Category: Osun

  • Mock accreditation begins today

    Mock accreditation begins today

    Mock accreditation of electorate will begin today.

    A statement yesterday by INEC spokesperson, Oluwaseun Osimosu, said the mock accreditation will be conducted across the three senatorial districts.

    It reads: “In preparation for a hitch-free July 16 governorship election, INEC will be conducting mock accreditation on July 4 and 5in six local government areas, two registration areas/wards across the three senatorial districts.

    “Polling units earmarked for the exercise are Osun central; Iragbiji (headquarters of Boripe council); Osogbo; Osun East; Ife East and North; Osun West; Ede South and Egbedore local government areas.”

  • IPAC calls for caution

    IPAC calls for caution

    The Inter-Party Advisory Council (IPAC) in Osun State has expressed concerns over recent happenings in the build up to the election, and has called for caution in order to have a crisis-free poll.

    Chairman Comrade Wale Adebayo, at a media parley in Osogbo, appealed to stakeholders in the election to shun acts that could lead to voter apathy and bloodshed.

    Adebayo reminded the electorate that ‘violence is anathema to peaceful elections, militates against the consolidation of democracy, and retards the development and progress of the state’. He also admonished the youths to embrace peace and not allow themselves be used as instruments of violence.

    “I appeal to our youths to use the social media responsibly. It should not be used to insult and incite anyone before, during and after the poll. To us in IPAC, we want nothing more than credible and transparent elections. We passionately appeal to security personnel to remain neutral and man sensitive areas to avoid ballot box snatching.”

     

  • Islamic group endorses Oyetola for second term

    Islamic group endorses Oyetola for second term

    Frontline Islamic group, Tijjaniyya Grassroots Mobilisation and Movement Initiative of Nigeria (TIGMEIN) has endorsed Governor Adegboyega Oyetola for a second term.

    Members of TIGMEIN declared their readiness to vote for the governor on July 16, saying they had embarked on grassroots mobilisation and door-to-door campaign to ensure Oyetola’s re-election.

    The Islamic group said its support for Oyetola was informed by his outstanding performance, verifiable credentials and track records in the last three and a half years, saying he has not disappointed the state and the Muslim community.

    National Coordinator Sheikh Ahmad-Tijani Awwal lauded Governor Oyetola’s achievements since assuming office, saying he has proven to the world that Muslims are responsible and responsive to be entrusted with power.

    Awwal said: “We are committed to this project and I can assure you of block votes coming from us. We have no choice than to do this. Aside the fact that you are the only Muslim Governor in all the 17 southern states, this noble decision is the only way to reciprocate your kind gestures and monumental strides across strata of the economy.

    “As part of effort to guarantee our votes and ensure your re-election, we have embarked on voter sensitisation, and we will stop at nothing to ensure that every voting member of Tijjaniyya in Osun votes for you. Our target is to ensure that each member of the group mobilises 20 persons to the polling units to vote and this will have a multiplier effect on your popular vote…”

    Oyetola thanked the group for its unflinching support and cooperation, saying the endorsement was an appreciation of the little things God had used him to do.

    He described his endorsement for a second term as an encouragement to do more, and promised not to disappoint them.

     

  • 50 APC leaders back Ogunbiyi, Accord party

    50 APC leaders back Ogunbiyi, Accord party

    Fifty leaders of the All Progressives Congress (APC) have declared their support for candidate of the Accord party, Dr Akin Ogunbiyi.

    The leaders hinged their decision on the fact that ‘Ogunbiyi possess the qualities of a good leader who has enviable vision for the state. Ogunbiyi is the best among other contenders to the Bola Ige House’.

    A statement by Ogunbiyi’s Media Director, Seun Adeoye, said the APC leaders gave their support when they visited Ogunbiyi’s campaign office in Osogbo.

    Ogunbiyi described himself as the modern day Obafemi Awolowo, ‘a legend, statesman and cerebral politician who was highly adored, especially among the Yoruba because of his prowess and great achievements as the first premier of the old Western Region’.

    He added: “I promise to lift this state out of the monolithic economy as a ‘civil servant state’ by making use of its abundant resources in agriculture, mineral resources and the large human capital deposits.

    “I will fully engage in all sectors of agriculture including crop production, livestock, forestry and fishing and make the state the food basket of the entire Southwest.

    “Agriculture is a multi-billion dollar investment. We can produce another Awolowo, somebody who has the intellect, capacity and the experience to develop something little to something bigger. I will go all out to be that person.”

  • Oyetola: It’ll take PDP another 30 years to contest

    Oyetola: It’ll take PDP another 30 years to contest

    Osun State Governor Adegboyega Oyetola has said it will take the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its candidate another 30 years to contest in any election after they lose out in the July 16 poll.

    Oyetola spoke when his campaign train moved to Ila and Ifedayo Local Government Areas at the weekend.

    Addressing his supporters, the governor promised to fulfil to his campaign promises if elected for a second term because ‘he has plans for the state, and has the wisdom to execute them for the betterment of society’.

    He said: “”I urge you to reserve dancing till July 16, you will dance and be tired. We are carrying the original candidate in our party, APC. I must commend you for standing with me till I emerge as the APC flagbearer.

    “APC will emerge victorious in Osun. We are currently working on Ila/Arandun road. We have brought university to the community which will create job opportunity for youths. We have done this and you should reward us by voting us into power. We have plans and the wisdom to execute them. We invested in health, education, agriculture and other sectors massively. We are feeding 30,000 vulnerable every month.”

    The governor urged those who have not collected their Permanent Voters’ Card (PVC) to do so because it is the only criteria to enable them vote for him massively.

    He added: “This power is in my hands, I won’t drop it because your vote will retain it in my hand. My eight years in power as governor is sure with God on my side. It will take PDP 30 years to contest again in Osun because of the defeat they will suffer on July 16. They should use this period to prepare for governance; they can now contest because governance is not a child’s play.

    “Don’t panic because God has ordained APC, they will be going about with money but don’t be swayed by it. Don’t sell your children’s future. They won’t be available after the election, they’re opportunists. But we are here for you any day. Don’t take an oath because of the opposition’s money.”

  • VIDEO: CHANGING FACE OF OSUN HEALTH SECTOR

    VIDEO: CHANGING FACE OF OSUN HEALTH SECTOR

    In this video, you will catch a view of the changing face of Osun health sector under Governor Gboyega Oyetola.

     

    Watch here:

  • 2015 Elections And Genocide Foretold

    There is need for absolute  caution as the crumbling nation wobbles bumpily to February 14th general elections. The peace pact signed by all the fourteen presidential contestants against non-violence elections on the auspices of the former Secretary-General of United Nations, and the former Commonwealth Secretary-General, Koffi Anna and Chief Emeka Anyaoku respectively is meant to snatch the nation from the jaw of bloodbath and ultimate disintegration.

    What came out from the PDP campaign almost the same time the non-violence election peace pack was being signed in Abuja suggests that President Goodluck Jonathan’s political party is overtly at war with itself and the nation. The signal came to the fore at the party campaign activities in Sokoto State. Political intimidation was exhibited during the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governorship campaign flag-off in that state. President Goodluck Jonathan threatened that the ruling party had all it takes to win the February elections.

    Speaking through the former National Chairman of the party, Dr. Bello Haliru Muhammad, President Jonathan boasted that since the PDP was in control of government and all security agencies, “nothing will be left to chance in securing victory.” According to him, “We have the power because we are the ruling party; we have the strength; we have the soldiers; we have the Police; we have the Civil Defense; indeed, we have all security apparatus and power at our disposal to deal with the opposition.”

    While calling on PDP supporters not to compromise their direction, Jonathan also assured that the party would not succumb to any form of political intimidation by the opposition. The President added that “PDP is working tirelessly to ensure credible representations at all levels come February. “We are offering Nigerians our best. All we need is your mandate to consolidate on national peace, stability and development where our teeming youth will smile.”

    This is not the first time such callous statements will be issuing from the mouths of misbegotten political actors from the hard hit violence plagued Northern part of the country. In November last year, the governor of Katsina State, Ibrahim Shema, was caught in a video telling his party follower to kill the APC candidate because “they are cockroaches”. There was no condemnation from either President Jonathan or the PDP.

    However, the United States Government rose stoutly and condemned the statements made by the governor, and chided him for his bad vices. The U.S. Government’s position was made known by its embassy office in Abuja via a press statement posted on its website November 20. The video, depicting the governor making the threat, went viral after it was posted on the Internet on November 12. It showed the governor, dressed in white agbada and brown sandals, standing on a red carpet, and addressing a crowd in what seemed like a political rally. He spoke in Hausa language, ironically, he was recorded by his illiterate supporters, for the whole world to see and hear what was meant for secret.

    In that video, Mr. Shema likened opposition politicians to “cockroaches” before asking the crowd what to do if they found the nocturnal insect in their apartments. The crowd chorused “Kill them!”

    “Crush them!” The governor responded, agreeing with the crowd that opposition elements are truly disposable lots.

    This was before the European High Commission also condemned Mr. Shema’s speech after the story was given maximum circulation. The Head, EU Delegation to Nigeria and ECOWAS, Michael Arrion, told journalists that Mr. Shema’s call to his supporters to “kill” and “crush” political opponents was “extremely dangerous and unacceptable”. “If it is confirmed, that kind of statements are I’m sorry to say, extremely dangerous and unacceptable,” Mr. Arrion said.

    In its statement, the United States said as Nigeria looks ahead to the February 2015 general elections, America strongly supports a free, transparent, credible, inclusive, and non-violent electoral process. “We are deeply troubled by Governor Ibrahim Shehu Shema of Katsina State’s recent statements calling for the killing of the “cockroaches of politics”. It also said the rhetorical threat of violence undermines the democratic process and it is utterly unacceptable in a democratic society.

    “The United States reiterates its call upon all Nigerians to refrain from advocating, fomenting, or condoning violence before, during, or after the elections,” the statement said. “Participants in the electoral process must demonstrate passion for their convictions and beliefs in a manner that shows respect for opposing differences.

    “The Nigerian Constitution itself states it is the duty of every citizen to ‘respect the dignity of other citizens and the rights and legitimate interests of citizens to live in unity and harmony’”. The U.S. said the use of languages that threaten or incite violence short-circuits the democratic process. “All Nigerians must be free to voice their opinions and participate in the electoral process without fear of physical retribution. “Political parties, elected leaders, and candidates for office have a special obligation to uphold these democratic precepts,” it said.

    Those who accused the PDP and the Presidency of wanting to turn Nigeria into Rwanda may be right, after all. Do you remember the battle cry for the killing of cockroaches during the Rwanda genocide?

    Do you remember the bloodshed and human carnage that brought the seven million nation to near decimation? Do you know that 800,000 men, women, and children perished in the Rwandan genocide before the dust settles on the cockroaches inciting statement beginning from April 6, 1994 by political actors?

    The Ekiti and Osun gubernatorial elections in June 21st and August 9th respectively are critical examples of straight indictments on the wrong uses President Jonathan has put the Nigeria security apparatus.

    While the PDP leadership went to Ekiti to campaign for its governorship candidate, including Mr President, the Presidency instructed soldiers to shoot opposition governors who went to Ekiti to campaign for the APC candidate. Governors Rotimi Amaechi, Adams Oshiomhole and Rauf Aregbesola were almost killed by the overbearing soldiers. The same goes for State of Osun’s election with 76,000 security forces deployed, and 25 security men were allocated to man each polling unit!

    As an advocate of “blood and iron”, President Jonathan and the PDP didn’t see anything wrong with the brutal machete attack on Mr Kingsley Emenike, the APC ward 17 Youth Leader, in Obio/Apor Local Government Council Area of Rivers State. They didn’t see anything wrong with the bombing of the APC campaign office in Port Harcourt. But they were quick to shout themselves hoarse when the president’s campaign bus was attacked in Jos in a retaliatory gesture.

    Governor Shema and his co-travellers must be smarting dangerously from what Prof. Wole Soyinka, the Nobel Laurel referred to as “a nest of killers in the PDP”, some years ago. Perhaps, Governor Shema is merely re-confirming what the PDP has been from the outset. The only difference now is that, they may want to go into wholesale mass murder.

    Killing the “cockroaches” in political terms, is another coded message for PDP followers to embark on calculated genocide and brutal murder as preached by shameless Shema and approved by the clueless leadership of his party. Nigerians should rightly call out and demand a recant and an apology from President Goodluck Jonathan, Dr Bello Haliru Muhammad, Shehu Shema and their minders to halt the impending genocide.

     

     

     

  • Government’s Nonchalant Attitude To Health Workers’ Strike

    The general elections coming up next month seem to   have taken the attention of almost everybody away  from a fundamental issue; an issue that’s very germane, if not the most germane as far as human existence is concerned.

    For the past three and a half months now health workers under the aegis of Joint Health Workers Union (JOHESU) have gone on an indefinite strike owing to non-implementation of the agreement the Federal government reached with them. This strike has paralised our health sector with dire consequences for us as people are dying daily for lack of medical attention.

    As pathetic as this situation is the government appears so unconcerned about the crisis in this critical sector as Mr. President and other key government officials are deeply sunk in the campaign for  the February general elections. For Mr. President and and his supporters all that matters to them now is the re-election of Jonathan as president. This is at the expense of this most important sector.

    But to say that only the government in power is guilty of this nonchalance appertaining to the health workers’ strike is to be economical with the truth. The opposition too is guilty as they are also not talking about the strike. The civil society groups too cannot be said to be showing the expected concern while at the level of the media little are we on the neck of the government to urgently address this situation. Everyone’s focus is on the coming elections.

    Much as the February general election is crucial to our survival as a nation, to neglect the health sector because of the election is, to me, the most preposterous thing to do especially during this period when all sorts of strange deadly diseases are springing up and spreading fast across the continent.

    The nonchalant attitude of the government to the health workers’ strike has further exposed the insensitive and irresponsible nature of the government of the day. Indisputably this ‘I don’t care attitude’ on the part of the government is completely detrimental to public health. No reasonable government will neglect a critical sector like health because of election. This is absolutely illogical and it portrays the government as grossly irresponsible.

    Axiomatically health is wealth. Let the government of president Jonathan know that it’s only those who are alive and healthy that can go out to vote on election day. A sick person who has been denied medical attention cannot go out to vote. Neither will his/her family members that have become psychologically depressed and unstable due to the ill health of their relation, and whose condition has been made worse by the strike action also think of voting.

    Honestly, I have never seen a democratically elected government that has been more irresponsible and nonchalant than that of president Jonathan. And I don’t have apology for saying this. When a government turns a deaf ear to the demand of its health workers to the extent that strike is allowed to become the instrument of negotiation and when the strike is further allowed to linger indefinitely then such a government is a wicked one that doesn’t deserve to be re-elected.

    For God’s sake why would a government has so much penchant for nonchalance? It’s quite worrisome! Jonathan’s administration has become notorious for neglecting the plight of members of this critical sector. And for me this is the height of irresponsibility. I continue to wonder what sorts of advice Mr. President receive from his advisers and whether he himself even takes time to talk to himself.

    This same ‘I don’t care attitude’ was shown to doctors’ strike last year. The government even went as far as sacking the resident doctors during that strike while it threatened fire and brimstone against the doctors. If not for much public outcry that forced the government to rescind that harsh decision it would have been a disaster writ large for our health sector.

    But that strike didn’t go without its accompanying damage as it resulted in many lives being lost while we also lost some of our doctors to foreign countries that are ever ready to hire Nigerian doctors for better treatment. One would therefore have expected a responsible government to avert another strike in the health sector soon after the doctors’ strike. This only goes to show the level of unseriousness of this government about the plight of the people especially as it concerns public health.

    Even if for political reason should government not address the demand of these health workers? This to-hell-with-them posturing shows how insensitive this government is. And this is a government that is seeking re-election! For the electorate that are members of JOHESU will they want this government to come back? Will they vote for a government that has turned a deaf ear to their demand?

    Of course answers to the above questions will be capital No. Thus President GEJ and his PDP should just forget the votes of this constituency unless he quickly addresses their demand. Even if he does, I doubt if they will still feel comfortable to give him their votes. I think he has given them enough maltreatment to lose the votes of that constituency.

    President GEJ must address the demand of JOHESU now without further delay. I have looked at their demand and I sincerely believe that they are not asking for too much. This avoidable strike has been allowed to linger for more than necessary. To avoid further loss of lives and total collapse of the health sector government must respond to health workers now, and positively too. Enough is enough to untimely deaths being recorded daily due to this strike.

  • Why Aregbesola Cannot Lose The Osun 2014 Gubernatorial Case

    Why Aregbesola Cannot Lose The Osun 2014 Gubernatorial Case

    After the August 9, 2014  gubernatorial election which was  convincingly won by Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate, the Returning Officer, Professor Bamitale Omole, in returning Ogbeni Aregbesola, said Aregbesola got 394,684 votes to win the election. His closest contestant was Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Senator Iyiola Omisore, who polled 292,747 votes to emerge second. The candidate in the third position was Alhaji Fatai Akinbade with 8,898 votes.

    Professor Omole said: “Ogbeni Rauf A. Aregbesola of APC, having satisfied the requirements of the law, and scored the highest votes, is hereby declared the winner and is returned elected. After the election results were declared, the PDP candidate petitioned the Osun Election Petition Tribunal claiming there were irregularities in the election and its conduct. By section 285 (6) of the Constitution of Nigeria 1999, as amended in 2011, the original judicial responsibility of handling and disposing within 180 days (6 months) from the date of filing of the petitions (within twenty-one (21) days after the announcement of the final result), of gubernatorial election is rested on the Election Petition Tribunal(equivalent of High Court).

    By section 285(7), an appeal from the decision of an Election Tribunal or Court of Appeal in an election matter must be heard and disposed of within 60 days (2 months) from the date of the delivery of judgment of the Tribunal or Court of Appeal. Of all the poll petitions’ cases, the governorship poll cases have the longest duration of ten (10) months; that is to say six (6) months at the tribunal, two(2) months at the appeal court and two months at the supreme Court.

    From the above declarations of the 1999 Constitution (as amended in 2011), two cases emerged at the Osun Gubernatorial Election Tribunal. One, is the case filed by the PDP and its candidate, Iyiola Omisore, on the alleged irregularities in the conduct of the election; and two, the case brought by APC and its candidate on the lateness of the PDP and its candidate to file their petitions legally. Legal filing must conform to the twenty-one (21) days stipulated by the constitution. No match organizer wants the contest to be won through ‘work over’. PDP and its candidate were not responsive enough to file their petitions within the stipulated time of twenty (21) days but the tribunal gave them the chance to air their views on the conduct of the election, anyway.

    In the process of proving that there were irregularities in the conduct of the August 9, 2014 gubernatorial election, PDP and its candidate in the election were only able to show that there should be higher penalty for “abuse of court process” and not the N50,000.00 (fifty thousand naira) only fined the Labour Party candidate, Niyi Owoade. The Osun Gubernatorial Election Tribunal dismissed Accord Party’s petition in the August 9, 2014 election and a fine ofN50,000.00. This fine may be brought up to forestall future abuse of court process.

    In the Osun Gubernatorial Election Tribunal that took place in the Osogbo High Court premises, the legal team of PDP and Iyiola Omisore turned the court into a cinema theatre and freely entertained the tribunal judges and the whole court with their comedy most of the times that the tribunal sat. In the beginning of the petition, PDP and its candidate (the petitioners) claimed that there were irregularities in all the wards in the state and wanted to inspect the ballot papers to establish irregularities. The tribunal struck out the application of PDP and its candidate to take the entire petition together so as to fast-track pre-hearing.

    The petitioners claimed they had 1200 witnesses at the beginning of the tribunal sitting. This was later reduced to 500 out of which they were only able to invite 43.  The witnesses invited were not coherent in their submissions. The comedy of the one-sided case was in the presentation of experts, evidences and witnesses. The forensic expert procured by the petitioners in the petition, Mr Pius Bakare, could not prove how he became an expert in fingerprint analysis. This can only be done through certificate or work-experience.

    The witnesses were in court during the morning session of one of the sittings, but in the afternoon session, when they were expected to give evidence before the tribunal, none of them was seen. When tribunal members resumed from their break at exactly 2:30 pm, the PDP legal team discovered that the witnesses had left the court premises. Some members of the PDP legal team, including Otunba Ojo Williams, quickly rushed out of the court to call the witnesses back to the court. The lead counsel of the petitioner, Mr Chris Uche (SAN), appealed profusely to the court for the delay, as the witnesses were not on ground, admitting that “this is not good for us at all”.

    When the delay was becoming unbearable, the tribunal Chairman, Elizabeth Ikpejeme, stood down the case, rose and asked the petitioners’ counsel to inform them when they were ready with their witnesses. It took about 15 minutes before the legal team could get the witnesses back to court after several appeals and assurances. After the witnesses were gotten back to court, the tribunal resumed sitting and the petitioners resumed calling of their witnesses. The witnesses intentionally varnished because they were scared of what they would face from the Aregbesola’s counsel having heard from witnesses who had earlier given evidence.

    In cross-examining the witnesses in the morning session on the day the witnesses disappeared, a PDP witness from Oriade Local Government Council Area, Mr Oluwaseun Fapohunda, stunned the tribunal, when during cross-examination, he said that Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola voted at his polling unit in Oriade Local Government Council Area, whereas Aregbesola voted in Ilesa in Ilesa East Local Government Council Area. Mr Fapohunda, who claimed he voted in Unit 14, Ward 3, of Oriade Local Government Council Area, was asked to show the tribunal his allegation of over-voting, which he claimed was apparent in his witness statement on oath, failed to do so even when he was obliged a reading glasses by the petitioner’s counsel, Kunle Adegoke Esq. He also stated that he did not have any pictures of canopies erected in each of the polling units, where APC members were winning and dinning.

    For Mr. Adejare Moshood, he confessed during cross-examination that he could not see any super-imposition of any result in Exhibit 192 and 207 which was the result tendered for all the units and wards, contrary to paragraph 5 of his statement on oath. When asked what he meant by super-imposition, he said” when you see something bad and you complain about it and nobody attends to it”.

    Habeeb Trimisiyu Oluwafemi, Supervisor in Ward 4 Ayedaade Local Government Council Area claimed he voted in Unit 4. He claimed in his witness statement on oath that agents of APC were busy awarding votes arbitrarily to the respondents. When he was asked to mention the name of those agents, he said he did not know them. He was further asked to point out the genuine votes and the inflated votes as claimed in his witness statement on oath, which he said he cannot identify. He also testified to the effect that when votes were counted in his unit or anywhere in his ward, he was not present and when it was being recorded, he was not in any unit.

    It was also a bad day for an old man, Rasaki Olawuni, who claimed to be a party agent in Unit 1, Ward 3, Ayedaade Local Government Council Area. He stated in his witness statement on oath that unregistered voters were allowed to vote; that PDP supporters were chased away from the polling unit and others were intimidated. During cross examination, he claimed he could neither read nor write, but could see his name on the voters’ register and no other. He also confirmed that he did not have the voter’s card of those PDP members that were prevented from voting, neither did he have the names of PDP members that were intimidated and harassed, contrary to his affidavit sworn to.

    He further stated that he was not allowed to sign the result sheet and was not given a copy either. Chief Akin Olujinmi (SAN) then asked him that since he did not sign the result and copy was not given to him, he would not know the result contained in Form EC8A. He answered in the affirmative. Chief Olujinmi further confronted him with paragraph 4, which alleged over-voting in his statement on oath, which he could not find answer to. The last straw was the revelation by Chief Akin Olujinmi (SAN) that he was not the party agent at that unit; that it was Bolarinwa Ebenezer, whose name was sent by PDP and he was the one that signed Form EC8A. Contrary to his claim that he did not collect copy of the result in his unit, he was shown the duplicate of the result signed by Bolarinwa Ebenezer tendered by PDP counsel. It is rather too absurd and inconceivable that a petitioner would claim irregularities in 85 polling units of the 105 of a local government council area will call only 3witnesses, whose only evidence is, in most cases, by proxy, or hear­say. These are clearly inadmissible in law. As a petitioner’s witness, by definition, you ought to be the first-hand witness to the event in contention. You are not supposed to present third party information. And even then, calling 3 witnesses representing only 3 polling units of the alleged 85 units Ikire in Irewole Local Government Council Area, for example, is nothing but ridicule and abuse of court process. The picture painted above also represents what the petitioner was claiming in virtually all the other local government council areas contested.

    From the above analysis done on a local government by local government basis, it is crystal clear that out of 965 polling units being challenged by the petitioners, they only called evidence in support of their petition in only 239 polling Units with the abandonment of 726 polling units pleaded in their petition. Assuming, without conceding, that the Petitioners have led credible evidence in all the 239 polling units (which is not the case here), is that enough to sway the judgment in their favour?

    239 Polling Units represent 7.94 per cent of the 3,010 polling units contained in the state. This is definitely too insignificant to upturn the result of the gubernatorial election held on August 9, 2014. To make matters worse, the petitioners tendered Form EC8A in respect of only 230 units which mean that even if their claim suc­ceeds in respect of the 239 Polling Units in which evidence was led, the Tribunal can only rule in their favour in respect of the said 230 Polling Units in which Form EC8A was tendered. But they failed to prove allegations of wrongdoings in all.

    In his final submission on Friday, January 23, 2014, Chief Akin Olujinmi, the lead counsel to the petitioner, proved that the exercise was an effort in futility and urged the court to strike out this case. He opined that even where the results of the 965 polling units being challenged by the petitioners were cancelled, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola would still win in two-third of the local governments in the state and still lead the petitioner by simple majority. This means that Aregbesola will still ‘satisfy the requirements of the law’ to be declared winner. The results of all the 965 polling units were not addressed in the court as only 230 units were addressed and evidenced even wrongly. These are the premise to say that Ogbeni Aregbesola cannot lose this case. Thank you.

    Yours faithfully,

     

    •Oyedele wrote in from  Osogbo, State of Osun.

     

  • Before Oil Runs Dry: Options For The Development Of The South-West Of Nigeria

    Before Oil Runs Dry: Options For The Development Of The South-West Of Nigeria

    The Case for Restructuring the Political Economy

    Our incipient economic crisis triggered by declining oil revenues calls into question our entire governance model and political economy which revolves round the distribution  of oil rents. The elite consensus and the political architecture that have informed how Nigeria works (or does not work as the case may be) have long been overdue for review. The current crisis offers us an opportunity to do just that and to restart the stalled conversation about the necessity of a truly productive federal order and create a new template for organizing the republic. In order to begin this conversation from the proper point, we must entertain a brief historical excursion that examines how we got to where we are.

    During the First Republic, regional federalism was the order of the day. Nigeria was divided into three (then subsequently four) regions each with a great degree of autonomy to organize their affairs as they saw fit. The regions enjoyed fiscal autonomy, constructing their social economies based on the taxation of the economic activities carried out within their territories. They had control over the nature and forms of their development and how they could explore latent and evident potentials in their environment to maximize on the most effective ways to deliver the goods of governance to their people.

    The regions had their own constitutions, had total control over and regulated issues relating to education, agriculture, healthcare, taxation, and other significant aspects of their existence. Yet they subscribed to a central authority that held the exclusive right to make decisions pertaining to defence and a few other select issues. The regions were in charge of the resources that they generated, could develop at their own pace and according to the manner that they deemed fit, while contributing a percentage of their revenue towards the keeping of the centre afloat.

    A new order commenced in 1966 with the first military intervention that terminated the First Republic. Under the military, governance was centralized, the regions were abolished and their tax-based social economies along with them. What emerged then was a militaristic-unitary state built atop the ruins of the old regional federalism and a new economy based on the proceeds of selling crude oil on the world market. Where regional authorities had previously harnessed their internal resources and the energies of their people to propel development, there arose a federal military government which shared the revenues from crude oil sales to states which were now administered not as autonomous federating units but as subsidiary and subordinate departments.  The primacy of the federal government would be decisively established over the course of decades to the extent that local and regional autonomy became virtually politically incorrect.

    Provoked by the internecine anarchy and violent political conflict that characterized the First Republic’s last days, the military resolved no federating unit should ever be strong enough to threaten national unity. Accordingly, the military literally dismantled most of the First Republic’s federal structures and adopted a new revenue allocation formula. The power to manage all natural resource (oil, gas, solid minerals) was vested exclusively in the Federal Government. Rights over revenues changed. The regions were divided into states which became the new allocative units for sharing the nation’s wealth. Consequently, the more ‘states’ any group could get, the higher their collective ‘share’ of the national cake. The fiscal viability of the states themselves was not an issue. The verdict confronting now confronting us is that this form of oil-dependent unitarism has reached its expiry date.

    Today, we are faced with the crippling limitations of our “feeding bottle federalism.” An obscure and remote federal authority cannot purport to provide these benefits for all the population. It simply lacks the capacity and the reach to do so effectively in a country as heterogeneous and geographically expansive as Nigeria. The scale of demands are simply too great. We cannot manage and address the aspirations and concerns of over 167 million people from Abuja.  This is one of the reasons why developmental efforts authored by the federal government, despite the huge sums committed to them by successive administrations have failed. Real development emanates from the people’s perceptions of their own problems and their willingness to take responsibility for solving them.

    For development policies to work, the people have to take ownership of them and drive their execution. For this to be the case, the development goals have to be generated right at the grassroots by the citizenry and tally with their own needs and aspirations. It is a process that flows from the bottom to the top. The imperative is the restructuring of the Nigerian state in line with the core principles of decentralization – Subsidiarity, Fiscal Federalism and Cooperative Federalism; which provide for governance matters to be handled by the smallest, lowest or least centralized authority capable of addressing the matter effectively. In other words, in the Nigeria of the future, the central government should have a subsidiary function, performing only tasks which cannot be effectively performed at a more immediate or local level. The various levels of government would thus interact cooperatively to solve common problems.

     

    The Necessity of Economic Diversification

    A case can certainly be made that oil wealth has made us lazy and unimaginative given the bountiful resources with which Nigeria is blessed. Consider solid minerals and agriculture, two sectors brimming with potential but which have suffered great neglect because of the obsession with oil. In fact, agriculture is already this country’s biggest employer and could become even more significant if more effort is devoted to it. It could help address the problem of unemployment. Solid minerals are equally largely untouched.

    However, the biggest resource we have is demographic. We have a youthful working age population that needs to have their energies unleashed. The challenge is to take this population and turn it into human capital to drive development. Zero-natural resource economies such as Japan have been able to successfully harness their human capital with great economic advancement to show for it. Already, the informal sectors as well as youth-led economic sectors such as Nollywood have proven that the Nigerian youth need little incentive from government to thrive. We can all therefore imagine what a functional power sector can do in stimulating creativity and industry at the grassroots. The successful reform of the power sector holds the key to unlocking the potential inherent in our country’s youth bulge. On the other hand, our failure to direct the energies of our teeming youth appropriately would keep them undermined and vulnerable to the inducement of being used as fodder in the cannon of fundamentalists who seek to destabilize our great country.

    No country can prosper by being a net exporter of natural resources. Nigeria, like all mono-resource export economies is extremely vulnerable to fluctuations in world commodity prices. However wealthy oil has made us now, we must understand that it is a finite resource. Its exploitation for sale is a primary economic activity that is subject to the laws of diminishing returns because natural resources are exhaustible or can be rendered irrelevant by innovation. Manufacturing is the key. We have to resuscitate our industries. The path of growth lies with value-added economic activities of manufacturing.

     

    Diversity and Decentralization as two Sides of the Same Coin

    The need to diversify our economy and the necessity of decentralizing the governance are coterminous imperatives. Indeed, one cannot occur without the other. We cannot diversify the economy without decentralizing governance. In the emergent post-oil-centered dispensation, a regime of fiscal federalism which devolves economic power to states and municipalities is now imperative. States have to depend on internally sourced revenue and taxable productive endeavour as against federal largesse. We must see that our prime economic resource is neither oil nor solid minerals but human capital – productive citizens whose entrepreneurial endeavours create wealth and whose taxes fund governance. The principal task of the government is to create an enabling environment that permits citizens to actualize their economic and entrepreneurial potential.

    Thus, fiscal federalism incentivizes smart governance because unlike the current order in which state governors are judged by their ability to distribute patronage, a new order which offers scant resources for patronage immediately levies a demand on local elites to supply the developmental deliverables that make life meaningful. Fiscal federalism, by its very nature, incentivizes productivity and de-emphasizes patronage. By the same token, a tax-paying citizenry whose hard earned funds oil the machinery of public administration will necessarily motivated to adequately interrogate that administration, to ascertain how their taxes are being spent and to hold politicians accountable. In sum, economic diversification and political decentralization will have the effect of strengthening our democracy.

    Since 1999, it has become increasingly clear that a number of our national developmental objectives now fall within the purview of states rather than the federal government. What we need now is for this recognition to become institutionalized through the devolution of powers and resources from the centre. As states are unshackled from federal control, they will become freer to engage in regional and inter-state collaborations to meet the scale of the demand on the ground.

    We may not be able to re-establish the regional architecture of the First Republic today. State governments and local governments as presently constituted have existed long enough to have developed institutional and political lives of their own. Abolishing or reconfiguring them in order to recreate the regional dynamic of the First Republic will be politically onerous. But this does not mean that we cannot create forms of regional cooperation among political leaders, civil society actors and stakeholders to chart a path forward. Moreover, a confluence of economic, social and political pressures may make the transition towards regionalization a fait accompli. Economically unviable states will cease to exist by merging with others to form new regions and consequently regional hubs that will multiply the economy’s centres of gravity.