Category: Open Forum

  • Lagos, my Lagos

    Lagos, my Lagos

    By

     

    Lagos is a city where news breaks at the speed of sound: Before you properly digest one, another is upon you. One of the news items that grabbed our attention the day before was about a clash in Alakuko, a boundary town with Ogun. Nineteen suspected cultists are being held in search of peace. And yesterday, the aftereffect of a brawl between boys in Onala and Agarawu areas of Lagos Island gained some traction alongside other news. Today, we will be devoted to some other news, good and bad.

    There is no dull moment in this city. With its off-putting rustic quarters, its contemporary mansions, its loudness and its serenity and its pungent poverty and its sweet-smelling affluence, Lagos evokes the memory of the mythic Esu with two-sided face of different hues as though intent on causing confusion— leaving a resident or a visitor to choose what to believe about this city of promise.

    Lagos is like a lion: it rumbles, it roars, and on its streets, iron jangles against iron. Many a part of my Lagos is so alive that shutting the windows, slamming the doors and more are not enough to drive away noise pollution. If an ambulance is not disturbing your peace, a bus conductor shouting himself hoarse is; if the muezzin’s annoyingly loud call to prayer is not the source of headache, the disgusting cacophony from a vigil or mid-week service in nearby church is. At times the challenge is street brawls.

    My city, my state, in many a place, resembles a giant construction site. If you stay away from Lagos Island for six months, chances are that you will not recognise many buildings because they spring up like weeds on cassava farms. Lagos has grown irrepressibly and keeps on bloating, careless of having gorged more than its digestive system could process. Every hour it receives new visitors to swell its bloated tummy, which makes it look like a candidate for constipation and making my Lagos look like heaven and hell, side by side: for every Apapa GRA, there is an Ajegunle; for every Ajah, there is Agungi; for every Ikoyi, there is an Obalende; for every posh side of Ikeja, there is an Ipodo; and for every Lekki, there are shanties here and there.

    My Lagos, especially its Lagos Island arm, grins with skyscrapers, smooth and sparkling road network befitting a modern city. The Banana Island part of my Lagos reeks of wealth: well-laid out road network, well-mowed lawn, perfumed air, well-built and glossed mansions, and an ambience comparable to Seventh Arrondissement in Paris, La Jolla in San Diego and Tokyo’s Shibuya and Roppongi. There are no potholes, no house with peeling paint; no form of shabbiness had room in this rich’s playground. But my other Lagos, especially its shanties and slums, smells of poverty.

    Hopeless gridlock is synonymous with my Lagos. It can be so bad that even when the traffic light changes from red to green, nothing moves. It is a city with no sense of time, where almost nothing starts on schedule. Even when you want to be different, traffic can mess things up. So productive is the gridlock that anything can happen while in it: you can buy pepper, meat and every other ingredient needed for a pot of soup, you can buy a machete to deal with your stubborn neighbour or use on your farm or to weed your compound, you can do and undo. If you are lucky to be in traffic caused by an upturned lorry, you can even get the pepper blended, the vegetables shredded and once you get home, the soup will be ready in a matter of minutes. Drama is not in short supply: Blows are regularly exchanged. I have even seen a guy break a bottle and ready to cut a fellow driver who refused to make a way for him. The curse of the traffic makes brutes of gentlemen, and makes the stubborn mad. It can be madness galore.

    My Lagos, in some sense, is a beggars’ republic. Seeing a man in tie and in suit does not mean he is not out to tell you some bogus stories aimed at punching holes in your pockets. They are corporate beggars who actually tell you the amount they need from your compassionate purse. People fake injuries with make-up; many people’s fathers die and die and die many times depending on the number of clients they have to deal with or they have to lie to. Beggars in traffic are difficult to dodge because they swarm every side. If you turn your eyes away from one, another is waiting on the side you have just turned, palms opened in expectation of compassion.

    My Lagos is home to many lawless people. Each time it rains, our drainage channels are clogged by plastic bags and each time there is a flash flood, what takes over our roads is not just water but an assemblage of nylon bags, Styrofoam cups, take-out packs, and other disposables. My Lagos is a major contributor to the estimated 32 million tonnes of solid waste Nigeria generates per year. Plastics constitute 2.5 million tonnes of this waste.

    Illegal dredgers are also killing my Lagos. A report indicates that if this continues, local government areas in the riverine areas have a high risk of flooding measured in kilometres. Seventy-nine per cent of the Eti-Osa local government landmass is listed as black spot. Of its 168km, almost nothing is left with 133km under threat.

    For many, Lagos is restless because there are always some things to attend to. Even in the thick of a pandemic, the market, the cinemas, the roads, the event centres, the supermarkets, the mail and every nook and cranny are peopled to full capacity and more.

    In my Lagos, especially Yaba and Oshodi, women are endangered species when they dress in what moral police consider indecent. They drag their skirts, tug at their shirts and harass them physically and verbally. The moral policemen shamelessly salivate in a way that clearly shows that were it not for faces glaring at them, the rapists in them would have been in action.

    My Lagos is also good to hustlers, genuine and phoney. The phoney ones can rent one apartment to seven clients and collect money from all; even the genuine ones charge for registration even when they are not sure you will like what they have to offer.

    My final take: Lagos is under-policed and the federal police cannot help it tame the mad ones who have made it a madhouse. The Neighbourhood Corps do not seem to have what it takes and I doubt what the Constabulary can do. Proper state police and local government police as obtained in advanced democracy are what we need. If a matter is beyond the local government police, the state police take over and if it is beyond the state police, the federal police take over and if more than them all, the military are invited.

  • Swaga, Tinubu and Festus Adedayo’s art of political necromancy

    Swaga, Tinubu and Festus Adedayo’s art of political necromancy

    By Seye Oladejo

     

    Dr Festus Adedayo’s column in the Nigerian Tribune of Sunday, December 20, 2020, titled: ‘Tinubu, Please Run, Run From The SWAGA Gang’ makes interesting and most times amusing reading. Although he admits that Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a former governor of Lagos State and one of the leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC), “has not told anyone he is interested in the presidency”, Dr Adedayo goes on to adumbrate at length not just on why Tinubu is unqualified to run for Nigeria’s presidency in 2023 but why the South West should not support his aspiration if he decides to run. The peg for his article is the unveiling of a group of former Senators and House of Representatives members under the aegis of South-West Agenda ’23 (SWAGA), who last week in Ibadan and Oyo, historic political entities in Yoruba land, publicly sought to mobilize support for Tinubu in the South-West should he decide to run for President in 2023.

    Luckily, Adedayo does not suggest that this group does not have the right to mobilize support for any potential candidate of its choice just as the columnist has the liberty to fulminate against them no matter how pedestrian or ridiculous his logic. Anyone familiar with the social media will know that there are several groups that have been canvassing support for Tinubu’s anticipated presidential ambition from different parts of the country just as I believe others are doing for various potential presidential aspirants. Perhaps SWAGA caught Adedayo’s fancy because of the caliber of politicians involved. A doctorate degree holder in Political Science, Dr Adedayo engages in intellectual flights of fancy, which is the luxury of the theory class to quote the late Professor Billy Dudley.

    For instance, the columnist quotes a brilliant political scientist who in a book on the politics of the South-West reportedly asserts that “Tinubu has a fancy for ideology but a fierce commitment to power”. On the basis of this debatable proposition, Adedayo submits that while the great sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, played ‘ideologically-driven politics’, Tinubu is actuated by ‘power driven politics’. But then what is the role of ideology in politics? It is to provide a philosophical framework and intellectual anchor for the fashioning out of specific policy and programmatic agenda that the politician who adheres to it believes is in the best interest of the majority of the people in any given political jurisdiction. But then, does any politician play ideological politics simply for the sake of it in what would be the equivalent of unproductive intellectual masturbation? Certainly no.

    The fervent ideologue politician who is not just playing games but is intent on seeing that his ideas benefit society must also be determined to acquire political power in order to achieve his goals. That is why Chief Obafemi Awolowo, for instance, fervently and uninhibitedly, sought to lead Nigeria either as Prime Minister or President in order to utilize his brilliant ideas to accelerate the modernization and transformation of the country just as he had done for Western Nigeria during his tenure as Premier between 1952 and 1960. And the great Awo was not as politically and ideologically inflexible as Adedayo presumes in his lifelong earnest quest to lead Nigeria.

    Thus, in 1983, for instance, Awo’s UPN entered into a working agreement with a faction of the Northern political class who furnished him with his running mate, Alhaji Mohammed Kura, for the 1983 presidential election. This was unlike 1979 when Awo had unilaterally picked his running mate, Mr. Phillip Umeadi, from the East thus leaving out the entire North on the UPN’s presidential ticket. It is indeed the PDP interests that Adedayo is serving now that play the politics of power for its own sake and even have their party slogan as ‘PDP! Power!’

    Obviously with reference to Tinubu, Adedayo writes: “Politicians have started a race ahead of God to the year 2023; and they do not appear to mind stepping on the blood and the corpses of their brothers into that office they covet so badly…Being humans, can any sprinter be sure they will see self-same 2023?” How this applies to a man whom Adedayo admits has not told anyone he is interested in running for President is baffling. As I noted earlier, Awo actively sought to lead Nigeria either as Prime Minister or President in the first and second republics to utilize the office for the public good. In fact, he had entries in his diary affirming frequently that he would succeed in his mission of leading Nigeria. If everyone were to follow Adedayo’s strange admonition, no one, not even Adedayo, the skilled political necromancer, would aspire to anything because no one can wager that he will still be on this side of eternity either in 2023 or even tomorrow.

    Although admitting that Tinubu has not declared any political aspiration towards 2023, Adedayo mischievously insinuates that “he has embarked on some gallivanting of recent to the North which some readers of Nigeria’s political barometer labeled political moves ahead of 2023″. It is unfortunate that a doctorate degree holder in Political Science here exhibits such pedestrian intellect. Tinubu was recently in Borno State to commiserate With Profesor Babagana Zulum, the governor of the state, and empathize with the people of the state on the murder by insurgents of 43 rice farmers at Zabarmari Village. Does a purported and unstated political aspiration deny him the constitutional right of freedom of movement? As Mr. Tunde Rahman, Tinubu’s Media Aide, has asked, how many politicians even with 2023 on their minds will summon the courage to dare visit Borno State or anywhere else in the North-East at this time? If we are to stretch Adedayo’s warped logic further, can we not conjecture Agbekoya Parapo that Tinubu masterminded the murder of the rice farmers so that he could have an opportunity to visit Borno State in pursuit of a political agenda? Was it with 2023 in mind that Tinubu was honoured with the title of Jagaban Borgu almost 20 years ago?

    For a scholar in the analytically rigorous field of Political Science, Adedayo has a penchant for telling diversionary tales that have little bearing on whatever subject he is interrogating. For instance, he tells the story of the Revolt of 1968-1969 and how Chief Awolowo was the only one able to pacify the peasant farmers where all others had failed and helped to restore peace. What has that got to do with Tinubu or the politics of 2023? Adedayo contends that Tinubu’s intervention could not put a halt to the #EndSARS protests at the Lekki Toll Plaza. For a specialist in comparative politics, Adedayo embarrassingly takes two disparate events – Agbekoya riots of the late 1960s and #EndSARS protests of 2020 – and goes ahead to compare oranges and apples. One event took place under military rule, the other in a democratic dispensation. One event was confined to some parts of a single region, Western Nigeria, the other had national ramifications. Awo had presided over the Western Region that comprised the present South-West states including the old Mid-Western Region and thus had a deserved larger than life profile across the West. Tinubu was only a two –term governor of Lagos State and his profile in the South-West grew incrementally not only because of his accomplishments in Lagos but because even after leaving office in 2007, he was at the vanguard of winning back all South-West states lost to the PDP in 2003 to the progressive fold.

    Indeed, so deep is Adedayo’s animus toward Tinubu that he gleefully and malevolently refers to similarities in targets of destruction of property by the Agbekoya peasants and the properties destroyed in Lagos by the #EndSARS protesters. Here is a PhD holder and lawyer to boot celebrating the destruction of public and private property – the intellectual as Agbero analyst? How tragic! It does not occur to Adedayo that the object of the anger of the #EndSARS protesters was the Special Anti Robbery Squad (SARS) established and controlled by the Federal Government while the properties and facilities targeted for destruction in Lagos belonged either to the Lagos State government or to private individuals like Tinubu. Should that not arouse the curiosity of a genuine intellectual? The protests in Lagos were clearly hijacked and utilized for partisan political purposes through patently false propaganda by political elements whose interest Adedayo is serving under the veneer of superficial intellectualism. Or else how does one explain Adedayo’s mischievous insinuation that “Tinubu owns half of Lagos”?

    Should a columnist of Adedayo’s caliber make assertions predicated on rumors and peddle cheap gossip as gospel truth? Is Adedayo aware that in the run-up to the 2015 election, AIT ran a documentary titled “Lion of Bourdillon” which disseminated this kind of falsehood against Tinubu? When charged to court, the AIT sought out of court settlement and tendered an apology. This time round, the lie was that Tinubu owns the Lekki Toll Plaza and had invited soldiers to shoot at protesters because he was losing money for as long as the road remained closed. Tinubu has since denied in a widely publicized statement any interest, involvement or ownership of the Toll Gate and asserted that his income is unaffected maybe one or 100, 000 vehicles pass through the gate. There has been no evidence-based rebuttal of Tinubu’s confident claim, not even by Adedayo – scholar, lawyer and journalist – who resorts to rumors rather than facts unearthed through diligent investigation.

    Adedayo contends that the Senator Dayo Adeyeye – led pro-Tinubu group, SWAGA, cannot now credibly canvass for a South-West united front behind Tinubu for the 2023 presidential race when the Tinubu-led Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) thwarted the ambition of a Yoruba woman, Honourable Mulikat Akande-Adeola, to be Speaker of the House of Representatives in 2011. Rather, he argues, the ACN supported Hon. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal from Sokoto State who emerged as Speaker. Surely, such political permutations and joggling is neither unusual nor uncommon given the ideologically fluid nature of our politics. The ACN emerged through painstaking backbreaking work after the PDP electoral blitzkrieg that swept away the defunct Alliance for Democracy (AD) in five of the six South-West states except Lagos. Since it did not have the numbers to produce principal officers itself, one wonders how Adedayo can fault the ACN’s exploiting fractures and fault lines within the PDP to enhance its own interest and weaken the hegemonic faction within the PDP. That is not illegitimate in politics.

    So strongly does Adedayo feel about this Mulikat Akande-Adeola affair that he vehemently asserts that, should Tinubu seek the presidency in 2023, it will be payback time as the Yoruba will avenge the fate that befell the woman even though she incidentally became Majority Leader of the House of Representatives. This is amusing. The Tinubu-led tendency has had the upper hand in most elections in the South-West in all elections between 2007 and 2019 even though the PDP remains a strong factor in the region. The issue of the Yoruba having long memories and seeking to pay Tinubu back in his own coin thus only exists in Adedayo’s fecund imagination. Even then, as a political analyst, did Adedayo bother to ask himself what concrete gains would have come to Yoruba land had Honourable Mulikat Akande-Adeola become Speaker of the House in 2011? Was Dimeji Bankole not Speaker for four years? What were the gains or benefits for the average Yoruba man or woman? In the same vein, nobody should canvass for the presidency in 2023 simply on the basis of where he or she comes from. Competence and proven track record of performance must be accorded priority.

    Listen to Adedayo: “As we trudge towards 2023, Yoruba will remember those who had sacrificed the so-called Yoruba interest on the altar of self-ambition in the past. They amusingly watch how same people who sold them for ten shekels of silver now appropriating the moral right to call them to queue behind them in 2023 “for the sake of Yoruba race”. Here again, the political scientist in Adedayo disappoints – appallingly. He arbitrarily asserts rather than demonstrate his claims logically and empirically. In what ways were the Yoruba sold for ten shekels of silver? Is that insinuation not itself a brazen insult on the intelligence and character of the Yoruba who are well known for their political sophistication and astuteness?

    A central thrust of Adedayo’s piece is that Tinubu’s politics is power-centered rather than ideologically focused. In his words, “Power here is euphemism for the end that justifies the means of that deadly French theorist, Niccolo Machiavelli”. Incidentally, Machiavelli was Italian, not French. But if Adedayo’s postulation is true, how come that as the lone governor standing in the South-West after the loss of the other five AD South-West states in 2003, Tinubu decided to stay in opposition and was at the vanguard of clawing back all the South-West PDP ‘captured’ states to the camp of the progressives? Would it not have been more in line with the extant political culture for Tinubu to simply cross over to the PDP, which controlled the gravy-laden centre? How come that much earlier during the IBB transition programme, Tinubu spurned the opportunity to contest for the Senate Presidency in order to enhance the chances of the South-West winning the SDP presidential ticket? Rather, he supported the emergence of Professor Iyorchia Ayu Benue State in the North Central as Senate President. How come that Tinubu was one of the more than 20 signatories from Lagos of a full page advert in the Nigerian Tribune denouncing Chief Dapo Sarumi as their leader following the latter’s acceptance to join the Chief Earnest Shonekan-led Interim National Government (ING)?

    Hear Adedayo again: ”Till today, Tinubu is held to be the one who single-handedly dissembled Afenifere and literally destroyed the Yoruba group”. What we have at work here is political necromancy or witchcraft, not disinterested and dispassionate political analysis. Adedayo surely has the intellectual skills to analyze objectively and incisively the immediate and remote causes for the rise and fall of Afenifere. If he had not indulged intellectual laziness, Adedayo would not have arrived at the simplistic conclusion that Tinubu singlehandedly ‘dissembled’ Afenifere. True, the crisis that led to the diminution of Afenifere had its origin in Lagos. The principal cause was the adamant and unrelenting opposition of Chief Ganiyu Dawodu, AD Chairman and Afenifere leader in Lagos State to Tinubu even after the latter had emerged as governor of the state and made ceaseless efforts to pacify Dawodu who had openly supported Funsho Williams in the AD party primaries.

    In his riveting book, ‘Reflections of a Public Man’, Alhaji Olatunji Hamzat, Lagos State transportation commissioner in the Alhaji Lateef Jakande administration, founder of the influential group, Justice Forum, as well as prominent member of AD and Afenifere in Lagos State, writes as regards the Dawodu-Tinubu rift in Lagos: “Throughout all this, the leadership of Afenifere equally intervened in ceaseless, exhausting meetings desperate to cobble some kind of compromise and workable unity. Even at this time, the Afenifere leadership itself showed signs of partisan preference and identity with Ganiyu Dawodu. While Chief Abraham Adesanya clearly reposed in unimpeachable neutrality and progressive rallying, Chief Ayo Adebanjo and Chief Olanihun Ajayi were clearly supportive of the Dawodu group. The imbroglio in Lagos State would eventually affect the already widening dispute at the national hierarchy, rivening the national front into the infamous balkanization of the year 2000 National Convention of the AD that witnessed two different conventions in Abuja”. There is no space here to go into the crises that resulted in the current moribund state of Afenifere but it is not as simplistic as portrayed by Adedayo.

    Adedayo makes the specious argument that what the Yoruba need at this time is restructuring of Nigeria and not a President of Yoruba extraction come 2023. The truth of the matter is that there can be no restructuring without a President in office who believes in restructuring and is prepared to utilize the weight and authority of his office to push through fundamental amendments to the constitution to deepen federal practice in Nigeria, and this essentially is what restructuring is about. It is astonishing that Adedayo assumes that a restructured Nigeria can simply leap through probably from Planet Mars without the requisite leadership that believes in the cause. Is Adedayo aware that even among the Yoruba political elite, there is no unanimity of views or ideas on what a restructured Nigeria should look like? For instance, while some advocate a return to the regional structure of the First Republic or a merger of ‘unviable’ states, the 2014 National Conference actually recommended the creation of additional states to bring the total number of states to over 50!

    Chief Obafemi Awolowo sought to be President of Nigeria inthe Second Republic under the 1979 constitution. Referring to the 1979 constitution, the great sage had famously noted that most of its provisions had been articulated in his books particularly ‘Thoughts on the Nigerian Constitution’. Awolowo would have been an excellent President and delivered on his electoral promises had he been elected President in 1979. The UPN governors performed exemplarily under this constitution in the Second Republic. The extant 1999 constitution is a near total replica of the 1979 constitution. Nigeria can flourish under this constitution with a competent, committed and visionary leadership that can summon the will to push through necessary amendments that will remove the road blocks to genuine federal practice that exist in the constitution. As serious as current national challenges are, this is no excuse to jettison the extant constitution wholesale and embark on an ill-defined restructuring journey with an unpredictable outcome. Adedayo speculates about Tinubu’s health in a reckless manner without proof. Here, he plays God. Who tells Adedayo that he himself is in perfect and robust health or does he know the terminal date of his own tenancy on earth?

     

    • Oladejo is the Publicity Secretary of Lagos APC Caretaker Committee.
  • Between CNN and journalism ethics

    Between CNN and journalism ethics

    By Lai Mohammed

    Our attention has been drawn to an ‘investigation’ by CNN, entitled ‘How a Bloody Night of Bullets Quashed a Young Protest Movement’ and aired on 18 November 2020, in which the international news organisation said it had ”uncovered that Nigerian security forces opened fire on unarmed protesters” at the Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos, Nigeria, during the #EndSARS protest.

    We write to put on record that the report did not just fall short of journalistic standards, it reinforces the disinformation that is going around on the issue, it is blatantly irresponsible and it is a poor piece of journalistic work by a reputable international news organisation.

    In the first instance, the report did not live up to the most basic of the core principles of journalism – balance and fairness.

    According to the website www.ethics.journalists.org, ”balance and fairness are classic buzzwords of journalism ethics: In objective journalism, stories must be balanced in the sense of attempting to present all sides of a story. Fairness means that a journalist should strive for accuracy and truth in reporting, and not slant a story so a reader draws the reporter’s desired conclusion.”

    Rushing to air such a momentous story without presenting the government’s side is inexcusable and indefensible. CNN said it contacted over 100 protesters and family members, but did not speak to one official of Nigeria’s federal government. While CNN said there was no response from the army and that officials of Lagos State would not speak in view of the Judicial Panel that is investigating the matter, it did not say what effort it made to speak with any official of the federal government.

    The truth is that CNN did not even attempt to reach the federal government. Nima Elbagir, who presented the report and most probably led the investigation, is conversant with the Minister of Information and Culture, who is also the Spokesman for the Federal Government of Nigeria, yet did not say that she even tried to reach the Minister. It is therefore strange, to say the least, that she would rush to air such an important ‘investigation’ report without getting the government’s side. In other words, Nima, and by extension CNN, breached the most basic of the core principles of journalism – balance and fairness.

    Another serious breach by CNN, in its ‘investigation’, is that the network relied heavily on unverified footages it harvested from social media. CNN was not present at the Lekki Toll Gate on the night of the incident. Neither its reporter nor cameraman was there, but it relied on eyewitnesses. Well, this is fraught with danger. While experts say eyewitness testimony is a potent form of evidence, it is also subject to unconscious memory distortions and biases, Unlike CNN, a reporter from the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) Pidgin Service, Damilola Banjo, was at the Lekki Toll Gate on the night in question, and was quoted as saying soldiers shot sporadically into the air and not at the protesters –  a direct contradiction of the position taken by CNN who relied on second and third-hand information.

    In airing its ‘investigative’ report, CNN conveniently forgot that on Oct. 23rd 2020, it emphatically tweeted, from its verified twitter handle, that the military killed 38 people when it opened fire on peaceful protesters on Tuesday, Oct. 20th 2020. Almost a month later, the same CNN – after a supposedly exhaustive investigation – is now reporting only one death from what the world was made to believe was a massacre. Is CNN not embarrassed by this sharp climbdown? Has CNN owned up to this and apologized for its faux paus?

    It is also interesting that while CNN obtained footage showing when the vehicles carrying soldiers left their barracks and arrived at the Lekki Toll Gate, it could not obtain any footage showing the bodies of those supposedly killed in the ‘massacre’. After all, forensic ballistic experts will most likely testify that firing military grade weapons into a crowd will not leave anyone needing a microscope to look for blood or bodies at the scene.

    CNN has said it stands by its story, and that ”our reporting was carefully and meticulously researched”, This is baffling, considering that the story lacks fairness and balance, as we have pointed out, and that the organization relied heavily on manipulated social media videos. This resort to an escapist cliche seems more like a face-saving measure by an otherwise respectable news network caught in the blinding glare of ‘fake news and disinformation’ headlamps. Or how else does one explain the arrogant defence of an international news network that would not even respect the most basic principle of journalism?

    One of CNN’s star eyewitnesses in its ‘investigative’ reporting is DJ Switch. Unknown to CNN, DJ Switch’s story on the Lekki Toll Gate shooting has changed several times. From claiming she counted 78 bodies of protesters who were supposedly killed by soldiers on the night of the Lekki Toll Gate incident, she has twice, at least, changed the casualty figure from 78 to 15 and then to 7, without a shred of evidence. CNN cannot pretend not to know that for anyone to act as a witness, his or her credibility must be unimpeachable. DJ Switch’s credibility does not meet that threshold.

    In one of social media videos of DJ Switch that was used by CNN (see attached link 1), the lady (DJ Switch) claimed she and some unnamed persons carried dead bodies and dropped them at the feet of the soldiers. She also claimed she spoke to their Commander before the soldiers threw the bodies into the vans. Curiously, for someone who was streaming live on Instagram during the Lekki Toll Gate incident, there was not a single video or picture of the dead bodies. Not even Godson (Uyi), another CNN star witness whose video was also used by the network, or any of the hundreds of protesters, all armed with smart phones, at the scene recorded a video or shot a picture of dead bodies being carried away by soldiers.

    Talking of Godson, despite claiming to have analysed hours of footage, it is curious that CNN conveniently left out key parts of Godson’s 57-minute, 5-second video . For example,13 minutes, 40 seconds into the video, there were voices, in street lingo, in the background telling Godson that the gunshots were not from the soldiers (na boys dey shoot, that na local gun sound….it’s boys, meaning touts and hoodlums, who are shooting. That’s local gun). Some 20 minutes,14 seconds into the video, Godson confirmed that the boys had brought out their guns and were shooting (local okah, he called it). Some 23 minutes, 14 seconds into the video, Godson said ‘wait, all these boys dey shoot’ (meaning gunshots rang out from the touts/hoodlums). CNN, in its rush to nail soldiers and tell a ‘radically different story’, conveniently left out these parts of the Godson video, which could have shown that armed hoodlums invaded the Lekki Toll Gate that night, and could have hit any of the protesters as they shot sporadically. This is clearly a ploy by the CNN reporter/presenter to manipulate viewers of its ‘investigative’ report and force them to draw the reporter’s desired conclusion! Another video showing an armed protester at the Lekki Toll Gate (see attached link 3) was apparently not among the footage reviewed by CNN!

    It is shocking that all through its ‘investigation’, CNN did not for once mention the fact that six soldiers and 37 policemen were killed during the #EndSARS crisis, which also left 196 policemen injured, not to talk of the monumental destruction of government and private properties across the country. Instead, the network is fixated on the massacre that never happened. Are security agents not human beings too? Are they not entitled to the protection of their human rights?

    For the record, this is not the first time that CNN has carried an inaccurate or hoax story about Nigeria. In February 2007, Nigeria accused CNN of staging one of its reports from the country’s Niger Delta region, showing gunmen holding 24 Filipinos hostage. Of course, CNN and its then Africa Correspondent Jeff Koinange flatly denied the charge, saying the network did not pay for any part of the report. Later, in an email reportedly sent to a friend, Mr. Koinange was quoted as saying: “Of course we had to pay certain people to get the story… You do not get such a story without bribing.”  So much for denials!

    As a form of remediation, Nigeria’s Federal Government demands an immediate and exhaustive investigation from CNN into its ‘investigative’ report on the Lekki Toll Gate incident to determine, among others, its authenticity, whether or not it met the basic standards of journalism and also the selective use of unverified social media videos to manipulate public opinion. While it is up to CNN to accede or not, please note that the Federal Government reserves the right to take any action within its laws to prevent CNN from aggravating the #EndSARS crisis with unprofessional, irresponsible, one-sided, inciting and sensational reporting that is capable of pitching Nigerians against themselves and setting the country on fire.

    • Olatunji Dare At Home Abroad will return next week

  • Conversation with the Nigerian youth

    Conversation with the Nigerian youth

    Sunday Dare

     

    PROTESTS have occurred across the country. Few saw this coming except with the aid of hindsight. However, the protests are here and we must be cognizant of the reasons why. Every society, every nation has its imperfections and challenges. Some of them are of high consequence while some of them minor in scope. No nation escapes this reality. The mark of a great nation is not that it does not have challenges and flaws, the mark of a great and hopefully compassionate nation lies in how it resolves its inconsistencies and social tensions.

    Nigeria is a democratic republic established to ensure its people enjoy the benefits of good governance and the quiet enjoyment of their lives through the observation and protection of their fundamental human rights, including the rights to exist and to move about the nation freely as long as one moves about peacefully.

    This is the ideal to which we as a nation and to which this government both strive. Yet, the protests show that we have not achieved this ideal. It is now painfully apparent that something undermining this noble goal was taking place and was taking a harsh toll on our people, especially our youth. The youth endured indignities, ranging from petty harassment, extortion, to beatings and killings at the hands of those who had been given a commission to protect them from such brutal criminality. That which was meant to protect you was distorted in too many instances to torment you. Once a good and functional ideal, SARS became a burden on the people.

    Here, I must say that a few SARS officers are good, decent police officers trying their best in often challenging conditions. I say this not to cover or condone the wrongs done. I say this that we not unduly taint all for the bad acts of some. However, I also am not attempting to downplay the severity of the misconduct or to give some false solace or consolation to those who have suffered unduly.  The activities of the bad SARS officers had violently undermined the reputation and function of the squad. This is a national disgrace turned into unfortunate tragedy by the harsh mistreatment of innocent youth and other Nigerians.

    Police brutality is neither a hallmark of democracy nor is it the stamp of this administration. Yet, something went wrong. Your courage and commitment to organize and then carry out peaceful protests brought this grave issue to the attention of the highest levels of this government.

    Your protests made the government focus on your concerns. Once government investigated the matter and understood the gravity and veracity of the protest claims, government moved with dispatch and resolved to abolish SARS. Government has also moved with sincerity, committing itself to working on several other important demands raised by the protests. Here it is important to continue to act based on the premise that we all want the best for Nigeria and that the other person is motivated by good faith.

    During this situation, some people have lambasted the protesters as troublemakers intent on bringing down the government. This was unhelpful. We cannot move forward if we taint everything as fundamentally motivated by partisan political coloration. A few things transcend political bickering. Also, those claiming that government was harsh and intolerant were wrong. Like any committed government, this administration does not want see innocent citizens brutalised by the police. There is no good that can come from such a policy as such a stance is morally and political bankrupt and counterproductive. The President and his government care for the people.

    While we may have policy disagreements with others and have a different political perspective, no one should question the good faith of this administration and its commitment to the Nigerian people. It is an unfair and unfounded assertion to allege that we care not for the people and want to see them harshly treated. Such allegations are not born of sincerity but come from those seeking to gain political capital from the current situation.

    Yet, all in all, the youth-led protests have done the nation and its people a service.   Good police action helps all of us but police misconduct adversely touches Nigerians of every demographic. By demonstrating for an end to brutality you have enhanced the liberties and freedoms of all Nigerians.

    Thus, I salute the courage of the Nigerian youth for finding their voice, for mobilising, for staying on message by keeping the peace during your protests that we may have even more peace. Your demands for action, and deep-rooted reforms, including adequate funding of our Police, show that you are seeking pragmatic solutions to real problems. In essence you had the fruitful insight to seek aid for the very Police that have inflicted hardship on you because you realise that only an improved police will better serve you. In essence, you seek not to destroy but to build better than before.

    Government is nothing but a public service. Leadership must respond to the agitations and valid yearnings of society. In this case, this Government is doing that. The demands are being met as swiftly and practicably as possible. SARS has been dissolved, and will not come back. A multi stakeholder committee to address youth demands and relevant issues is already in place.

    Shortly after the protests began, President Muhammadu Buhari issued a public broadcast vowing that police reforms have started with the dissolution of SARS.

    Beyond dissolution of SARS, the police as an institution will undergo a reform process intended to promote community-police cooperation and to weed out unqualified and bad officers. Our youth, who constitute over 60 percent of the population and are often wrongly profiled, harassed and brutalised for no justifiable reason at all and this must stop.

    Institutional change and reform are coming and government will fulfill this solemn promise. Yet, we must also realise that the changes and reform will take more than one day to effectuate. We are talking about changing the behavior and ideals of an institution that have been operating in a certain way for decades.

    This episode is a dual lesson to us all. First, it instructs us on how law enforcement is not to act. Second, it also shows on how citizens can peacefully relay their grievances to government that it may take curative action. In this vein, the right to protest is part of the fabric of a responsive democratic setting. Protests are one of the legitimate ways people can lay their petition before government. Thus, the people have a right and duty to protest peacefully in order to raise serious grievance or call for important government action. And in the face of sustained protests, government has the duty to listen and the responsibility to respond to and resolve legitimate issues to the extent possible.

    The people should never be afraid to protest as long as their cause is just and government should never be frightened by such protests but should accept that the protests are peaceful call by the people for government to help them create a better society and a better life. For protest to make any sense the protests implies and the protesters must believe government has the requisite good faith to listen and to act.

    Thus, amidst these considerations is another important one. Genuine protesters must be careful not to allow those with nefarious motives to hijack their protests and steer them into violence or into conduct that actually undermines constitutional democracy instead of enhancing it. The line between legitimate protests and improper attack against the democratic order may not be the broadest but it is there and relatively clear. Yet, it is possible to be taken across that line if you do not remain disciplined and focused. Always be mindful that others with agendas contrary to your altruism will infiltrate the protests and will seek to exploit your constructive efforts to stir conflict and tension that cannot be resolved except through even more conflicts. Protests to build and improve society. Yes. Protests to foster chaos and disorder to tear down society, No.

    As Youth, you seek the path of a new more just Social and Political Order but that better order can never be born or emanate from disorder and chaos. Better to seek the path of reform that builds on the extant democratic foundation, that recognizes initiatives this administration has already commenced but will also not hesitate to push and urge government to move faster and further if you believe that will better serve the nation.

    Thus, government and the youth must embrace dialogue.

    This President and his administration will speak to you frankly and in good faith. There will be honest dialogue but no false promises on one hand or unfair suppression on the other.

    The youth must be sufficiently fair minded to assess the facts and the situation. Do not swallow the ugly narratives peddled with malicious intensity by organizations that politically oppose the President.  They seek to paint him as uncaring and hateful toward you. This is an unfair lie. The President cares deeply. He profits nothing when an innocent Youth or Nigerian is hurt, harassed or killed by those hired to protect them. He is personally insulted when the police act against safety and proper order. He is engaged in a dogged battle against vested interests that had literally hijacked the soul of the country over decades and are intent on avoiding accountability. This means, he is more than willing to dialogue with you because you both seek reform albeit sometimes in different ways with different priorities. As a father figure, the President has always maintained that his actions will ultimately prove that he always saw the youth as our greatest assets.

    We must now be concerned that even protests can be subjected to the hurricane winds of manipulation to the extent that many would claim nothing is being done for the Nigerian youth. As the Minister responsible for this portfolio, I can say categorically that this is simply not true. For the first time in Nigeria’s history, a specific ring-fenced investment fund, the Nigerian Youth Investment Fund (NYIF) was approved by Government.  The President’s belief is that we must make substantial and meaningful financial investment in our youth if we truly want them to become creators of wealth, employers of labor and architects of a better Nigeria.

    When Youth Corpers lamented the inadequacy of their allowances, many raised the competing needs for resources as a reason why increments would not be possible. This President ensured increment from N19, 800 to            N33, 000 naira monthly, even above the minimum wage. This pool is the single largest concentration of youth in the country annually.

    The Social Investment Programme (SIP) of this government has won international acclaim. An enabling environment for youth-run Fintech companies to thrive has been created with a special license category created by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

    The Buhari administration continues to make massive investments in every facet of Nigeria’s life so the country can have the infrastructure it needs for rapid economic development.

    Still in the youth spectrum, we have established a roster of youth-focused programs never seen before, under this administration. The N-Power Youth Empowerment Programme has benefited over five hundred thousand (500,000) youth and remains the largest such youth program in sub-Saharan Africa. And there are countless stories of impact. The next batch of four hundred thousand (400,000) youth will soon take advantage of this initiative. The Bank of Industry (BOI) oversees the $20 million fund for Youth Tech Innovators and Entrepreneurs (YTIE), Youth Entrepreneurship Support Program (YES-P) among others. There is the National Young Farmers Scheme under the National Agricultural Land Development Authority (NALDA) aimed at encouraging and supporting thousands of young farmers across the country.  There is also the Graduate Internship Scheme (GIS) from which over        50,000 youth have benefited. Training in Mobile Device Repairs, Digital Skills Acquisition, Business Training and Support for SMEs are being undertaken by various Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) of Government.

    As Minister of Youth and Sports Development, every youth-focused request I have made has been greeted with the undivided attention of President Buhari meeting his approval. It is clear that Government needs to do more and we and we know this. We are not finished. Thus, I urge you to join us and when needed to prod us to do even more and go even further.

    We must however know when to pocket an achievement and we are at that point. Government is ready for greater engagement with youth. The protests have brought your grievances to the forefront and thus have fulfilled their stated objective. Now we must continue to discuss and work out solutions to these matters.

    You have only one country and the President is positioning it for greatness through the institution of deep sometimes painful but needed reforms. Yet, he is ceaselessly assaulted by powerful vested interests who have skeletons to hide.

    This is a country of youth in the century of the youth.  These protests have earned the youth a well-deserved place at the table.  So, take your seat in order to continue the progress and reform you have called for.

    From the protest, it is time for the next phase – dialogue. Identify trusted leaders and have them come forward. Any movement without leaders becomes rudderless and susceptible to being hijacked by people with agendas inimical to the very reasons behind the protests.  The youth have a unique opportunity to help write a new chapter in our journey to a more compassionate and benign society and a greater nation. Don’t let this historic chance pass through your hands. You deserve this moment, as does the nation we love.

    We have a committed President who has the will power to get difficult things done. We have that in President Muhammadu Buhari.  I urge you to have the confidence and fortitude to have this conversation with him. You will find in him a listening ear and a ready partner. I say to the youth – Your time has come.  History now waits for you to turn protest into dialogue and grievance into solution.

     

     -Sunday Dare is the Minister of Youth &Sports Development, Nigeria.

     

     

     

     

  • Towards eradication of idle land in Lagos

    Towards eradication of idle land in Lagos

    Abiodun Akinyemi

     

    BEFORE the global insecurity fostered by the Covid-19 pandemic, which has redirected people’s work habits, curtailed working hours, and redefined social relations, there was this matter, which needs the attention of the Lagos State government and all good people in the land.

    It should rank uppermost in their hearts once we tide over the Covid-19 challenge. It has to do with another form of insecurity, which the underutilization of land has been breeding in Lagos with potentially dangerous consequences for all. Across all the 52 local government areas in Lagos, parcels of fallow land dot everywhere, overlooked by government, courted by speculators, and utilized occasionally by some persons with less than noble intentions for the state.

    Some are bare land begging to be cultivated for food for internal consumption and external trade. Some are subjects of disputes by landowning families who are yet to resolve their internal contradictions. Some are in prime locations, awaiting the right time to sell them at attractive prices. Some are forgotten bequeaths. Some previously hosted properties which have been pulled down for grander projects that remain in the realm of imagination. What is common to them all is that they remain underutilized in a place that has a limited land area of 3, 577 square kilometres with a burgeoning population of 24.5 million people that need to be deployed optimally for accelerated growth.

    Land should not remain fallow in a state that requires urban regeneration to ensure the environment is fit for human habitation and rejuvenation. To leave these lands fallow will only foster insecurity in several facets of life. When lands are idle, there is a shortage of food production. Where the people cannot feed themselves, they become dependent on external forces with embarrassing consequences to their self-worth; they also squander needed capital for internal development on buying food from external sources. When the lands are idle for a prolonged time, they will eventually fall into wrong hands, thereby causing speculation and corruption in the use of land, and gravely distorting economic projections.  I invite us to look at land as money. When you leave money idle in banks, it is under-traded; it does not work for the owner to its optimal capacity. But when it is put to productive ventures such as manufacturing, farming, or trading, it brings multiple blessings to the land such as boosting employment, stimulating other ancillary businesses, and attracting tax income to the government to address other vital areas of the economy. Overall, it boosts confidence in the economy, raises hope in the citizenry, and contributes to internal security.

    Land, in this case, should go beyond its definition in the Land Use Act to include all mineral resources in and on it. The control of the mineral resources should not be under the Federal Government but individual states, which will pay appropriate taxes to the former. To restore the much-needed pride of place to lands, it is my view that the state should begin with a mapping of all existing idle lands on local government basis, ascertain their ownership, determine the ends they can best serve, and embark on an aggressive campaign to foster a partnership between organised groups and individuals on rental basis on how to optimally utilize these lands for the common good. I do not canvas state acquisition of the land, but a rental partnership for a fixed tenure in the first instance to put land to identified ends that can enhance the productive capacity of the economy, stimulate social cohesion, and encourage security. It is akin to the government giving a seal of approval to a private deal designed to aid economic prosperity and social stability along well enunciated socio-economic goals by government. When the tenure ends, ownership reverts to the lessors unless a new agreement is drawn. This drive can only complement the accelerated development of Lagos State envisioned by successive administrations. It takes cognizance of the reality that Lagos has a limited land space of just 0.4% of Nigeria’s landmass of 923, 773 sq. km, which needs to be carefully harnessed to meet up with its projected development.

    To this end, the time may have come to start working towards getting a bill passed that would seek the Total Eradication of Idle Lands in Lagos State, capture the essence of this new partnership, and position Lagos as the path-charting state that its manifest destiny has assigned to it. And that is an assignment to consider once we have a better grasp of the challenge of this Covid-19 pandemic.

     

    • Akinyemi is a former Permanent Secretary, (Lands) in Lagos State

  • Malam Abba Kyari: A great public servant

    Malam Abba Kyari: A great public servant

    Mamman Daura

     

    CORONAVIRUS is a law, yet lawless unto itself. As of yesterday it has claimed 183,424 lives worldwide and 28 Nigerians.

    One of those lives lost was Malam Abba Kyari’s, Chief of Staff to the President. Malam Abba succumbed to complications after contracting and recovering from Coronavirus a week today.

    Malam Abba Kyari was a man blessed with mountainous gifts and uncommon attributes of intelligence, diligence, hard work, loyalty to friends and worthy causes.  One could exhaust superlatives to do him full justice.

    I first set eyes on Malam Abba about 47 years ago. I was at my desk at the New Nigerian newspapers office scribbling something or other when the gate messenger brought a sheet of paper with a name “Abba Kyari Chima” wanting to see the Editor. When he came in, he looked winsome and slightly diffident. After pleasantries I wanted to know his reason for coming to New Nigerian. He said he read and liked an Editorial in the paper a few days earlier headed: “Solution looking for a Problem” and he resolved to work with us. After swift enquiry, I was told there were no vacancies in the newsroom or in sub-editing. But a lowly position existed as proof reader as someone had just left. I was about to apologise to him that what was available was beneath his station. Malam Abba quickly said: “I will take it.” After formalities he was enrolled as a staff of New Nigerian.

    By “taking it” he was taking a sizeable cut from his previous teaching job’s pay as the salary scales in the New Nigerian where Malam Abba and I worked were historic in their frugality. You couldn’t get fat on the wages of the New Nigerian in the mid -70s.

    Anyway within weeks Malam Abba had moved to the newsroom and was an articulate member at the daily editorial conferences. Moreover he and I became firm friends ever since. If I recall correctly, we both left the services of New Nigerian within a short time of each other.

    After New Nigerian, Malam Abba worked at New Nigerian Development Corporation (NNDC) and Zamfara Textiles – a state-sponsored investment company and a private manufacturing outfit – valuable experience in later life – and soon grew out of those jobs.

    Constantly striving to improve himself he went to Warwick University in England – where General Gowon also attended after leaving Nigeria as Head of State – and acquired an Honours Degree in Sociology and thence to the world-famous Cambridge University where he graduated in Law before returning to Nigeria.

    When a group of sponsors including Malam Ahmed Joda, Mr. Philip Asiodu and Malam Isma’ila Isa Funtua floated a new newspaper, The Democrat, Malam Abba was nominated and unanimously accepted as its Editor. His previous experience in the New Nigerian and his quality education enabled him to run the newspaper with aplomb.

    Malam Abba served as Company Secretary with the burgeoning African International Bank. But as I said, Malam Abba grew out of every job he held hitherto.

    And when Mr. Hakeem Bello-Osagie assembled a team of investors and managers to help revive the collapsing UBA, Malam Abba was persuaded to join the group and after weeks of diligence, the group acquired UBA and Malam Abba joined the Bank as a Senior Executive. Needless to relate, he eventually became the Bank’s Chief Executive and on retirement was persuaded to remain as non-executive Vice-Chairman.

    These times coincided with the country’s return to democracy and Malam Abba was among those enthusiastically espousing the cause of General Olusegun Obasanjo. On his selection as PDP candidate, a group of women and youths in the PDP lobbied Obasanjo to pick Malam Abba as his Vice Presidential running mate. After heated debates, Obasanjo eventually picked Alhaji Atiku Abubakar.

    In the 2003 elections, Malam Abba was in opposite camps with President Obasanjo. General Muhammadu Buhari had declared his intention the previous year to contest for President and Malam Abba joined his team and worked wholeheartedly in all the campaigns through the drudgery and injustices of the 2003, 2007 and 2011 elections without losing hope or sight of the ultimate goal.

    Perseverance paid off and in 2015 General Buhari under the banner of APC (an amalgam of CPC, ACN, ANPP and break away factions of the PDP and many other smaller parties) won the presidential election. To his great surprise, the President appointed Malam Abba as the Chief of Staff.

    Fortified by the rigours of a Cambridge education and varied experience in banking industry, investment and journalism, Malam Abba set himself the task of defining the role, functions and status of the Chief of Staff. He started by consulting previous incumbents of the position he could reach as a way of educating himself of the challenges ahead of him.

    All future Chiefs of Staff will henceforth be judged by the benchmark of Malam Abba Kyari. Next, he assembled a team of very competent staff who worked incredibly long hours, seven days a week to analyse, itemize, disaggregate knotty problems and advise the President. Malam Abba was an exacting taskmaster and his staff members were relieved if he travelled outside the country.

    Malam Abba was at odds with many senior members of the government on economic policies. Many Nigerian elites tend to lean towards the Bretton Woods one-size-fits-all solutions long discredited and demonstrably failed in so many so-called Third World countries. Malam Abba tended to look inward for solutions and was not an ideologue. He was heavily influenced by two Nobel Laureates, the great West Indian Economist, Professor Arthur Lewis and the eminent Indian Professor Amartya Sen, the latter Malam Abba frequently called to exchange views.

    Despite holding firm views, his advice to the President was dispassionate, even-handed and did not hide unpleasant facts, in the best traditions of public service. In point of intellect, he stood above all ministers and special advisers in this government. But personally he was modest, ever willing to learn, ever willing to help others.

    Malam Abba leaves a widow, the estimable Hajiya Hauwa and four children, Aisha (Amma), Nuruddeen, Ibrahim and Zainab. The children have all been well educated and are able to pursue their own careers.

    Few people knew that over ten years ago, he turned his house in Maiduguri (since he no longer resided there) into accommodation for IDPs. At some stage there were 75 people whom Malam Abba was feeding, clothing and looking after; in addition to their children’s education. Later, the numbers got larger. Malam Abba never said a word to anybody about this. Amma and her siblings are not the only orphans Malam Abba left!

    He lived a fairly simple life and habitually wore a red cap, white clothing and black shoes. He had to be forced by his friends to change the cap and he wore the shoes to the ground before buying a new pair!

    According to hospital reports, his body fought hard in face of deteriorating complications, but his time had come. We remember him with sadness in our hearts and tears in our eyes…..

     

     

  • Greater Lagos and Okada tyranny

    Greater Lagos and Okada tyranny

    Gbenga Omotoso

     

    NOW that the dust raised by the restriction –  mislabeled by some as “ban” – on commercial motorcycles and tricycles has more or less settled down,  it is fit and proper to examine the matter dispassionately. This will enable the ferocious critics of the action – I won’t join those who call them armchair critics, fake champions of the masses and mere chameleons; no, I won’t – to reconsider their perspective.

    First, the facts.

     

    After a Security Council meeting, one of several, over this matter, months of advocacy and consultations, the government of Lagos State decided to pull the brakes on what many called “the Okada menace”.

     

    Why?

     

    From an ever-ready, cheap and common means of transportation in the rural areas, “Okada”  has been vaulted to a veritable means of transportation on major highways, operated by riders who have no respect for road signs and human lives. To them, the 2012 Traffic Law, which was amended in 2018, must be rendered irrelevant.

    The figures are scary. As many as 10,000 reported cases of Okada-related accidents from 2015 to 2019, in state hospitals only.  More than 600 deaths. In the Lagos State University Teaching Hospital (LASUTH) alone, 1,020 cases were recorded in 2019. Add these to the thousands of cases recorded at the National Orthopaedic Hospital, Igbobi and others unreported in private hospitals and natural bone healing centres.

    What do you have? An unacceptably wide canvass of blood – human blood, tears, and suffering.

    The enforcement of the traffic law seems set to be checking this grim situation.

    Data from the Directorate of Health Care Planning Research and Statistics of the Lagos State Ministry of Health show that between February 1 and February 6 (the first week of the restriction in six local governments), there was a 69.2 per cent decrease in road traffic accidents from motorcycles and tricycles.  Motorcycle accidents fell by 88 per cent.

    Criminals have found in the motorbike a proficient vehicle for their trade. They flee crime scenes on motorbikes.  They snatch bags from innocent persons and race off, leaving their victims traumatized.  But these incidents, terrible as they are, are nothing compared to the concern in security circles – that Lagos was susceptible to attacks, what with the ceaseless stream of armies of young men who have no fixed address. They sleep on their bikes, defecate on the street and constitute health hazards.

    Besides, on the league of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency’s drug offences in states, Lagos State is one of the frontrunners for the dubious trophy of trouble. Motorcycles have been handy vehicles for drug dealers and their clients, particularly our youths.   No responsible government will allow this to continue? No.

    By the time the government announced the restriction of motorcycles and tricycles in six local governments, enough was not just enough; it was already too much.  The decision to enforce the restriction was taken after months of advocacy, consultations and some security council meetings. It was not sudden. In fact, the enforcement is in line with the 2012 law, which was reworked in 2018.  Contrary to what is being bandied in some circles, it is not a new piece of legislation.

    Why did the government not put alternatives in place before the restriction? This is the logical question to ask. The truth is that security considerations demanded that action be taken immediately, with no further prevarication.  The state of lawlessness and disorderliness into which tricycles and motorcycles were plunging Lagos had to be arrested. To stand by and watch is to be complicit and surrender the state to anarchists.

    Just two days after the order took effect, 14 boats joined the waterways to ply some key routes. Besides, 65 new buses were rolled out to join 300 others just refurbished to move thousands on the BRT corridors.

    The point has to be made again that the restriction is in just six local governments, and covers about 400 of the over 6000 roads in Lagos. The local governments are also not the densely populated areas, such as Alimosho, Ikorodu, Mushin and others where the masses of our people live. Those who characterize the restriction as an attack on the poor are seeking cheap popularity. They are trying to subject the government to emotional blackmail by hired mourners crying more than the bereaved.

    Some states have banned commercial motorcycles, among them Edo, Imo, Kano and Kaduna.  But their world has not collapsed. If others abhor chaos, why should Lagos be cajoled or blackmailed into allowing the blanket of bedlam these riders and their sponsors were gradually spreading over the state?

    Those who have invested a fortune in the trade deserve our sympathy.  But must they insist that that they cannot thrive unless they that do their business in these six local governments covered by the restriction? What about the thousands of roads that are not affected by this order?

    Will this restriction kill foreign direct investments? No. Construction giants are jostling to get the government’s nod to build the Fourth Mainland Bridge and the Red Line of the Light Rail system on which the government pins the hope of a more comprehensive solution to the state’s transportation needs. Everywhere, the road show for investors has been a huge success, with inquiries flooding in from all over the globe. The success of the N100billion bond signed a few weeks ago attests to the fact that Lagos remains an investor’s delight.

    It has also been said that thousands stand to lose their jobs. They don’t have to. Let them find other routes on which their trade isn’t restricted. Besides, lucrative as the motorcycle trade may be – one operator claims to be making N20, 000 daily (I doubt if bank executives land this kind of pay) – it is not the only honest way of earning a living.

    The government is partnering the private sector to tackle unemployment. The Lagos State Employment Trust Fund (LSETF) has a N10billion initiative for women entrepreneurs; the Ministry of Women Affairs and Poverty Alleviation (WAPA) is training women in trades and setting them up with equipment and the Office of Civic Engagement attends to the more needy. Agriculture has been turned into a viable trade, with many of young graduates making a comfortable living out of it.

     

     

    Omotoso is Commissioner for Information and Strategy, Lagos State.

     

  • Imperative of constitution amendment

    Ovie Omo-Agege

     

    THE need for Constitutional amendment lies at the heart of Constitutional theory and practice.

    Constitutionalism implies that the fundamental rules for effective exercise of state power and protection of individual rights should be stable and predictable and not subject to easy change or the whims of individuals. This is most central in our noble and continual pursuit of the General Will.  It is for this reason that the drafters of our Constitution deliberately made the process of Constitutional Amendment very pains-taking. Yet, the greater need to improve democratic governance or adjust to the ever changing political, economic and social realities has made it necessary for our Nation to embark on this journey again.

    These changing times have brought new challenges and today in our country, we are faced with increased insecurity, slow economic growth, rising poverty, and a poor political culture, amongst others. These challenges that will define the way Nigerians will live in the 21st century have continued to agitate the minds of our people. It is against this background that the need for constitutional reforms has once again become necessary.

    It is worthy of note that because of the need to incorporate the interests, wishes and aspirations of the people from various ethno-social and ethno-religious backgrounds, we shall embark on far reaching consultations with Nigerians across the six geo-political zones to, aggregate their positions on current issues that require legislative action by way of Constitutional Reforms.

    Over the years our people appear to have been polarised along different fault lines which often make it impossible to reach the much-needed consensus in some critical areas where fundamental changes are required. We must guide against this if we are to succeed. There is thus the need for constitutional amendment that will be consistent with the agitations and aspirations of our people. This again, is the whole essence of the General Will.

    Our task would be to find a consensus through compromise in order to meet the ever-changing needs of our people. We must understand that the fact that behind our diversity are people united by common challenges of insecurity, unemployment, and a good hope for a better future, provides us with the opportunity to focus on those issues that unite us. It is only by so doing that we can guarantee success and leave for our children a better, fairer and more just Nigeria than the one we met.

    As we set out to perform this all-important role that we are called upon to play at this critical stage of our nation’s development, let me appreciate the effort of the President of the Senate in putting together the membership of this Committee. The diligence, hard-work and foresight that were brought to bear are commendable. Mr. President, we appreciate the importance and level of responsibility you attached to the work of this Committee. We will not disappoint you. I also have no doubt in my mind that this Committee will meet the desires and expectations of the Nigerian people. This is because at the end, what unites us is far greater than what divides us.

    In carrying out this national assignment, this Committee will no doubt, consider the alteration of the Sixth schedule to make provision for new items, the establishment of National and State Houses of Assembly, Pre-election Matters Tribunal, Governorship Pre-election Matters Tribunals and Presidential Pre-election Matters Tribunal, including time limits for the disposal of all pre-election matters before the conduct of the general elections. We will also consider the need for devolution of power, full Local Government fiscal autonomy, full autonomy of the judiciary in the area of administration of justice, youth inclusiveness in governance, gender parity or affirmative action. This is by no means an exhaustive list. The Committee will also consider inputs from stakeholders and different interest groups across the country.

    In addition, this committee will consider the recommendations of the 2014 Constitutional Conference and the Governor Nasir el-Rufai-led Committee on restructuring. We would also liaise with our counterparts in the House of Representatives, the State Houses of Assembly and collaborate and build consensus with all stakeholders to ensure synergy. Development Partners will also play pivotal roles through counsel, workshops, conferences and interactions. The partnership roles of the Executive and Judiciary and their invaluable contributions cannot be over looked as it will enhance efficient and successful outcomes.

    Finally, it will suffice to say that an assignment of this magnitude demands diligence and commitment. So, as we embark on this very important legislative assignment, let us use this opportunity to build consensus on constitutional issues that will impact the lives of the people of our great country Nigeria. We must get it right for the good of our people and the unity of our great country. The Nigerian people deserve no less.

     

     

     

  • Re: Obaseki’s secrets

    Crusoe Osagie

     

    IT was most disheartening to read a respected columnist churn out alternative facts about the face-off between the National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Comrade Adams Oshiomhole and the Edo State Governor, Mr. Godwin Obaseki on the backpage of the Nation of on Monday.

    Coming from Sam Omatseye, it was an utter disappointment, and that is putting it mildly.

    In Omatseye’s framing of the problem between the two political leaders, nothing seems to be the problem apart from the fact that Obaseki just enjoys the destruction of both himself and a friend of many years.

    Omatseye saw no need to seek a logical narrative as to what the cause of the feud might actually have been and why it seems to have defied all attempts at a solution.

    For him, Obaseki who obviously has everything to lose in this contestation that has since taken the Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) mode, enjoys the time – consuming and unproductive brickbat. How illogical can a columnist descend?

    In a hurry to achieve an aim which is far from equipping the reading public with facts, Omatseye forgot that even the most fickle-minded of readers will,  at least, want to know why Obaseki and Oshiomhole are entangled in this stand-off instead of peace and friendship, which is certainly a more assured path to Obaseki’s goal of obtaining his party’s ticket for the 2020 election and returning to power for another four years.

    Obviously, when an overlord has informed his subservient aide that the sacrifice to satisfy his appetite as a godfather is the head of the aide on a platter, then a wise aide may choose to fight for his redemption instead of voluntarily submitting his head on that plate.

    We are aware that Omatseye is Oshiomhole’s bosom friend and we do not begrudge him for trying to work for his friend in his column but this must not be done at the expense of facts. He should ask other respected columnists why they have refrained from being used to settle scores on the matter.

    The piece can best be described as an attempt to rewrite history with the stamp of Omatseye’s spicy pen. But for anyone who has been following the trend of events in Edo State, the recount of the different episodes from the party primaries – said to be the genesis of the disagreement – shows that there must be something fundamentally wrong with his understanding of the local dynamics of the politics in the state since the inception of the crisis.

    We would like to point out the different instances where he was misled. First, he stated that Comrade Shaibu rode to Oshiomhole’s house on a motorbike to attack the APC National Chairman. This is wrong. Shaibu, who was one of the guests at the convocation at the Edo University Iyamho, was in the vehicle conveying himself and other guests, including the Oba of Lagos, Rilwan Akiolu, Governor Obaseki and Dr. Aderemi Makanjuola, among others, when they were attacked. The attack was at Oshiomhole’s residence.

    If, as Omatseye has posited, Oshiomhole has no interest in Edo politics, why then is it that the reorganisation of the political structure in the state, with the sacking and reappointing of new Special Assistants and Senior Special Assistants by Governor Obaseki, is worthy of his mention in the piece in defence of Oshiomhole. The same happened when some commissioners were shown the exit door. Why did they not treat the development with indifference? Why has it remained a recurring decimal in the conversation ever since, if it wasn’t a matter of interest? The resultant attacks only point to the contrary.

    Omatseye also erroneously stated that Edo State has 33 local government areas (LGAs), out of which Oshiomhole has three. First, Edo has 18 not 33 local government areas. All these go to show that he was briefed by someone to do the piece and the person apparently did a terrible job briefing him, thereby sending the respected columnist on a wild goose chase.

    For the records, it was at Oshiomhole’s behest that Governor Obaseki, Shaibu and the Secretary to the State Government, Osarodion Ogie Esq, and several others, were picked, elected and appointed to different positions. Believing that this was done with the best of intent and recognition of their abilities, these people have worked assiduously to deliver on their mandate to the people.

    Is it now wrong for them to work for the people, rather than kowtow to the whims and caprices of an overlord, who himself was the protagonist of the now popular fight against godfatherism in Edo State?

    In case Omatseye is genuinely interested in identifying the root cause of the political problem in Edo State, he is welcome to know that it is a matter of a budding godfather and the glorification of local enforcers of governance by violence manifested by the lionisation of Agberos (motor park warlords). A couple of these enforcers who became a law unto themselves celebrated holding billions of naira in their private bank accounts while the Local Government Areas they were contracted to collect revenue for were owing multiple months’ salaries and pensions. A regular episode in the state was the sight of pensioners draped in black, protesting their abandonment at Ring Road (the city center of Benin), which was a sour commentary on governance.

    This is one of the many changes the Obaseki government has effected. It fought to a standstill the Agberos who Oshiomhole fondly call his infantry. The issue of Community Development Associations (CDA), a second behemoth of violence and savagery, is another manifestation of the fight Obaseki is waging. Should we mortgage the sanity, improved welfare and ease of doing business in our state on the altar of the romance with these non-state actors?

    A handful of politicians against Obaseki in Edo State have always maintained that the condition for settlement is fair and squarely a matter of the governor ‘carrying them along,’ a euphemism that shouldn’t be lost on anyone conversant with the politics of sharing the national, nay state’s cake. It is also loosely attached with the condition of allowing Oshiomhole’s garrison commanders back to the streets, to commandeer the where, how, and when the revenue accruing to government would be collected and disbursed.

    So, Obaseki’s true secret is that he has fended off the vultures from the patrimony of Edo people and his stand-off is characterised by an understanding that at the end of the day, when people talk about his administration, what would be on their lips would be what his government did for his people, not what he did for Oshiomhole and a greedy few, who want their bread to be buttered at the expense of the ordinary Edo man or woman.

    These obviously are the issues Omatseye glossed over in his rendering of the political intrigues in Edo State. A detached commentator will present a true picture of happenings in the state and leave the readers to draw their conclusions. This is what is expected of a respected columnist, not a jaundiced and jejune piece that we saw in The Nation of yesterday. It was a disservice to the highly regarded publication.

  • Building a great nation

     Emmanuel Oladesu

     

    Nigeria, the most populous African country, appears to be at crossroads. Citizens are losing confidence in their country and its leadership. The reasons are not far-fetched. Although Nigeria is rich in human and natural resources, poverty is growing in geometric proportions. There are alarming cases of parents selling their children for money and food. An army of graduates are produced yearly by public and private tertiary institutions nationwide into the wider employment market, where the jobs are elusive. In desperation, many youths are embracing ‘Yahoo business.’ Many are dreaming of travelling abroad in search of greener pastures. Some would resolve to cross the desert. Others take the illegal route on high seas. In the process, hundreds are perishing in the ocean.

    The primary function of government is the protection of life and security. But, insecurity is the order of the day. The North is ruptured by the Boko Haram onslaught. The Southwest and Southeast are under the yoke of kidnappings, rape and senseless killings by suspected herdsmen. There is youth restiveness in the Southeast and Southsouth where cries of marginalisation fill the air.

    The standard of education is said to be growing. But, the quality of education is declining. It is because the standard of education is not an end in itself, but a means to an end. Infrastructural decay stares the country in the face across the sectors. Government’s efforts in this regard, generally, appears to be a drop in the ocean. Electricity supply is epileptic. Nigeria is the sixth largest producer of oil, but its refineries are performing below capacity.

    Although Nigeria has witnessed 20 years of stable civil rule, experts still argue that the attainment of democracy, in the real sense of the world, is still far. The institutions of democracy have not been built at a faster speed. The sanctity of the ballot box is almost lost. Vote buying by the highest bidder have often affected the credibility of the electoral process. Major elections have become battles or a do-or-die affairs that often shift from the ballot box to the court rooms.

    The economic climate is malevolent. It is not conducive to business operations and investment, making the revival of the manufacturing sector a near impossibility. Churches and residential buildings are sprouting up from the industrial estates. The army of unemployed youths is now a liability instead of asset. There is a linkage between the eclipse of the manufacturing sector and high unemployment rate, which may have been ignored to the ‘nation’s peril. The informal sector groans consistently under power outage. Corruption has remained the huge bane, particularly in the high corridor of power, and government has complained that corruption is even fighting back.

    More than earlier dispensations, Nigeria is more divided by ethnicity and religion. The divisions are noticeable in the federal civil service, the government, the political class and even in the reluctance of prospective youth corps members to honour the call to national service outside their regions out of fear.

    Many commentators have said Nigeria is gradually becoming a failed state. But, a political scientist, Prof. Eghosa Osaghae (2017), said the country is just heading towards “state fragility,” which may also be a prelude to state failure.

    Is there any hope for Nigeria? Some will say it is debatable. But, there is hope.

    Nigeria has that historic capacity for survival. It survived the political tensions of 1960s, the civil war (1967 -1970), the economic mismanagement of 1970s, the civilian laxity and ineptitude of 1980s, the failed political experimentation of the 1980s and 1990s that led to the annulment of the presidential election and the challenges of democratic consolidation since 1999. I believe it will also survive its current socio-economic and political challenges.

    The recovery process will be easier if there is a good government, patriotic citizenry, a workable constitution, equity, justice and fair play, absence of graft, theft and ‘steal and go’ culture, a sound educational system, stable economy and restoration of moral values.

    ‘Building a great nation’ is a challenge. But, I have a different approach to tackling the issue, based on my own little understanding of the inevitable challenges confronting under-developed and developing countries, particularly in Africa. It appears to me that, in Nigeria, we should first of all strive to build a “nation.” Indeed, in my humble view, building a “nation” will then become the baseline for building a “great nation,”

    There are three concepts here: “Nation,” “Building,” and “Great Nation.”

    What is a nation? Nigeria is not a “nation,” but a nation-state or a country. It has not mustered the willingness and strength to be a nation. It is an amalgam of diverse and incompatible nations or tribes forcefully lumped together by the British colonial masters for ease of administration and exploitative tendencies. The terms of peaceful cohabitation or co-existence were never agreed upon by the tribes or nations before these tribes and nations became an independent country.

    According to a foremost political scholar, Appadorai (1975), the basic characteristic of a nation is the feeling of nationality; or oneness, unity and cohesion borne out of shared values, traditions, customs, culture and language, which make them to live happily together, and they cannot tolerate subjection to other peoples who do not share these ties. Therefore, there is consciousness of unity.

    The question is: are we united in Nigeria? Is there a bond of unity among the “nations” of Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa/Fulani, Kanuri, Ijaw, Urhoro, Itsekiri, Tiv, Jukun etc that make up the disunited county called Nigeria?

    Nigeria, like most nation-states in Africa, is confronted by crises of nation-building and development. Four of these crises are related to Nigeria’s experience.

    The first is identity crisis. There are puzzles: How do we perceive ourselves? Do we see ourselves as Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, Fulani etc or as Nigerians? Do we have the same vision, aspiration and expectation? When a Yoruba is the president, do we see him as President of all Nigeria or a Yoruba president? When a Fulani is the president, do we have emotional attachment to his government or we simply see him as a Fulani presidency? How can a national government command national loyalty, without ethnic, religious or regional distractions?

    Many have attributed the current predicament to the mistake of 1914 when the first colonial governor, Lord Fredrick Lugard, forcefully lumped the over 450 different tribes together without mutual agreement. The tribes have been locked in acrimonious relationship as they competed for state power and resources. The development of national outlook has proved abortive, with ethnicity and religion shaping regional responses to the socio-political milieu.

    Also, the Federal Government at any dispensation has always maintained an ethnic focus, with the zones not producing the President nursing a feeling of marginalisation. The Presidency is not a unifying factor. It is perceived as a rotational commodity and any region that does not produce the President at a time cannot have confidence in the power base.

    Early political leaders recognised these challenges. They were not interested in the balkanization or disintegration of Nigeria. They also recognised that, for them to build a big, economically viable, politically strong and stable country, they region should agree on a workable political system. The Premier of Eastern Region, Dr. Nnamidi Azikiwe, told his Northern counterpart, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello: “Let us burry our differences.” Bello replied: “No, let us understand our differences.” The Premier of Western Region, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, said that the terms for peaceful co-existence must be agreed upon by the component units. Ahead of independence, the three leaders agreed that Nigeria should be a “federal state.”

    Federalism promotes healthy competition among the diverse tribes, nations, regions and states. It guarantees autonomy and preservation of their peculiarities and interests. They also control their resources and remit taxes to the federal purse for defense, immigration and external affairs. True federalism and good, honest and loyal leadership, will always foster unity in diversity, oneness, cohesion, peace and harmony in a federal democracy.

    The neglect of federalism and the practice of unitary system foisted on the country by the long years of military rule created the current press.

    Next is participation crisis. There is usually triggered by the desire of many citizens to be in government because the government has become the sole commander of the country’s resources. Government is where the money is. That is why many people will always fight to be councillors, chairmen, supervisory councillors, governors, commissioners, ministers, and president. Many are propelled, not by patriotism and service delivery, but by their desire to gain access to state power and resources for the purpose of wealth accumulation. Thus, politics is often accompanied by extreme conflict, bitterness, do-or-die struggle, and tension. The solution is for the country to reorder its priorities and redirect its energy to economic growth. If there is an economically rewarding work to do outside politics, the competition for political power will not be stiff.

    Also, the distant Federal Government is too powerful. It should reduce its weight by devolving powers and responsibilities to the states. This will limit the stiff competition for the power and resources at the centre by the states.

    Legitimacy crisis is next. How do we elect leaders in Nigeria? Do political leaders mirror popular vision and societal expectation? Are elections free and fair? Is monetization of the electoral process not producing a terrible consequence for the country? When will Nigeria get its elections right? There are two solutions: Electoral offenders should be prosecuted and appropriate penalty applied. Also, at this stage of modernisation, Nigeria should be moving towards electronic voting.

    The most challenging crisis is distribution crisis. In Nigeria, the crisis does not stem from wealth generation, but distribution. How can the distribution crisis be resolved, in a mono-product economy where oil is the main source of income? Should the national cake be shared among the component units, who are producers and non-producers of oil? Which formula for distribution will foster equity, fairness and justice, and minimise the complaints of the “marginalised” and the “minority?” Is resource control plausible and practicable? Are the regions or states prepared for the challenge of true federalism or guided resource control? How is the diversification drive being pursued? If the Niger Delta is entitled to derivation allowance, is Lagos, which contributes 75 per cent of the Value Added Tax (VAT), not entitled to a sort of federal economic assistance?

    The over-dependence on oil has implications. There is the feeling that Nigeria is being fed by one region. The zone is devastated by exploration and mining activities. It is ironic that the region has suffered monumental neglect and deprivation in the past. This is injustice.

    Also, the “national question” should be resolved. These are the core issues of federalism: restructuring and devotion of power, state and community policing, revenue allocation/revenue sharing, status of local government, zoning and rotation of political offices, land tenure, secularity of the state and indigeneship/citizenship.

    When all these crisis and challenges are resolved, Nigeria as a nation-state may gradually become a nation through mutual agreement on terms of peaceful co-existence and mutual trust. Then, the diverse tribes, nations, states and regions will be encouraged to “build” a “great nation.”

    Building:

    Building is an on-going historic, collective, and continuous assignment for a nation-state like Nigeria involving all the stakeholders, including the government and the governed. The builders, definitely, will require a god leader or leaders. In building a house, many items are needed: surveyors, planners, bricklayers, carpenters, painters, plumbers, the right building materials, technology, and plans for maintenance, etc.

    The same applies to nation-building. There is need for human and material resources which should be deployed to building a great nation. It takes the right leadership like the Biblical Nehemiah and determined followership. It requires a strong resolve, resilience and hard work. Builders are expected to be focused, fearless and goal-oriented. Those who build are not thinking about the present generation alone. They are also building for the future.

    To build a great nation, there must be a synergy between the government and the citizens, particularly the youths. Both the government and the people must have a shared vision and identity. The qualities of a great nation are a democratic government which enjoys legitimacy, a strong military power, the nation’s ability to ensure security or safety of life and property, the capacity of the country to guarantee citizen’s welfare and high standard or quality of living, defense of sovereignty from external aggression, and maintenance of good relations with other countries.

    The government as the execution of programmes that foster growth and the citizens must agree on the set goals. The goals of nation building are economic development (industrial growth which boosts employment and wealth creation), social development (the building of the culture of mutual trust, unity and accommodation in an atmosphere of equity) and political development (which involves the building of strong institutions of democracy that ensures the rule of law and protects human rights).

    Building a great nation:

    Paradoxically, Nigeria’s weakness is also its main strength. It is a large heterogeneous society blessed with diverse human assets. Even, the British coveted its vast natural endowments. In fact, at independence, some British statesmen thought that, by mid seventies, the country would have become a medium-ranking world power. But, Nigeria’s vastness is inversely proportional to its propensity for politics of affection, equity, cooperation and brotherhood.

    To build a great nation, I consider the following as the imperatives:

    1. Duties and obligations of citizens: Little things do contribute to nation’s growth and progress. When citizens obey the laws of the land, pay their taxes, vote at elections, offer constructive criticisms to government and demonstrate patriotism by imbibing the wordings if the national anthem and the national pledge, they are building, in their own rights, a great nation.
    2. Security: While the security agencies are working hard to secure life and property, citizens should encourage them through intelligence gathering. Security is a collective enterprise involving all the stakeholders. If there is no security, there will be no peace, no investment and there will be chaos.
    3. Food security: A nation should be able to feed itself. Therefore, government should boost agriculture for food sufficiency and, if possible earn some income from the sector. Farmers, or agric businessmen need incentives. The sector can also generate employment.
    4. Democratic participation: There is need to work for democratic consolidation. Nigeria should make progress from mere civil rule to real democracy by building critical institutions that will sustain the democratic order. There should also electoral reforms (electronic voting), separate court for trial of electoral offences, and insistence on internal democracy in political parties. Although Nigeria appears to be operating multi-party system. The reality is that only two parties out of 81 parties are formidable and capable of winning presidential election.
    5. Regular electricity, industrialisation and job creation: For Nigeria to make progress in its industrialisation and investment drive, there is need for stable power supply. If there is regular power supply, the manufacturing sector will be revived. There will be inflow of investment. There will be employment.
    6. Education: Education should be the bedrock of national progress. The sector should be defended by government through huge budgetary allocation. There may be need for a compulsory school attendance law to ensure that children of school age attend primary and secondary schools. Emphasis should also be placed on technical or technological education. It is crucial in our drive for technological advancement. The nation should also make the study of history and religious education compulsory. A nation without moral values will go nowhere. But, how do we apply education to political development? In Nigeria, before you can be a teacher, civil servant or employee in a private firm, you are required to have NCE, Bsc, Msc. But, to be a councillor, council chairman, governor and president, you only need a school certificate, either pass or fail. This is laughable.

    Ordinarily, in public schools, at lower levels, education should be free, accessible, affordable and qualitative. Teachers should be motivated by good pay and other incentives. The learning environment should be conducive. Public spirited citizens should also come to the aide of our public schools. The government may not be able to do it alone.

    Education, work and political participation are important. According to Pope John Paul 11, when          structures of participation and responsibilities are strengthened and opportunities are created for the advancement of individual through education and work, society finds within itself the resources needed to fuel its progress.

    1. Health: A healthy nation is a wealthy nation. The country needs more primary health care centres. Not all the minor health challenges should be taken to General Hospitals or Teaching hospitals. It is worrisome that the plan to eradicate malaria has not come to fruition. Some countries have developed their alternative medicine. Nigeria should learn from them.
    2. Social infrastructure: The government should fight the infrastructure battle. The nation deserves good roads, pipe borne water, railways, water transport facilities.
    3. Sports: Sports development can actually bring unity and peace among youths. Nigeria should develop its league matches, instead of being fans of foreign clubs only.
    4. Anti-corruption battle: The war against corruption should b intensified and sustained so that corruption in the corridor of power will not kill Nigeria.
    5. Restructuring: Nigeria should return to the practice of true federalism to guarantee unity in diversity.
    6. Census: We do not know the population of Nigeria. We are only guessing. Population census is critical to political calculation and economic planning. we need to organise a new census. The last census was organised around 2005.
    7. Good leadership: Nigeria should always pray for good leadership. They should always vote wisely to install the right leadership. Good leadership is crucial. The tools of nation building should not be associated with parochialism and nepotism at the top, the seeming lack of national outlook on the party of leaders and loyalty to ethnic backgrounds and sentiments.