechanisms are central to the question of access to remedy. For instance, corporate internal (and external) grievance mechanisms offer a veritable source for complaints to be immediately addressed before there is breakdown of relationship between companies and their host communities. These grievance mechanisms will be an avenue to get feedback about their activities. Some countries mandate businesses to contribute to an environment restoration fund before the commencement of any project, to safeguard any corporate obligations towards the host community or other unforeseen events, including human rights impact.  The failure of corporate actors to comply with environmental laws and restoration efforts complicates access to remedy. Thus, states are enjoined to ensure strict compliance and punitive actions against businesses that refuse, fail and neglect to contribute to ecological reintegration and rehabilitation requirements. These obligations must include mandating businesses to set aside some financial tools, such as host community development trust fund,  or some form of corporate guarantee before the commencement of the project. The next section discusses practical issues and gaps that must be addressed to guarantee an effective judicial and non-judicial grievance mechanism.

    There are increasing calls for States and business to step up action, including for States to negotiate a legally binding instrument. Amid the constantly changing landscape of global governance challenges, it is critical to identify the most effective ways for ensuring alignment, adherence and accountability.

    How would you describe corporate culture on the continent, especially regarding implementation of socially responsible norms?

    While there have been some commitments to the business and human rights agenda in Africa, there remains some gaps in policy and institutional alignments as well as the implementation of business and human rights principles. For example, the African Commission’s Working Group on Extractives Industries, Environment and Human Rights Violations, developed a State Reporting Guidelines and Principles on Articles 21 and 24 of the African Charter relating to Extractive Industries, Human Rights and the Environment, and a Resolution on the Niamey Declaration on Ensuring the Upholding of the African Charter in the Extractive Industries Sector, which urges State Parties to adopt laws and regulations aimed at easing economic hardships of communities affected by extractive activities in line with regional and international human rights laws and principles. The African Commission also adopted the Principles and Guidelines on the Implementation of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on 26 May 2010. The Guidelines provides a more detailed explanation of State Parties’ obligations under the African Charter. The Tunis Reporting Guidelines were adopted to give further guidelines to State Parties to the African Charter in reporting on implementation of their obligations to the realisation and enjoyment of social, economic and cultural rights under the Charter.

    AU organs, especially the African Commission, have a strong history of adopting thematic and country specific resolutions and general comments on specific provisions of the Africa Charter which provide normative content and clarity to state parties on their human rights obligations.

    Despite these legal innovations, corporate entities still continue to operate with impunity. Recently, NNPC and security agencies discovered illegal refineries that has been operating in Nigeria for the past 9 years, which has reduced the output and production capacity of the country. In a 2015 corruption survey on Africa by Transparency International, business executives were considered second most corrupt after the police. The corruption prevalence on the continent has a huge impact not only on economic growth but also on sustainable development and the realization of human rights. One of the ways in which the link between business-related corruption and human rights resonates in Africa is with secret deals in the extractive industries. In 2000, more than 13 million dollars was transferred by Marathon Oil to the Angolan-state owned Sonangol. The payment was ‘one-third of the bonus’ agreed for oil exploration rights in Angola’s offshore reserves. In subsequent months, the funds moved into organizations owned by Angolan government officials. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, at least USD1.36 billion (which accounts for twice the national budget for health and education) was lost in secret deals between businesses and government officials between 2010 and 2012.

    Bribery scandals in Guinea involving the erstwhile government and MNCs over the ore rich Simandou region has shelved ore exploratory activities that have the potential of creating socio-economic development in the poor country. Between 1999 and 2002, the Greater Nile Petroleum Operating Company – a consortium of oil corporations including Canadian-based Talisman – engaged in violent attacks against civilians in Sudan with the aid of the military. While villages in the eastern part of Heglig were destroyed by army officials, attacks were launched against the Ruweng County in the Western Upper Nile, leaving over 6000 houses burnt. According to a 2002 Report by the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Sudan, there were accounts of “scorched earth tactics used by air and ground forces to clear oil-rich areas, chase people out of their villages and ensure that they would not return.”  Royalties from the up-stream oil activities by the company was used to exacerbate the conflict in the Heglig region.

    In Angola, the 27-year civil war was significantly exacerbated by extractive companies. In the oil sector, the state owned Sonangol corporation established in 1978 as the “exclusive concessionaire for oil exploration and development,”  gave equity interests to businesses with links to the global arms trade as a form of payment for brokering arms deal.  One of the key actors in the conflict was the French Elf Aquitaine. Between 1990 and 1994, Elf Aquitaine arranged oil-backed loans both for government forces and the opposition in the Angolan civil war. The actions of Elf at the time derived from the belief of corporations in the extractive industries that it was “easy to make money on the war by offering loans to the respective guerrilla leaders – at exorbitant interest rates – in exchange for promises of oil contracts.”  Beyond Angola, Elf-Aquitaine also provided financial support to the Sassou-led government in the 1997 civil war in exchange for “future rights to exploit Congo’s substantial oil reserves.”

    The Niger-Delta situation in Nigeria spotlights the issue of environmental pollution. In its 2021 report, the World Bank identified Nigeria as one of the top seven gas flaring countries for almost a decade. Market and economic constrictions as well as lack of regulatory clarity complicates the importance of ending gas flaring in Nigeria. The result is a brazen pollution of the atmosphere, including carbon dioxide, methane and black carbon. Gas flaring has not only created negative changes of atmospheric conditions, but it has also reduced the life expectancy in the Niger Delta region.

    Displacement due to business-related development projects is one of the pertinent human rights challenges in Africa. Following independence, many African states embarked on large-scale development projects to economically position Africa with the rest of the world. Large-scale investment projects from businesses were significantly encouraged particularly in the extractive sector. And while the economic benefits of these projects have been tremendous, the way displacements are often carried out for their realization have had an immense impact on the socio-economic livelihood of those displaced. Issues of cosmetic consultation, inadequate notices, unfair and unjust compensations have often raised pertinent human rights questions.

    In the Tete province situation in Mozambique, there was resettlement following the displacement of more than 2000 families from 2009 to 2014 for coal mining activities by Vale and Rio Tinto. However, the resettlement process implemented by the companies was fraught. One pertinent problem with the resettlement was that arable land was not sufficient for food production. Families moved to Cateme village were assured two hectares of land for agriculture, however, only one hectare which was noted to be unproductive was given.  There were also discriminatory patterns in the way families were moved. For instance, families moved by Vale to 25 de Setembro were employed at the mines and as such close to the mines and to the urban settlement. Whereas families moved to Cateme village were 40 kilometres away from the urban capital and as such experienced challenges getting jobs.

    Some companies have begun to incorporate best practices in their modes of operations. From providing on-site accommodation to full-time workers and temporary accommodation to seasonal workers, to ease the burden on care givers and parents with children, to providing in-house operational level grievance mechanisms.

    What basic socially responsible behaviours are expected of companies?

    It is important to note that most companies are mistaken that providing socially responsible projects, such as roads, water, schools, grant them some form of social legitimacy and social license to operate. While corporate social responsibility is critical to the social standing of a company, there are socially responsible behaviours companies must imbibe to have the social license to operate.

    First, companies must conduct human rights due diligence to identify, prevent, mitigate and account for how they address their impacts on human rights. Mere statement of policies will not suffice, rather, businesses must have a well laid out and clear-cut processes for assessing actual and potential human rights impacts, integrating and acting upon the findings, tracking responses, and communicating how impacts are addressed. The human rights due diligence must account for adverse human rights impacts caused by the business entity itself or activities directly related to such business operations, products, or services. This should not be a one-off process but an ongoing process considering that human rights risks may continuously change as the business operations evolve. Thus, assessments of human rights impacts should be undertaken at regular intervals: prior to a new activity or relationship; prior to major decisions or changes in the operation (e.g., market entry, product launch, policy change, or wider changes to the business); in response to or anticipation of changes in the operating environment (e.g. rising social tensions). Adoption of due diligence requirements will facilitate the implementation of a FPIC process. For example, businesses must evaluate or review their internal mechanisms to ensure that a prospective investment or project adheres to sustainable business practices and human rights standards.

    Second, corporate activity directly impacts human rights when it fails to anticipate, mitigate and redress all sources of human rights violations, especially the right to environment, health, and livelihoods of indigenous peoples, local communities, and people in vulnerable situations. Hence, companies must conduct human rights impact assessments. HRIA can help businesses foresee, comprehend, and prevent adverse human rights impacts.  In conducting HRIA, businesses will scope local content policies, laws, programmes to recognize and gauge the effect of their activities on human rights. A combination of corporate due diligence and HRIA, critical elements of a rights-based approach, will enable companies to identify possible impact of their projects on human rights, and determine whether to proceed on the project.

    Third, a rights-based approach to business practices is critical to safeguarding socially responsible behaviour. A rights-based approach is anchored on participation, accountability, non-discrimination, access to information and transparency. Timely and adequate information on development projects must be provided to the affected local community. The adequacy of the contribution to such projects must be measured under a reasonable person’s test. Local communities must take part in and be able to influence decisions that affect them – especially considering that most members of this community, typically being illiterate, may not be able to understand the technicalities of contractual language. For local communities to participate in extractive governance, corporate management will have to integrate members of the community into decision-making. This participation should be sought in a transparent and consultative manner, while stakeholders should be able to express their views fairly and fearlessly. Host communities are the most impacted by the harmful activities of MNCs. Involving the stakeholders legitimises the project to be carried out in their community and also creates social license for the firms. The mere fact that the host community has been given the necessary advantage of participating in decision-making, should not be an avenue used to delay development projects. The aim of broad-based participation is to avoid unnecessary hurdles and the politicisation of the entire process. The community should not see it as an avenue to impede development. The objective should be a transparent solution which is anchored on a solid based, pragmatic approach. For example, the South African silicosis cases reveals the inability of mines to provide an adequate and enabling environment for the mineworkers to work and to be informed of the impact of the project on their land and health.

    Accountability occurs where businesses experiences consequences for their negative performance or actions. Accountability is essential for businesses and for society. Businesses must be able to establish that a project has been developed in agreement with human rights rules and standards. Transparency on the other hand connotes openness, and candid communication with the local community on all aspects of the investment project or activity.

    Measuring human rights observance provides a clear and precise indication of progress made, when previously it had been lacking. Rules and safeguards help to prevent human rights violations. Transparency and accountability are at the core of development projects in Africa. A transparent and accountable business practice which is consistent with human rights, will measure the impact of laws and policies on human rights compliance. For example, all environmental laws must provide for compliance mechanisms that monitor the actualisation of human rights. Absence of transparency and accountability has led to concerns about the role of states, development partners, especially, International Financial Institutions, to implement strong and mandatory human rights standards that must be met before projects are funded. For example, despite Nigeria’s plethora of laws regulating the resource industry, there has been weak implementation of those laws. Besides, these laws do not provide for adequate monitoring, and do not insist on human rights compliance information. This laxity fails to hold MNCs accountable for human rights violations in the extractive industry.

    Corporate reporting is a fundamental tool in safeguarding accountability and effective communication. Most developmental projects are shrouded in so much secrecy that host communities remonstrate against such potentially projects. Local communities are entitled to certain key and basic information on how a project will benefit and affect them. They can, however, only make this informed decision if they are part of the decision-making process. Corporate reporting must include all the necessary details (and those not even considered necessary) of a project.

    Although the accuracy or honesty in such a report by corporate entities remains debatable – the utility in reporting shows transparency and accountability. The question though, is what constitutes adequate information?

    The adequacy of information must be assessed by reference to the amount of information publicly available, disclosure of new information, and also the ease of access to that information. The nature of the project also determines the adequacy of that information. In Nigeria, the Freedom of Information Act seems to provide an avenue for local communities to seek information on resource extraction projects in their communities. The operation of this Act has however been hindered by the reluctance of government to grant requests made by people.